ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS 15 Studia Iranica Upsaliensia

ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS 15 Studia Iranica Upsaliensia
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS
Studia Iranica Upsaliensia
15
Discourse Features
in Balochi of Sistan
(Oral Narratives)
Revised Version
BEHROOZ BARJASTEH
DELFOROOZ
Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Ihresalen (21-0011),
Engelska Parken, Thunbergsvägen 3, Uppsala, Saturday, October 2, 2010 at 10:15 for the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English.
Abstract
Barjasteh Delforooz, B. 2010. Discourse Features in Balochi of Sistan (Oral Narratives). Acta
Universitatis Upsaliensis. Studia Iranica Upsaliensia 15. 398 pp. Uppsala. ISBN 978-91-5547870-4
This work presents a first study of discourse features in Balochi narratives of Sistan. Discourse analysis investigates what are the properties that make for well-formed texts in a language. There are many approaches to discourse analysis and most approaches focus on a
particular aspect of text formation. The approach to text linguistics or discourse analysis taken
in this work is based on Dooley and Levinsohn’s Analyzing Discourse: A manual of basic
concepts (2001). Their methodology has been refined over years of practical use and, among
diverse methodologies; they follow a functional and cognitive approach. In this dissertation,
Roberts’ (2009) application of Dooley and Levinsohn’s methodology to Persian is followed in
the study of our Sistani Balochi text corpus.
In chapters 2-7 this approach is applied to Balochi narrative texts. Chapter two introduces
the reader to the discourse-pragmatic structuring of sentences in BS and chapter three shows
how different syntactic devices can distinguish foreground and background information in BS
oral texts. In chapter four we study the deixis of time and place and how the concept of proximal and distal deixis applies across a range of deictic elements. Chapter five examines some
basic connectives and how they link propositions in the discourse context, and in chapter six
represented speech is studied. Chapter seven illustrates how different participants are introduced into a discourse and how their activation status is signalled throughout the discourse.
Appendix 1 contains details of the Balochi text-corpus used, and Appendix 2 contains interlinearized versions of ten of the main texts used in the study. A CD with nine audio files
and one video file of the ten texts from Appendix 2, plus one extra video file, is also included.
Keywords: Balochi, discourse studies, oral narratives, text linguistics, information structure,
syntax, descriptive linguistics, fieldwork, Iranian languages
Behrooz Barjasteh Delforooz, Department of Linguistics and Philology, Box 635, Uppsala
University, SE-75126 Uppsala, Sweden
© Behrooz Barjasteh Delforooz 2010
ISSN 1100-326X
ISBN 978-91-554-7870-4
urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-129832 (http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-129832)
Printed in Sweden by Edita Västra Aros, Västerås 2010.
In memory of
H. S. Nyberg (1889-1974)
and
to my wife, Eliza
and my children,
Gazaleh, Kourosh, and Taraneh
“Honor the Baloch”
PAUL TITUS (1998)
Contents
Acknowledgements ....................................................................................... 13
Abbreviations ................................................................................................ 15
1.
Introduction ......................................................................................... 17
1.1 A historical survey of the Baloch of Sistan ..................................... 17
1.2 The Balochi language...................................................................... 19
1.2.1 The position of Balochi among Iranian languages ................ 19
1.2.2 Balochi dialects ...................................................................... 20
1.2.3 The number of Balochi speakers ........................................... 21
1.3 Previous research on the Balochi of Sistan ..................................... 22
1.4 Purpose of the study ........................................................................ 23
1.5 Theoretical remarks......................................................................... 24
1.6 Material ........................................................................................... 25
1.7 Layout of the study ......................................................................... 28
2.
Discourse-Pragmatic Structuring of Sentences.................................... 29
2.1 Sentence articulation ....................................................................... 32
2.1.1 Topic-comment articulation ................................................... 32
2.1.2 Focus-presupposition articulation .......................................... 33
2.1.3 Thetic sentences ..................................................................... 35
2.2 Left-dislocated elements and points of departure ........................... 37
2.2.1 Preposing of adverbial elements ............................................ 38
2.2.1.1
Temporal points of departure ..................................... 39
2.2.1.2
Spatial points of departure .......................................... 45
2.2.1.3
Referential points of departure ................................... 45
2.2.1.4
Points of departure by renewal (echo) ........................ 47
2.2.1.5
Other situational points of departure .......................... 48
2.2.2 Vocatives ............................................................................... 51
2.2.3 Short replies ........................................................................... 51
2.2.4 Exclamations.......................................................................... 52
2.3 Right-dislocated elements and other post-verbal constituents ........ 52
2.3.1 Vocatives ............................................................................... 52
2.3.2 Tails ....................................................................................... 53
2.3.3 Adverbials .............................................................................. 54
2.3.4 Preverbal and postverbal relative clauses .............................. 55
2.3.5 Purpose clause ....................................................................... 56
2.4 Order of constituents in the clause .................................................. 58
2.4.1 Verbal-predicates ................................................................... 59
2.4.1.1
Intransitive predicates ................................................. 59
2.4.1.2
Transitive predicates ................................................... 62
2.4.1.3
Ditransitive predicates ................................................ 62
2.4.1.4
Predicative copula ...................................................... 64
2.4.2 Non-verbal predicates ............................................................ 65
2.4.3 Marked order of constituents in the clause ............................ 65
2.4.3.1
Postposed subject........................................................ 66
2.4.3.2
Postposed object ......................................................... 66
2.4.3.3
Preposed object ........................................................... 68
2.5 Summary ......................................................................................... 71
3.
The Relative Informational Prominence of the Sentences of a Text ... 73
3.1 Foreground and background ........................................................... 73
3.1.1 Events and non-events .............................................................. 76
3.1.2 Signals of kinds of information ................................................ 77
3.1.3 Natural prominence and the verb .............................................. 77
3.1.3.1 Verb types and natural prominence.................................... 77
3.1.3.2 Verbal aspect and background versus foreground ............. 78
3.2 Foreground and background in BS narrative .................................. 79
3.2.1 The BS verb system .................................................................. 79
3.2.2 Non-event information in BS narratives ................................... 82
3.2.3 Subordinate clauses in BS narratives ........................................ 89
3.2.4 Verb types in BS narratives ...................................................... 91
3.2.5 Tense and aspect in BS narratives ............................................ 94
3.2.6 Application to XM and PJ texts .............................................. 108
3.3 Highlighting of sentences.............................................................. 113
3.4 Summary ....................................................................................... 122
4.
Deixis ................................................................................................. 123
4.1 Proximal and distal deixis ............................................................. 123
4.2 Time deixis.................................................................................... 124
4.2.1 The general time deictic nūn/annūn ..................................... 124
4.2.2 The specific time deictics mrōčī, bāndā, pōšī and zī ........... 131
4.3 Place deixis and motion verbs ....................................................... 138
4.4 Motion verbs and prospective aspect ............................................ 148
4.5 The demonstratives ē/ēš ‘this’ and ā ‘that’ and discourse deixis .. 150
4.5.1 The functions of ē ‘this’ ....................................................... 151
4.5.1.1
Objective reference ................................................... 151
4.5.1.2
Anaphoric discourse reference ................................. 153
4.5.2 The functions of ā ‘that’....................................................... 155
4.5.2.1
Objective reference ................................................... 155
4.5.2.2
Anaphoric discourse reference ................................. 156
4.6
4.5.2.3
Cataphoric discourse reference ................................. 159
Summary ....................................................................................... 159
5.
Logical Relations between Propositions ............................................ 161
5.1 Coordinating conjunctions ............................................................ 162
5.1.1 The associative conjunction wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’ ................. 162
wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’ in chronological sequence ....... 162
5.1.1.1
5.1.1.2
wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’ as simple coordination .............. 166
5.1.1.3
wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’ with result orientation ............... 167
wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’ in adversative contexts .............. 168
5.1.1.4
5.1.2 Disjunctive conjunctions...................................................... 169
5.1.2.1
Disjunctive conjunctions yā ‘or’ and yā … yā ‘either …
or’.............................................................................. 170
5.1.2.2
Disjunctive conjunction na … na ‘neither … nor’ ... 172
5.1.3 The additive conjunction ham/(=)am/=um ‘also, too’ ...... 173
5.2 Adversatives .................................................................................. 184
5.2.1 The countering amā ‘but’ .................................................... 185
5.2.1.1
amā as contrast ......................................................... 185
amā as contraexpectation.......................................... 188
5.2.1.2
5.2.2 The countering walē/wali/balē ............................................. 189
5.2.2.1
walē as contraexpectation ......................................... 189
walē as contrast......................................................... 191
5.2.2.2
5.2.2.3
walē with contrafactual statements ........................... 192
5.2.3 The limiting particle maga ................................................... 193
5.2.4 The disjunctive conjunction (ki/ta) bārēn ............................ 198
5.3 Purpose-reason-result connectives ................................................ 200
5.3.1 The conjunction ki ............................................................... 200
ki plus subjunctive signifying a means-purpose
5.3.1.1
relationship .......................................................................... 200
5.3.1.2
ki plus preterite/perfect signifying a result-reason
relationship .......................................................................... 202
5.3.1.3
pa ēšī ki introducing a reason ................................... 204
5.3.2 The conjunction čūn/čōn...................................................... 204
5.4 Connectives that constrain a developmental interpretation........... 205
5.4.1 The developing connective āxir/āxar, āxirā/āxarā, bilaxara 205
5.4.2 The developing connectives guṛā/guṛān, bād ...................... 208
5.4.3 The developing connective bass .......................................... 210
5.4.4 The developing connective xayr .......................................... 212
5.5 Summary ....................................................................................... 213
6.
Represented speech in narratives ....................................................... 215
6.1 Formal features of represented speech .......................................... 215
6.1.1 Direct speech ....................................................................... 221
6.1.2 Indirect speech ..................................................................... 222
6.1.3 Semi-direct speech ............................................................... 224
6.2 Functions and usage of represented speech .................................. 225
6.2.1 Direct speech marked with ki .............................................. 226
6.2.2 Patterns of speech encoding ................................................. 233
6.3 Summary ....................................................................................... 240
7.
Participants in Narratives................................................................... 241
7.1 Activation status of referents ........................................................ 241
7.2 Introduction/Activation of participants ......................................... 242
7.2.1 Major participant introduction ............................................. 242
7.2.2 Minor participant introduction ............................................. 247
7.2.2.1
Non-accessible minor participants............................ 248
7.2.2.2
Accessible minor participants................................... 249
7.2.3 Props .................................................................................... 250
7.2.3.1
Non-marked prop introduction ................................. 250
7.2.3.2
Marked prop introduction ......................................... 251
7.3 Reference of activated participants and reactivation..................... 252
7.3.1 Participant identification and tracking in Khudānizar Khān .. 258
7.3.2 Participant identification and tracking in Baxt-ay padā.......... 269
7.4 Summary ....................................................................................... 277
8.
General Conclusions .......................................................................... 279
8.1 Conclusions ................................................................................... 279
8.2 Outlook for future research ........................................................... 282
Appendix 1: Text Corpus Details ............................................................... 283
Appendix 2: Balochi Interlinearized texts .................................................. 285
References ................................................................................................... 393
List of Tables, Maps and Charts
Maps
1.1
1.2
Iranian and Afghani Sistan
Dialect areas of Balochi
19
21
Tables
1.1
1.2
1.3
1.4
2.1
2.2
2.3
3.1
3.2
3.3
3.4
3.5
3.6
3.7
3.8
4.1
4.2
4.3
Population of Iranian Sistan
Texts used in the studies
Vowels
Consonants
Temporal making devices in Xarmizza
Temporal making devices in Pīr ǰangī
Temporal making devices in Sulaymān u Sulaymān
Scale of transitivity of a clause
Scale of activity
Balochi verb system
Finite forms of the verb in BT (and BS)
Usage of tense-aspect in the selected narrative data
Foregrounding and backgrounding devices in Xarmizza
Foregrounding and backgrounding devices in Pīr ǰangī
Coding material in BS narratives
Three-term deictic system of BS
Motion verbs and deictic centre of location in the PJ text
Number of proximal and distal demonstratives within the first
six texts
6.1
Speeches from Xarmizza that are marked with ki
6.2
Speeches from Pīr ǰangī that are marked with ki
6.3
Speeches from Khudānizar Khān that are marked with ki
6.4A Speeches from Baxtay padā that are marked with ki
6.4B Embedded speeches from Baxtay padā that are marked with ki
6.5
Speech orienter clauses in Xarmizza
6.6
Patterns of speech encoding in Xarmizza
6.7
Speech orienter clauses in Pīr ǰangī
6.8
Patterns of speech encoding in Pīr ǰangī
6.9
Speech orienter clauses in Khudānizar Khān
18
26
27
27
40
42
44
74
75
80
81
95
110
111
113
138
147
151
227
228
229
230
230
234
234
235
236
236
6.10
6.11
6.12
7.1
7.2
Patterns of speech encoding in Khudānizar Khān
237
Speech orienter clauses in Baxtay padā
238
Patterns of speech encoding in Baxtay padā
239
Number of clauses and encoding references in each context
(KH)
266
Number of clauses and encoding references in each context (BP)
274
Charts
7.1
7.2
Reference tracking chart of participants within the narrative
of Khudānizar Khān
Reference tracking chart of participants within the narrative
of Baxtay padā
262
269
Acknowledgements
My interest in Balochi goes back to my school time in Zabol in the 1970s
with Baloch and Brahui classmates, but it was only in 1998 that I really got
involved in Balochi. I remembered the folktales which were told to me by
different people in the Sistani dialect of Persian, which I really enjoyed. This
was the basis for my starting point to collect Balochi folktales and work on
the rich Balochi oral traditions in Sistan from 1998. Considering my collected data, in 2007 Dr. John Roberts and Dr. Ivan Lowe from SIL International
encouraged me to work on a study of discourse features in Balochi oral narratives. This book is the result of my intensive research on this subject during the past three years.
My special thanks go to my main supervisor, Professor Carina Jahani, Uppsala, for her invaluable and constant encouragement, support, and patience
over the years, and for never giving up on me. I am very grateful to Dr. John
Roberts, SIL International, my external supervisor, for his great scholarly
guidance and assistance throughout the entire project either by coming from
England to Sweden or through online audio-video connections by Skype. I
am also grateful to Professor Anju Saxena, my external supervisor at Uppsala University, and to Dr. Robert A. Dooley for their helpful comments and
advice.
I am greatly indebted to the persons who have also been involved in the task
of making my English acceptable. Professor Carina Jahani kept checking the
manuscript for English accuracy and Dr. John Roberts corrected the final
version. All resemblance to proper English is to their credit. I alone am responsible for any shortcomings in the book.
I would like to thank my wife, Eliza Arbab and my daughters, Ghazaleh and
Taraneh, and my son Kourosh, for bearing with me during the whole period
of my work on the dissertation, although I know that my appreciation is a
small token in view of their great love.
I am also obliged to Dr. Agnes Korn and Dr. Christian Rammer for providing the maps for the dissertation. I would also like to thank my friends Professor Abdulaziz Lodhi, Dr. Mehrdad Fallahzadeh and Dr. Dariush Kargar at
Uppsala University for their help in different ways.
13
I also wish to acknowledge the financial support I received from the Scholarship Foundation of Professor H. S. Nyberg and the Helge Ax:son Johnson
Foundation which was of great help during part of my work.
Sincere thanks also to the officials of the University of Sistan and Baluchestan (USB) and the Iranian Ministry of Science, Research and Technology for giving me seven years of leave from my position as a lecturer at the
USB.
Finally, I would like to thank all my friends and informants in Sistan, especially Parviz Sarabandi, Paraddin Gorgej, Khan Mohammad Rakhshani, Haji
Dost Zerkari, Lal Mohammad Shahakzi, and Abd-ul-Ghias Gorgej.
14
Abbreviations
ADJ
ADV
ATTR
BS
BT
CAUS
CMP
COP
DEF
DEM
DO
DS
EMPH
EXCL
FCOP
FIP
GEN
IMF
IMFk
INCL
IND
INF
IO
IS
LDP
LOC
MIR
MS
N
NEG
NP
OBJ
OBL
ORD
PC
PF
adjective
adverb
attributive form of an adjective
Balochi of Sistan
Balochi of Turkmenistan
causative
comparative degree
predicative copula
definite
demonstrative pronoun
direct object
direct speech
emphatic particle
exclusive pronoun
full form of the predicative copula
focus initial position
genitive
imperfective
aspectual morphological prefix of imperfectivity
inclusive pronoun
indefinite
infinitive
indirect object
indirect speech
left-dislocated position
locative/adverb or NP of place
mirative particle
manuscript
noun
negative
noun phrase
object
oblique
ordinal numeral
pronominal clitic
perfect (present)
15
PL
PLPF
PN
PoD
PP
PREV
PROH
PRS
PRSP
PRT
PST
PSTP
RDP
REF
Sec
SG
S
SUB
SUBJ
TAM
TEMP
TOP
V
VIP
VOC
16
plural
pluperfect
pronoun
point of departure
pre/postpositional phrase
preverb
prohibitive particle
present
present participle
preterite
past
past participle
right-dislocated position
reflexive pronoun
section
singular
subject
conjunction of general subordination
subjunctive
tense-aspect-mood
temporal/adverb or NP of time
topicalizing spacer
verb
very important participant
vocative
1.
Introduction
1.1
A historical survey of the Baloch of Sistan
Historically, the arrival of the Baloch in Sistan is not very clear, but according to early muslim writers, the mountains southeast of Kerman were mainly
inhabited by people who did not speak Persian and lived in goat-hair tents
keeping flocks. In the 11th and 12th centuries, due to the invasion of Kerman
by the Saljuqs, the Baloch began to migrate eastwards, beyond Makrān to
Sind and Punjab in several waves. These migrations continued for the next
five centuries.
On historiographic and linguistic evidence, the Baloch have probably immigrated from the north (Spooner 1989:607). According to an early muslim
geographer, Istakhri (10th century), the Baloch lived in a separate district of
Kerman and in two districts of Sistan (ibid.:606). However, the first migrations from the Caspian area seem to have started earlier, likely in late Sasanian times, and to have continued in several independent waves over several
centuries. Therefore, these areas, i.e. some districts in Kerman and Sistan,
may have been occupied by Baloch migrants by the 8th century (Elfenbein
1989:634). The Baloch in Sistan and those living southeast and southwest of
them kept in touch throughout the centuries. This can be proved by the
spread of heroic ballads such as those of the Čākar cycle and Mīr Hammal
Jīhand which were formed mainly in the south during the last quarter of the
15th century and throughout the 16th century (ibid.:640-641) but which are
also found among the Baloch in Sistan.
The old historical ballads of the Baloch probably go back to the 16th century
and provide them with a ‘true Islamic’ genealogy (Jahani & Korn 2009:634).
According to these ballads, the Baloch are of Arabic origin from Aleppo and
after a seemingly imaginary period of fighting on the side of Imam Hussein
against the Caliph Yazid at Karbalā, they left Karbalā and reached Sistan
where they settled in the region of Rūdbār in peace under the rule of “Šamsal-Dīn” who was friendly to them. Because of the next ruler, “Badr-al-Din”,
who was hostile to them, some of the Baloch went southeastward and some
went southwestward (Elfenbein 1989:640).
17
The migrations back and forth may have continued during the next centuries
because of different reasons. The last ones happened at the end of the 19th
and the beginning of the 20th centuries from Sistan to Turkmenistan (Axenov
2006:19), as well as in Reza Shah’s time, from 1928 onwards, from Iranian
Balochistan to Pakistani Balochistan. Migration also took place at different
times during the 20th century from Sistan to Khorasan and Golestan provinces, mainly because of prolonged droughts and, in 1979 and subsequent years
from Afghanistan to Iran after the Soviet invasion.
The exact size of the Baloch population in Sistan is not known since there
are no statistical data according to ethnic groups, but an approximate estimation is possible. According to the Statistical Centre of Iran (SCI) the population of Sistan and Balochistan in 1385/2006 was 2 405 742 which is predicted to have increased to 2 733 205 by 1389/2010. The population of Iranian
Sistan with its two cities, i.e. Zabol and Zahak according to the latest statistics from 2006 is shown in Table 1.1. Our estimation for the Baloch population is at least 25% of the whole population of Sistan, i.e. about 100 000.
They mostly live near the Afghan border.
Table 1.1. Population of Iranian Sistan
1385/2006
Zabol
Zahak
Total
urban
153 742
rural
174 593
unsettled
982
urban
11 401
rural
60 061
unsettled
?
Total
329 317
71 462
400 779
http://www.amar.org.ir/Upload/Modules/Contents/=asset23/jkh/table04Os11.xls
The Central Statistics Organization (CSO) of Afghanistan gives the population 148 000 for the Nimruz province in 2009, 61% of which are Baloch, i.e.
about 90 000. They nowadays mostly inhabit the valley of the river Hilmand
in Nimruz including five main districts, i.e. Chaharburjak, Zaranj, Kang,
Chakhansur, and Khash Rod.1 The total population of the Balochi speakers is
therefore likely to amount to about 200 000 both in Iranian and Afghani
Sistan altogether (see Map 1.1).
1
http://www.cso.gov.af/demography/population.html
http://www.mrrd.gov.af/nabdp/Provincial%20Profiles/Nimroz%20PDP%20Provincial%20pro
file.pdf
18
Map 1.1. Iranian and Afghani Sistan
1.2
The Balochi language
1.2.1
The position of Balochi among Iranian languages
From a historical point of view, Balochi belongs to the so-called northwestern group of Iranian languages which also includes other new Iranian
languages such as Kurdish, Zazaki, Gilaki, Mazandarani, and Taleshi,
whereas Persian, Lori, Bakhtiari, etc., are classified as south-western Iranian
19
languages.2 Geographically, Balochi is now spoken in the south-eastern part
of the Iranian language area. The north-western group shares some characteristics with each other and with the Middle Iranian language Parthian
(Korn 2003:49). Korn (2005:329-330) puts Balochi, in addition to Kurdish,
in a position between the north-western and the south-western Iranian languages and calls them “Transitional western Iranian languages”. She further
suggests more studies on the historical morphology of Balochi and the history of neighbouring Iranian languages in order to confirm this position.
1.2.2
Balochi dialects
Axenov (2006: 21-22) gives a brief history of the scientific dialect divisions
suggested for Balochi from 1889 to 2003. Here we are going to mention the
latest and the most scholarly accepted divisions and subdivisions of the Balochi language (see Map 1.2). The three main dialects of Balochi are Western (or Rakhshani), Southern (or Makrani), and Eastern Balochi (Barker &
Mengal 1969:I:xxv; Carleton & Carleton 1987:9; Jahani 2001:59, 2003:117;
Jahani & Korn 2009:636).
Elfenbein (1966) divides Balochi into six major dialects on the basis of phonology, morphology, syntax, and lexicon. Later, he repeats the same dialect
description with the correction of Loṭūnī to Lāšārī as the name of one of
these dialects (Elfenbein 1989:636-637). The six dialects from north to south
are:
1) Raxšānī with its three subdialects: a) Sarhaddī (including Balochi
of Sistan = BS and Balochi of Turkmenistan = BT); b) Panǰgūrī; c)
Kalātī
2) Sarāwānī
3) Lāšārī
4) Kēchī
5) Coastal dialects
6) Eastern Hill Balochi
Jahani and Korn (2009:637) consider Sarāwānī and Panǰgūrī as transitional
dialects between Western and Southern Balochi in Iran and Pakistan, respectively.
2
Historically, Iranian Languages are divided into three periods: Old (before Alexander’s
invasion), Middle (after Alexander until the Arab invasion), and New (after the Arab invasion
until now).
20
The Balochi of Sistan (BS) which the corpus data for this thesis are in, can
be classified as belonging to the Sarhaddī subdialect of the Raxšānī or Western group of Balochi dialects.
Map 1.2. Dialect areas of Balochi
Note that the dialect areas shown are only tentative. Large areas of land are unsettled
and dialect areas may overlap due to migration, nomadism, etc.
1.2.3
The number of Balochi speakers
Due to the lack of appropriate census data, the exact number of speakers of
Balochi is unknown. Estimations which are now twenty years old were made
by Jahani (1989:93) and Elfenbein (1990/I:1). These give between 4.5 and
4.8, and 3.5 million Balochi speakers, respectively. Considering all limita-
21
tions for such an approximate calculation, this number should have increased
by up to 7 to 10 millions by 2010.
The Balochi speaking area covers a vast territory stretching north to south
from Mari in Turkmenistan to the Gulf States and west to east from the
south-eastern part of Iran to the lower Indus. The main areas where the
Baloch live are in the Province of Sistan and Balochistan in Iran, the Province of Balochistan in Pakistan, and the Provinces of Nimruz and Hilmand in
Afghanistan as well as in the United Arab Emirates and Oman. In each of the
above mentioned countries, Balochi is under the influence of local languages
and the national language of that country.
1.3
Previous research on the Balochi of Sistan
Studies of Balochi are numerous and date back to the nineteenth century, but
almost all of these early studies are on Balochi dialects in Pakistan. For this
study, we just review previous works on BS and BT since we consider them
as closely related subdialects of Rakhshani. I. I. Zarubin published two collections of folktales, Beludžskie skazki, from BT in 1932 and 1949. The transcribed stories are followed by a Russian translation. In 1963 Josef Elfenbein
published A Vocabulary of Marw Baluchi which contains all the words occurring in the published Marw texts including those of Zarubin’s texts.
Elfenbein’s work ‘Report on a Linguistic Mission to Helmand and Nīmrūz’
in 1979 drew attention to the Balochi dialect in Afghan Sistan. After that,
two works dedicated to this dialect were published in 1980 and 1989, respectively. The first one is Baluchi by Tetsuo Nawata with short texts and a brief
description of the phonology and morphology, and the second one is Aus
dem Leben eines jungen Balutschen von ihm selbst erzählt by Georg
Buddruss (1988) with an oral text (a life story) told by a young Baloch from
Afghani Sistan plus a grammatical sketch and a glossary. During the recent
decade two other articles were published in 2003 and 2009 on BS. Both of
them, i.e. ‘Some Thoughts and Material on Balochi in Afghanistan’ and
‘Code-Copying in the Balochi language of Sistan’ were written by Lutz
Rzehak. Rzehak and Naruyi edited Balochi Gālband: Balochi-Pashto-DariEnglish Dictionary written by Abdul Rahman Pahwal and published it as
new edition in 2007. This dictionary is based on the Balochi dialect in Afghani Sistan. There are also a number of books and articles on the Baloch
ethnicity in Afghanistan (see Afghanistan Bibliography, pp. 23-24)3.
3
http://afghanistan-analyst.org/Documents/AfghanistanBibliography2010.pdf [Retrieved 29
July 2010]
22
The most recent work dedicated to BT, which is closely related to BS, is a
Ph.D. thesis, The Balochi Language of Turkmenistan: A corpus-based
grammatical description. It was written by Serge Axenov and defended in
2007 at Uppsala University. This work is the most complete analysis of the
morphology and syntax of BT so far. In addition to the above mentioned
works, there are a small number of other works on ethnography of the
Baloch in Turkmenistan, and the phonology and morphology of BT (see
Axenov 2006:25f).
It can be seen that the works on BS are few and that no discourse study has
been conducted on this dialect or any other dialect of Balochi.
1.4
Purpose of the study
A considerable amount of research has been done on Balochi syntax, phonology and morphology, but, as stated in the previous section, no research
has been undertaken on Balochi discourse structure. This work can therefore
be considered as the first one which focuses on some discourse features of
Balochi oral narrative texts. First, the term ‘discourse’ refers to a broad area
of human life, and has received various interpretations for scholars working
in different disciplines such as sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics, computational linguistics, etc. A linguistic approach to ‘discourse analysis’ is taken
in this study. Secondly, like any other language, Balochi, on the one hand,
uses linguistic devices to produce patterns in communication and, on the
other hand, these patterns have correlations with the circumstances in which
they occur, which are only explainable at the discourse level rather than at
the grammatical level. In other words, we are going to see how speakers of
BS convey meaning in their speeches, and how the addressees understand
meaning from the uttered speeches.
This work deals with various discourse features, such as constituent order,
grounding and information flow, cohesion, represented speech and referentiality realized by linguistic means in the sentence structures found in BS narratives. The present study is based on a corpus of 25 oral narrative texts
listed in §1.6. Appendix 2 contains ten of these texts with glossing and translation. Among the significant features of these oral texts (or spoken discourses) we can mention are modifications to cater to the audience, spontaneous talking and face-to-face encounters, etc., which usually leads to extralinguistic signals such as gesticulation, and rhythm and intonation in
speech.
23
As stated above, this is the first study of discourse structure in Balochi. As a
consequence, this work is introductory and it follows the approach to discourse analysis proposed by Dooley and Levinsohn (2001).
1.5
Theoretical remarks
Whereas syntactic analysis tries to determine what are the properties of wellformed sentences, discourse analysis investigates what are the properties that
make for well-formed texts in a language. Hence, the alternative name for
discourse analysis is text linguistics. This type of research is concerned with
the structure of texts and deduces its explanations for this structure from
within natural texts produced by native speakers. These can be oral or written texts. According to de Beaugrande and Dressler (1981:3-10) a text is
defined as a communicative occurrence which meets seven standards of textuality. These are cohesion, coherence, intentionality, acceptability, informativity, situationality, and intertextuality.
There are many approaches to discourse analysis and most approaches focus
on a particular aspect of text formation. The approach to text linguistics or
discourse analysis taken in this work is based on Dooley and Levinsohn’s
Analyzing Discourse: A manual of basic concepts (2001) (henceforth D&L).
Instead of applying a narrow aspect of text linguistics they take an eclectic
and practical approach to discourse research. Their work demonstrates a
methodology for investigating the following aspects of text composition:
coherence, cohesion, thematic groupings and thematic discontinuities, the
activation status of discourse referents, the discourse-pragmatic structuring
of sentences (e.g. topic and focus), foreground and background information,
signalling relations between propositions, and the tracking of participant
reference. Their approach has been developed over many years and has been
successfully applied by field linguists to languages where little or no discourse research has been undertaken.
According to Levinsohn (2007:2-4), text linguistics has three basic key concepts that motivate the analysis of texts:
1. Choice implies meaning.
2. There is a difference between semantic meaning and pragmatic effects.
3. There are default versus marked phenomena.
24
The first concept is one of the basic principles of a functional approach to
text linguistics, which stipulates that any author has the option of expressing
the same concept in more than one way which cannot be considered as just
stylistic variations. The second principle is about the difference between
semantic meaning of expressions in a given language and the pragmatic effects of expressions in relation to their user. Semantics is the property of
expressions in a given language: what does expression X mean? It is the
inherent or natural meaning of the expression. Pragmatics is meaning in relation to the user of the expression: what does the speaker mean by X? The
third concept is about the contrastive use of default and marked constituents
in clauses and sentences. A marked form is a non-basic or less natural form.
An unmarked form is a basic, default form. Markedness can apply in different linguistic domains, such as the phonological, morphological, syntactic, or
semantic domains. At the discourse level explanations are sought for the use
of marked features at this level.
Roberts (2009:51) says that D&L assume that the way a text is linguistically
organized reflects how the discourse content is stored as a mental representation in the mind. They also take into account that a discourse occurs in a context. Other things that go into the hearers’ mental representation of a discourse
are their prior knowledge of the way things happen in the real world and their
expectations of what the speaker means. In addition, such knowledge and expectations will be based heavily on culture-specific experience.
The dimensions of discourse structure we cover in this study include:
x
x
x
x
x
x
discourse-pragmatic structuring of sentences
foreground and background information and highlighting
deixis in discourse
logical relations between propositions
the reporting of conversation
participant reference and activation status of discourse referents
It is important to mention that for the main research topic of this dissertation
Roberts’ (2009) application of D&L’s methodology to Persian is consulted.
We apply this same methodology in this study of discourse structures in our
Balochi text corpus.
1.6
Material
The language data used for this work are oral narratives. These narratives
include folktales, fables, parables, real-based stories, and religious stories.
25
They are all third person narratives. The data were recorded during 2000 to
2005 in Sistan and transcribed phonemically into a Latin script presented in
Tables 1.3 and 1.4. All the language examples in the dissertation are given in
this phonological transcription. More than a hundred stories, ethnographic
texts, classical and modern poetry, epics and common speech on various
topics were recorded and transcribed. Out of this material, 25 oral texts have
been used as linguistic data for the dissertation. The data are presented in the
book in such a way as to make the corpus accessible also to researchers to
other fields of linguistics than text linguistics and Iranian languages. Poetic
texts were not included in the present study because of the peculiarities of
the poetic language.
The data were recorded from several male informants aged between 40 to
60. They are from both Iranian and Afghan Sistan although the informants
from Afghan Sistan are in the majority as they still continue the tradition of
storytelling. All the informants were aware that their speech was recorded
for an investigation of the Balochi language and folklore, and that the texts
might be published later. Only one of the informants had an academic education and the others were either illiterate or had a traditional religious education, which means that they could read and write basic religious texts.
The following narratives given in Table 1.2 were used in this study. Sample
texts in full versions can be found in Appendix 2.
Table 1.2. Texts used in the study
Balochi title
Xarmizza
Hazrat=i Mūsā u gušnagēn bandag
Baxtay padā
Pīr ǰangī
Khudanizar Khan
Taǰǰāray ǰinikk u pīramarday say zāg
Šēr u say gōk
Pīrēn balōch u uštir
Bādišā Hārūn u čār duzz
Sulaymān u Sulaymān
Sardar Rahmat Khan
Bādišāay zāg u wafādārēn ǰinikk
Kurayzān-ī ǰangay dāstān
Šēr=i xudā u barbar-ī ādišā
Ganība=i ganōkay āsmānak
Nūrdēb
Hazrat=i Mūsā u malang
Ganǰī u aždiyā
26
English title
Melon
Moses and the starving man
Seeking the fortune
Pir Jangi
Khudanizar Khan
The merchant’s daughter and
the old man’s three sons
The Lion and the three cows
The Old Baloch and the camel
King Harun and the four thieves
Solomon and Solomon
Sardar Rahmat Khan
The prince and the faithful wife
The story of Kurayzan’s battle
The lion of God and the king
of Barbar
The story of the crazy Ganiba
Nurdeb
Moses and the dervish
Ganji and the dragon
Reference
XM
MG
BP
PJ
KH
TJ
ŠG
BU
BH
SS
SR
BW
KJ
ŠX
GG
ND
MM
GA
Taǰǰār=i Hindī u Misray zargaray
ǰinikk
Sikandar bādišā
Hazrat=i Mūsā u ābid
Suxančīnay kissa
Hazāra ǰān
Taǰǰār u muzdūr
Har kārē kanay paday pikray kanay
The Indian merchant and
the daughter of the Egyptian
goldsmith
Alexander the King
Moses and the pious man
Story of a talebearer
Dear Hazara
The merchant and the paid
servant
Whatever you do, thinkabout
its result
THMZJ
SŠ
MA
SK
HJ
TM
HK
The transcription system for Balochi of Sistan (BS) in this thesis is as shown
in the following tables. The consonants f and h are only marginally used in
BS (see also Axenov 2006:35-36).
Table 1.3. Vowels
Front
Central
Long
Short
Close
ī
i
Close-mid
ē
Long
Back
Short
Long
Short
ū
u
ō
ā
Open
a
Table 1.4. Consonants
Glottal
kg
Uvular
Velar
ṭḍ
xγ
(h)
čǰ
Affricate
Fricative
(f)
sz
Nasal
m
n
Lateral
approximant
l
Tap
r
Approximant
Retroflex
td
Prepalatal
Dental
pb
Alveolar
Labial
Plosive
w
šž
ṛ
y
27
1.7
Layout of the study
Structurally this work is organized into eight chapters, a bibliography and
two appendices. The present chapter, chapter one, is devoted to a brief account of the classification of the Balochi language within the family of Iranian languages, different approaches to dialect division of Balochi, previous
research on BS, purpose, method and material used in the study. In the introduction a short historical survey of the Baloch of Sistan as well as information about their settlements in the Sistan area are also given.
Chapter two introduces the reader to the discourse-pragmatic structuring of
sentences in BS. In this chapter, concepts such as sentence articulation, leftdislocated elements, right-dislocated elements, and order of constituents in
the clause in BS are discussed and exemplified. The discourse functions of
these various marked constructions are also discussed. Chapter three shows
how different syntactic devices can distinguish foreground and background
information in BS oral texts. In this chapter some devices which are used in
BS narratives for highlighting are also illustrated. Chapter four examines the
deixis of time and place and how the concept of proximal and distal deixis
applies across a range of deictic elements. In proximal deixis the report of
the event is in some way near to the deictic centre of the event and in distal
deixis the report of the event is distant to the deictic centre of the event.
Chapter five examines some basic connectives and how they link propositions in the discourse context. Chapter six deals with represented speech. It
is found that as well as direct and indirect reported speech, some examples
of semi-direct speech occur in BS texts. Semi-direct speech has properties of
both direct and indirect speech. Chapter seven illustrates how different participants are introduced into a discourse and how their activation status is
signalled throughout the discourse. The three activation states discussed are
active, accessible and inactive. An important analysis in this chapter is finding out what is the participant reference tracking strategy employed in BS
discourse. Finally, the last chapter of the study presents conclusions from the
presentation and discussions in the previous chapters.
28
2.
Discourse-Pragmatic Structuring of
Sentences
According to Dooley (1982:307) “Pragmatic structuring”, or as it is now
more commonly called Information Structure (Lambrecht 1994), “is the
organisation of sentences or other linguistic units in relation to context; it
indicates something of how the speaker intends the context to be used in the
interpretation of the sentence. This involves showing how different parts of
the sentence relate to the context and, conversely, identifying items in the
context which relate most directly to the interpretation of the sentence”.
Then he (Dooley 1982:307) states that there are different kinds of indicators
of pragmatic structuring, such as word order, intonation, morphological
markers, and the occurrence or non-occurrence of certain forms.
In order to identify the pragmatic functions of constituent order in the sentence we first of all need to find the default order of constituents in BS. To
do this we used the chart proposed by D&L (2001:45) to display grammatical constituents in the related columns as they appear in the clause. This text
charting reveals that in most cases sentences in BS have relatively few arguments and the default order of constituents is SV for intransitive predicates, and SOV for transitive predicates. These constituents can be reordered
for pragmatic purposes. The position of adverbials of time, place and manner
within the sentence is fairly free, i.e. these peripheral adjunctive PP/NPs can
occur in any of the x positions in (2.1) with regard to the verb and any of its
arguments. Goal arguments also tend to occur in postverbal position.
DO (DEF)
(2.1)
x
(S)
x
IO
x
IO
x
V
x
DO (IND)
By comparing the orders of the adverbial arguments with each other the default order is: Adv. of time - Adv. of place - Adv. of manner. Various kinds
of constituent orders are illustrated in (2.2)-(2.11) (see also §2.4).
29
(2.2)
TJ 163: S + DO + TEMP + IO + V
man ēš-ā
I
činka
waxt bi ar-ā
DEM-OBJ so.many time
to donkey-OBL
mēčēnt-a=un
suckle.CAUS.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I made it suckle a donkey for some time.
(2.3)
BU 31: S + TEMP + IO + modal ADV + DO + V
man dāim
I
trā
bārēn
sangīn-ēn
bār
always you.SG.OBJ perhaps heavy-ATTR load
laḍḍit-ag=un
load.up.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
all the time I, perhaps, loaded you up with heavy loads
(2.4)
KJ 86: S + TEMP + DO + V
arab nūn=am rōbā-ān=a
war-ant
Arab now=also fox-PL=IMF eat.PRS-3PL
even now the Arab eat foxes
(2.5)
KJ 141: TEMP + S + LOC + ADV of Manner + V + ADV of Manner
ažda
šap=u
rōč ažda
šap=u
rōč alī am=ā
eighteen night=and day eighteen night=and day Alī EMPH=DEM
čā-ay
tā
tānā ǰang ku
gušnag=u
tunnag
well-GEN inside alone fight do.PST.3SG hungry=and thirsty
Eighteen nights and days, for eighteen nights and days Ali fought
with demons alone inside the well, hungry and thirsty.
(2.6)
ND 10: TEMP + DO + ADV of Manner + V
yakk šap=ē
gis-ay
dap-ā
sakk bast
one night=IND house-GEN mouth-OBJ hard tie.PST.3SG
one night she closed the door of the house firmly.
(2.7)
THMZJ 98: S + TEMP + PP + LOC + V
ki
man amēša waxt
SUB I
am=ōdā
always time
ša
wat-ī
mard-ay γam-ān
from RFL-GEN man-GEN grief-OBL.PL
sūčinkārī=(y)a4 kan-īn
EMPH=there needlework=IMF do.PRS-1SG
in order that I embroider there all the time from the sorrow of (the
loss of) my husband.
4
A consonant in brackets is often found in these texts. The function of such a consonant in BS
is either as a hiatus filler (y, w, h) or as a double consonant, e.g. after prepositions. Here the
consonant in brackets is always attached to the prefix, suffix, clitic or preposition that causes
it to appear.
30
(2.8)
SS 87: S + LOC + V
ta
ar
say
am=ā
say
sikka am=idā
MIR every three EMPH=DEM three coin EMPH=here
ēr=int
down=COP.PRS.3SG
behold all three, those three coins are lying down here.
(2.9)
KJ 120: S + DO + LOC + V + LOC
ǰinn=u
ǰātū
āyi-rā
am=ōdā
šayīd kurt-ant
jinni=and evil.spirit DEM-OBJ EMPH=there martyr do.PST-3PL
am=ā
ta=(y)i
čā-ā
EMPH=DEM bottom=IZ well-OBL
Jinnis and evil spirits martyred him there, at the bottom of the well.
(2.10) GG 121: S + DO + ADV of Manner + V
ī
inǰ-ā
ē
rang
sātit
DEM lap.cloth-OBJ DEM manner hold.PST.3SG
He held the lap cloth in this manner.
In (2.11) HJ 191 and 192 occur in the middle of the main sentence, i.e. HJ
190 and 193. The order of constituents given here is according to HJ 191a
and 192.
(2.11) HJ 190-192: DO + LOC + LOC.PP + ADV of Manner + V
ammā-rā
am=idā (191a)
we.EXCL-OBJ EMPH=here
š-ī (190)
say.PRS-3SG
he says
tūt=ē
dāšt
tūt-ay
draxt=ē (191b)
mulberry=IND have.PST.3SG mulberry-GEN tree=IND
he had a mulberry (tree), a mulberry tree,
bi=m=ē
tūt-ay
draxt-ā
ē
rang
in=EMPH=DEM mulberry-GEN tree-OBL DEM manner
bast (192)
tie.PST.3SG
here, to this very mulberry tree, he tied us in this manner,
Before discussing indicators of pragmatic structuring, it is necessary to see
in how many ways clauses and sentences are articulated in order to convey
the information.
31
2.1
Sentence articulation
The three basic “articulations of the sentence”, as they are called so by Andrews (1985:77), are topic-comment, focus-presupposition, and presentational articulations. Focus-presupposition is also called identificational articulation by Lambrecht (1994:122) and Levinsohn (2007:18). For presentational and event-reporting sentences Lambrecht (1994:138) uses the term
‘thetic’. As stated, the three sentence articulations have different focal constituents; a general definition of focus is needed before introducing these
articulations. “The focus of an utterance is that part which indicates what the
speaker intends as the most important or salient change to be made in the
hearer’s mental representation” (D&L 2001:62).
2.1.1
Topic-comment articulation
In topic-comment articulation the topic is usually a definite NP which stands
for the known and available information. Lambrecht (1994:127) defines a
topic as:
“A referent is interpreted as the topic of a proposition if IN A
GIVEN DISCOURSE the proposition is construed as being
ABOUT this referent, i.e. as expressing information which is
RELEVANT to and which increases the addressee’s
KNOWLEDGE OF this referent.”
The rest of the sentence or the predicate gives information about the topic,
some or all or which is new. (2.12) illustrates two examples of topiccomment articulation from English and Balochi.
(2.12) a. English:
TOPIC
COMMENT
Queen Elizabeth visited the British Museum yesterday.
b. Balochi: BH 117
bādišā
wat-ī
adris-(s)ā
γalat
dāt
king
REF-GEN address-OBJ incorrect give.PST.3SG
The king gave his address incorrectly.
In (2.12a) Queen Elizabeth is a piece of known information and the topic of
the sentence, whereas visited the British Museum yesterday gives new information about the topic. Similarly in (2.12b), bādšā ‘the king’ is the topic,
whereas wat-ī adris-(s)ā γalat dāt designates the comment that is made about
the topic. Lambrecht also hypothesises that in every language, topiccomment sentences are the default or unmarked way to present information.
32
He (Ibid.:222) also says that “[t]he unmarked subject-predicate (topiccomment) sentence in which the predicate is the focus and in which the subject (plus any other topical elements) is in the presupposition, will be said to
have predicate-focus structure”.
2.1.2
Focus-presupposition articulation
Focus-presupposition or identificational articulation is a kind of articulation
in which, as Andrews (1985:79) states, “the body of the sentence, the presupposition, represents a situation with which the hearer is presumed to be
familiar. The focus NP gives the identity of a participant presumed to be
unknown to the hearer”. (2.13) is an example in English given by D&L
(2001:64-65).
FOCUS
PRESUPPOSITION
(2.13) It was a BEAR that your daughter killed.
In (2.13), that your daughter killed is the presupposition as the hearer knows
that the daughter killed X and this X is identified in It was a BEAR as the
focus of the sentence. (2.13) is a cleft sentence with two clauses, as the focus
concept, i.e. BEAR, is in the first clause. This “argument focus” (Lambrecht
1994:17, 122) can also be signalled by intonation (or primary sentence
stress) without being part of the cleft sentence. The example again is from
D&L (ibid.). (2.14) is the answer to the question “Who killed that bear?”
(2.14) a. Your DAUGHTER killed that bear.
b. Your DAUGHTER did.
c. Your DAUGHTER.
In (2.14abc) the argument focus DAUGHTER is signalled by intonation and
the presupposition killed that bear can be shortened (2.14b) or deleted
(2.14c) “due to it being given (activated) information with little stress”.
In (2.15) there are two cleft sentences, one BU 34-35, with two clauses and
the other, BU 36-39, with four clauses. Here the nomad Baloch is talking to
his camel and focuses on ēš ‘this’ which refers to the reasons previously
given by which the camel had been exhausted. The other clauses are presuppositional and exist in the hearers’ mental representation.5
5
For the value of the copula verb and cleft constituents see Tullio (2006:484f).
33
(2.15) BU 34-39: Focus-presupposition sentence
ēš=int
DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
it is for this reason
ta
lāgar būt-ay=u
you.SG thin be.PST-2SG=and
(that) you have become thin and
ēš=int
DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
it is for this reason
ta
annūn zapakī
būt-ay=u
you.SG now exhausted be.PST-2SG=and
(that) you have become exhausted now and
kapt-ay=u
fall.PST-2SG=and
you have fallen down and
annūn=a mir-ay
now=IMF die.PRS-2SG
now you are dying.
(2.16) operates like a pseudo-cleft construction in English. For example,
what I like for breakfast is a cold pizza is an English pseudo-cleft construction. In this example what is the focus of the main clause and I like __ for
breakfast is the presupposed information. The content of the focus information is in the complement of the copula, i.e. a cold pizza. In (2.16) čīz=ē
is the focus of the main clause and hast=ī is the presupposition. The content
of the focus information is ki xudāwand=i mutaāl ē zulm-ā kurt-a=ī.
(2.16) BU 67-68
ē
čīz=ē
hast=ī
DEM thing=IND exist.PRS.3SG=PC.3SG
This is a thing
ki
xudāwand=i mutaāl
SUB God=IZ
ē
zulm-ā
exalted DEM cruelty-OBJ
kurt-a=ī
do.PST-PSTP=PC.3SG
that the exalted God has done (such a) cruel deed.
Example (2.17) as a cleft sentence is the complement of the deleted perception verb dīst ‘he saw’. The hearer has already been informed in PJ 21-22
34
that pīr ǰangī šut bi yak giyābān=ē kapt ‘Pir Jangi went and ended up in a
desert’. His Holiness Omar does not know that and when he goes and
searches for Pir Jangi, he sees that someone has ended up somewhere. That
person is Pir Jangi who is activated and is in focal position. So pīr ǰangī in
clause PJ 37 is focus and kapta ‘has ended up’ is the shortened version of the
presupposition ki idā/ōdā kapta ‘who has ended up here/there’.
(2.17) PJ 37-38: Focus-presupposition sentence
ta
ē
pīr ǰangī=int
MIR DEM Pir Jangi=COP.PRS.3SG
good heavens, this is Pir Jangi
kapt-a 6
fall.PST-PSTP
(who) has ended up (here).
In BS the argument focus is mostly signalled by intonation. In (2.18) when
the man refuses to obey the order, His Holiness Ali repeats his order emphasizing on the pronoun man ‘I’. He actually means ‘I’ (who am Ali, the lion
of God, not an ordinary person) tell you to say’. So instead of a cleftsyntactic construction, the argument focus is on the stressed constituent man
‘I’ as the focused argument of the sentence.
(2.18) ŠX 77-78
man trā=a
š-īn
I
you.2SG.OBJ=IMF say.PRS-1SG
It is me who tells you:
b-guš
SUBJ-say.PRS
tell!
As can be seen, sentences with focus-presupposition articulation have argument-focus structure which Lambrecht (1994:224) applies “to any sentence
in which the focus is an argument rather than a predicate or an entire proposition”.
2.1.3
Thetic sentences
As stated previously, Lambrecht uses the term ‘thetic sentences’ for both
presentational and event-reporting sentences. According to Levinsohn
(2007:22), “[A] clause or sentence has presentational articulation if it intro6
The perfect indicative in 3SG always lacks the COP.PRS.3SG.
35
duces a new entity into a text without linking its introduction to an already
established topic or some presupposed proposition”. The following examples
illustrate presentational sentences in English (Andrews 1985:80) and Balochi. In (2.19a) the king and his children are introduced into the discourse
with a formal presentational construction, whereas (2.19b) has no special
presentational construction.
(2.19) a. Once there was a king with three children.
b. A king with three children lived in a valley.
The Balochi example (2.20) has the same kind of function as (2.19a) has, but
the construction is different. In (2.20) first a new entity is introduced formally to the story with a social title xān ‘khan’ and then in the second clause his
name xudānizar xān ‘Khudanizar Khan’ is given. Example (2.21) does not
use the formal way of introducing a new entity at the beginning of the story.
This example has the same function and the same kind of construction as
(2.19b).
(2.20) KH 3-4: Formal presentational construction introducing new entity
into the discourse
yakk xān=ē=at
one khan=IND=COP.PST.3SG
(There) was a Khan
nām=ay
xudānizar xān=at
name=PC.3SG Khudanizar Khan=COP.PST.3SG
(whose) name was Khudanizar Khan.
(2.21) TJ 2: Presentational sentence without using special presentational
construction
yakk pīramard=ē dāšt
say
one old.man=IND have.PST.3SG three
A certain old man had three sons.
zāg
son
In (2.22a) and (2.22b) from Levinsohn (2007:23) the new elements introduced are two events. Such a sentence is called an event-reporting sentence
which according to Levinsohn (ibid.) is the “one that introduces a new event
into a text without linking its introduction to an established topic or to some
presupposed proposition”.
(2.22) a. It is raining.
b. There’s going to be a fight.
36
The following examples in (2.23) and (2.24) from BS also introduce new
events into the discourse, i.e. drumming, dancing and fighting which are the
subject of the sentence and carry the stress, but the whole sentence presents
new information.
(2.23) KH 19-21: introducing an event into the discourse
dōl-ān=u
dōl=at=u
drum-PL=and drum=COP.PST.3SG=and
there were drums and drumming and
karappag=at=u
sound.of.the.drum=COP.PST.3SG=and
there was drumming (with sticks) and
čāp=at
dance=COP.PST.3SG
there was dancing.
(2.24) SK 111: introducing an event into the discourse
ǰang ēš-ān-ī
tā kapt
fight DEM-PL-GEN in fall.PST.3SG
(and) war broke out among them.
Lambrecht (1994:144) explains the difference between presentational and
event-reporting sentences as the newly introduced element in a presentational sentence is an entity (a discourse referent) while in an event-reporting
sentence, it is an event which necessarily involves an entity (rain, drum,
dance, and fight in the above sentences). Considering the relation between
different types of articulations and their focal constituents, Lambrecht
(ibid.:222) and Levinsohn (2007:25) conclude that the topic-comment sentences mostly have predicate-focus structure, focus-presupposition or identificational sentences have argument-focus structure, and thetic sentences
including presentational and event-reporting sentences have sentence-focus
structure.
2.2
Left-dislocated elements and points of
departure
In the previous section we discussed three types of articulations which are
the basic information structure configurations of the clause. In this section
we are going to consider dislocated elements which occur outside the clause
but within the sentence and at the same time they are important for information structure. Some of these elements, more than one of which can occur
37
in left-dislocated position (LDP), are elements such as vocatives, short replies (ān/balē ‘yes’, na ‘no’), exclamations, and a device that usually signals
discontinuities of time, place and reference.
2.2.1
Preposing of adverbial elements
The clause initial position has a significant discourse-pragmatic function
cross-linguistically. In each language there is a device which occurs in this
position and “signals discontinuities of situation, of reference, and sometimes of action” (Levinsohn 2007:39). D&L (2001:68) use the term Point of
Departure (PoD) for this device following the Prague School linguist Beneš:
“The term Point of Departure (PoD) designates an initial element
in the clause, often fronted or left-dislocated, which cohesively anchors the subsequent clause(s) to something which is already in the
context (i.e. to something accessible in the hearer’s mental representation). It “sets a spatial, temporal or individual domain within
which the main predication holds” (Chafe, 1976:50). It is backward-looking, in the sense of locating the anchoring place within
the existing mental representation, but is forward-looking in that it
is the subsequent part of the sentence which is anchored in that
place.” (D&L, 2001:68)
According to the above definition, the place of PoD, in topic comment articulation, is at the beginning of a clause or sentence excluding conjunctions.
Following Beneš, Levinsohn (2007:39) divides such sentences into three
functional parts:
(2.25)
Point of Departure
So one morning
Topic
Comment
Hare
went off and had
discussion with Dog.
The following two examples are from Balochi:
(2.26)
yag rōč=ē
azrat=i mūsā āt bi=m=ē gis-ā
One day His Holiness Moses came to this very house.
(2.27)
ažda šap u rōč
šēr=i xudā
bi=m=ā čā-ay tā tānā
ǰang kurt gušnag u tunnag
For eighteen nights and days Lion of God fought (with demons)
alone inside the well while he was hungry and thirsty.
Within this definition there are temporal, spatial, renewal (echo) and referential PoDs in BS which establish a related setting for the proposition in narra-
38
tive. Temporal, spatial and renewal (echo) points of departure are typically
expressed by adverbials.7
2.2.1.1
Temporal points of departure
As stated, the temporal PoD as a syntactic device can establish the temporal
setting on a local or global level in the clause or in the whole text where the
temporal PoD occurs, respectively. The temporal setting devices can be full
clauses, e.g. činka waxt=int ‘it is a long time’, yakk waxtē būt ‘at a certain
time’ temporal PPs, e.g. bi zamān=i azrat=i umar sāib ‘in the time of His
Holiness master Omar’, bi zamāna=(y)i azrat=i mūsā allā nabī-ay waxt-ā
‘in the time of His Holiness the prophet Moses, the prophet of God’, temporal NPs, e.g. yag rōč=ē ‘one day’, yakk waxt=ē ‘once, a certain time’,
temporal deictics, e.g. guṛā/bād ‘then’ and nūn ‘now’, or the subordinator ki
which can also be used as a relativised nominal waxtē ‘when’ that functions
as a temporal PoD. In (2.28) a full clause establishes the temporal context for
what follows. It also indicates that the primary basis for relating the communication to the context is by a switch from the time of the events of previous
sentences to a later time.8
(2.28) KH 15-16:
yakk waxt=ē būt=u
one time=IND become.PST.3SG=and
At a certain time,
sabzō-ī
piss
sabzō-ā
bi sarmāyadār=ē dāt
Sabzo-GEN father Sabzo-OBJ to rich.man=IND give.PST.3SG
Sabzo’s father gave Sabzo (in marriage) to a rich man.
The temporal PPs in the corpus can either precede a subject or follow a verb.
Many of these temporal PPs are clearly left-dislocated or right-dislocated
elements. For example, the heavy temporal PPs in (2.29) and (2.30) are leftdislocated elements before the subject NPs and function as temporal PoDs.
(2.29) BU 13: left-dislocated temporal PP
tā
ē
ki
bi yakk siyā-(y)ēn
zimistān=ē ē
uštir
until DEM SUB in one black-ATTR winter=IND DEM camel
ša
pād-ā
kapt
from foot-OBL fall.PST.3SG
so much that in a certain black and very cold winter this camel became exhausted
7
8
Temporal and spatial can also be classified as situational points of departure.
See Levinsohn (2007:40) for the bi-directional function of such constituents.
39
(2.30) PJ 1-2
bi zamān=i azrat=(t)i
in time=IZ
umar sāib
yakk
His.Holiness=IZ Omar master one
šāir=ē=at
poet=IND=COP.PST.3SG
nām=ay
pīr ǰangī=at
name=PC.3SG Pir Jangi=COP.PST.3SG
In the time of His Holiness master Omar there was a poet whose
name was Pir Jangi.
Tables 2.1, 2.2, and 2.3 illustrate the temporal marking devices employed in
the oral narrative text Xarmizza (XM) ‘melon’, Pīr ǰangī (PJ) ‘Pir Jangi’, and
Sulaymān u Sulaymān (SS) ‘Solomon and Solomon’, respectively. The tables indicate the temporal marking devices in the LDP, i.e. in a fronted position before the subject.
Table 2.1 illustrates the temporal marking devices employed in the oral text
Xarmizza (XM) ‘Melon’. These devices include the temporal PoD yag
rōč=ē ‘one day’ in XM 1, the deictic connectives nūn ‘right now, now’ in
XM 107, and guṛā ‘then’ in XM 50 and 109, and adverbial clauses which
function as PoD in XM 31, 36, 50, 55, 92, and 106. There is obviously one
pre-subject temporal PoD in the oral text XM, i.e. in 50. Three more in 9,
107, and 109 can also be considered as PoD + subject, though the omission
of the subject conceals whether they occur in the LDP or not. The others are
adverbial clauses that function as PoD for the following clauses. The two
global temporal contexts are established by the temporal PoD in XM 9 and
the adverbial clause in XM 92.
Table 2.1. Temporal making devices in Xarmizza
9
yag rōč=ē
dīst
one day=IND see.PST.3SG
10
ta
am=ē
aždiyā=(y)ē āt-a=u
MIR EMPH=DEM dragon=IND come.PST-PSTP=and
11
COM:
31
am=ēš-ā
takān=a
dant
EMPH=DEM-OBJ shake=IMF give.PRS.3SG
One day he noticed that a dragon had come and was shaking this (light post).
PoD: Establishes the temporal context for, at least, clauses 9 to 71. It
seems that all the events narrated in these clauses happened on that day.
Also, in clause 72 the changing of time setting has not been shown by
any syntactic device. Just the growing melon signals the passing of time.
ē
naǰǰār
ki
āt
gō
tēγ=u
arrag-ān
DEM carpenter SUB come.PST.3SG with blade=and saw-PL.OBL
32-35
ē
aždiyā wayl
kurt=u
DEM dragon released do.PST.3SG=and
When the carpenter came with blades and saws, the dragon released (the
light post) and …
40
COM:
31. ki expresses ‘when’ and the ki-marked clause functions as adverbial
to the following clause. Here the adverbial clause with ki provides the
temporal contents and functions as a temporal PoD for the following
events.
36
ōdā
ki
šut
there SUB go.PST.3SG
37
ta
COM:
MIR oh ... DEM dragon other mother=IND have.PRS-3SG
When he went there, good heavens, this dragon has a mother as well.
36. ki expresses ‘when’ and the ki-marked clause functions as adverbial
to the following clause. The function of this clause, which provides ‘tailhead linkage’ with the previous sentence, is discussed in sec. 3.3.
50
guṛā
ē
then
DEM bit=IND
padā
ēš-ā
51
COM:
55
56
COM:
92
93
COM:
uhō… ē
aždiyā diga
ṭukkur=ē ki
mās=ē
dār-īt
šut
SUB go.PST.3SG
išāra=(y)ē ku
back DEM-OBJ hint=IND
do.PST.3SG
Then when he (the carpenter) went a little, again it (the dragon) gave him
a hint.
guṛā in 50 is a deictic and indicates the next development in the story. It
seems the temporal setting is still yag rōč=ē ‘one day’, i.e. later the
same day.
ki
āt
SUB
come.PST.3SG
bādšā
gu
king
say.PST.3SG
When he came, the king said:
55. ki expresses ‘when’ and the ki-marked clause functions as adverbial
to the following clause. Here the adverbial clause with ki provides the
temporal contents and functions as a temporal PoD for the following
events.
bādšā
yag
rōč=ē
king
one
day=IND SUB come.PST.3SG
ki
āt
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
One day when the king came, he (the king) said:
In 92 yag rōč=ē ki ‘one day when’ is preceded by the subject bādšā
‘king’, so it does not function as a temporal PoD.
105
wārt-ant=ō
106
ki
wārt-ant
SUB
eat.PST-3PL
eat.PST-3PL=and
107
108
109
nūn gušt-ant
now say.PST-3PL
They ate and when they had eaten, now they said:
…….
nām=ay
guṛā
galaw-ā
išt-ant
xarmizza
name=PC.3SG then melon-OBJ leave.PST-3PL xarmizza
Then they named the melon ‘xarmizza’ (which means donkey-taste),
41
COM:
106 is another adverbial clause that provides tail-head linkage with the
previous sentence – see sec. 3.3. nūn ‘now, right then’ in 107 refers to
the discourse internal time frame, and guṛā ‘then’ in 109 functions as
both a deictic and a spacer to indicate nām=ay ‘its name’ as both the
topic of the clause and a referential PoD, which is then clarified as galaw
‘melon’ (see §2.2.1.3 and fn. 51).
In Table 2.2, the global temporal PoD is stated in the first clause of the oral
text Pīr ǰangī (PJ) with a rather heavy temporal marking device bi zamān=i
azrat=(t)i umar sāib ‘In the time of His Holiness master Omar’. The others,
i.e. the adverbial clause functioning as the temporal PoD in PJ 5, the specific
time deictic šapī ‘tonight’ in PJ 24, and the connective āxirā ‘finally’ in PJ
30 indicate that the sequence of events is marked with a continuum of heavier and more global temporal markers at the beginning to lighter and more
local markers at the end.
Table 2.2. Temporal making devices in Pīr ǰangī
1
bi zamān=i azrat=(t)i
umar sāib
in time=IZ His.Holiness=IZ Omar master
yakk šāir=ē=at
one
2
COM:
5
6
poet=IND=COP.PST.3SG
nām=ay
pīr ǰangī=at
name=PC.3SG Pir Jangi=COP.PST.3SG
In the time of His Holiness master Omar there was a poet whose name
was Pir Jangi.
PoD: Establishes the whole time frame during which the story happened.
ki
waxt=ē
SUB
time=IND poem SUBJ-say-PSUBJ.3SG
šayr
b-gušt-ēn
srōz
b-ǰat-ēn
fiddle SUBJ-strike.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
7
rabāb
b-ǰat-ēn
rebeck SUBJ-strike.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
bē
8
COM:
9
tilā-ā
pa nuγra šayr=u
srōz=a
na-ǰat
without gold-OBL for silver poem=and fiddle=IMF NEGhit.PST.3SG
that when he would recite a poem, (or) play the fiddle, (or) play the rebeck, for less than gold, not even for silver, he would not recite a poem
or play the fiddle.
5-7. The relativized clauses with ki waxtē ‘when’ function as the temporal PoD for what follows.
yag zamān=ē bū
one time=IND become.PST.3SG
There came a time
10
COM:
42
kibr
ku
pride do.PST.3SG
he became haughty.
9. The temporal clause functions as a temporal PoD for the following
events.
24
COM:
29
šapī
ǰat=(t)ē
pa xudā srōz
tonight strike.PST.3SG=PC.3SG for God fiddle
by night he played the fiddle for God.
The specific time deictic šapī ‘tonight’ refers to the discourse internal
time frame.
žappit=ē
rabāb-ā
shake.out.PST.3SG=PC.3SG rebeck-OBJ
30
COM:
63
āxirā wāb šut
finally sleep go.PST.3SG
He played rebeck with utmost skill, (and) at the end he went to sleep.
āxirā ‘finally’ is a connective indicating the end of a sequence of events.
It is a PoD.
am=idā
ki
āt-ant
EMPH=here SUB come.PST-3PL
When they came there,
64
COM:
73
gušt-ant
say.PST.3PL
they said:
63. ki expresses ‘when’ and the ki-marked clause functions as adverbial
to the following clause. Here the adverbial clause with ki provides the
temporal contents and functions as a temporal PoD for the following
events.
am=ē
kabristān-ayā
ki
āt-ant
EMPH=DEM graveyard-LOC SUB come.PST-3PL
When they came to this very graveyard,
74
ōš-ā
kapt-ant
sense-OBL fall.PST-3PL
they remembered (what they had said before).
75
COM:
gušt-ant
say.PST-3PL
They said:
73. ki expresses ‘when’ and the ki-marked clause functions as adverbial
to the following clause. Here the adverbial clause with ki provides the
temporal contents and functions as a temporal PoD for the following
events.
Table 2.3 shows the temporal marking devices used in the oral text Sulaymān u Sulaymān (SS) ‘Solomon and Solomon’. As one of the major participants in this story is the Prophet Solomon, the time frame for the whole story-telling event is the time of the Prophet Solomon without any temporal
PoD referring to the time frame. Three adverbial clauses function as the
temporal PoD in SS 7, 31, and 44 indicating the local temporal context. The
other three are specific time deictics bāndā ‘tomorrow’, pōšī ‘the day after
tomorrow’, and sōbī mālā ‘early in the morning’ which refer to the discourse
internal time frame.
43
Table 2.3. Temporal making devices in Sulaymān u Sulaymān
7
sulaymān ki
Solomon
āt
SUB come.PST.3SG
8-23
gušt
COM:
say.PST.3SG
When Solomon came, he said:
7. ki expresses ‘when’ and the ki-marked clause functions as adverbial to
the following clause. Here the adverbial clause with ki provides the temporal contents and functions as a temporal PoD for the following events.
28
bāndā
COM:
32
ē
dwārag āt
tomorrow DEM again come.PST.3SG
The next day he came again:
28. The specific time deictic bāndā ‘tomorrow’ refers to the discourse
internal time frame.
sulaymān ki
Solomon
āt
SUB come.PST.3SG
gušt
33-37
COM:
45
say.PST.3SG
When Solomon came, he said:
31. ki expresses ‘when’ and the ki-marked clause functions as adverbial
to the following clause. Here the adverbial clause with ki provides the
temporal contents and functions as a temporal PoD for the following
events.
ēš-ā=um
ki
dāt
DEM-OBJ=also SUB give.PST.3SG
46-49
COM:
50
COM:
72
COM:
sulaymān šut
Solomon go.PST.3SG
When he also gave this, Solomon went.
45. ki expresses ‘when’ and the ki-marked clause functions as adverbial
to the following clause. Here the adverbial clause with ki provides the
temporal contents and functions as a temporal PoD for the following
events.
pōšī
dwārag āt
the.day.after.tomorrow again come.PST.3SG
The next day he came again.
50. The specific time deictic pōšī ‘the day after tomorrow’ refers to the
discourse internal time frame.
sōbī
mālā
āt
in.the.morning early come.PST.3SG
He came early in the morning
72. The specific time deictic sōbī mālā ‘early in the morning’ refers to
the discourse internal time frame.
As can be seen the temporal PoD’s indicate how the events relate to the time
frame of the story. We should keep in mind that our analysis is based on oral
narrative texts, mostly folktales and real based stories. For the folktales, the
time and space are not stable, but in real based stories the situation is more
stable.
44
2.2.1.2
Spatial points of departure
A spatial PoD occurs at the beginning of the second version of the SR text.
The locative PP brāuistān-ay tā ‘in Brahuistan’ in (2.31) establishes the
global locational setting for the telling of the story immediately before the
temporal adverb γadīmā ‘in the past’ is established in SR 1. The locative PP
in SR 1 occurs before the temporal adverb, and a subject NP sardār=ē ‘a
sardar’, so it is clearly left-dislocated. Therefore, the locative PP functions as
a spatial PoD with global scope.
(2.31) SR 1 (version 2): left-dislocated spatial PoD
am=ē
brāuistān-ay
tā γadīmā
EMPH=DEM Brahuistan-GEN in in.the.past
sardār=ē=at
bi nām=i sardār rāmat
khān
sardar=IND=COP.PST.3SG in name=IZ sardar Rahmat Khan
In Brahuistan, there was a sardar who was called Sardar Rahmat
Khan.
In (2.32) the locative PP, bi šār=i barbar ‘in the town of Barbar’, is in leftdislocation and it is immediately emphasized by another locative, barbar-ī
šār-ay tā ‘in the town of Barbar’. This locative PP functions as a spatial PoD
preceding a presentational articulation.
(2.32) ŠX 2: left-dislocated Spatial PoD
bi šār=i
barbar barbar-ī
šār-ay
tā yakk
in town=IZ barbar barbar-GEN town-GEN in
one
pīramard=ē=at
old.man=IND=COP.PST.3SG
In the town of Barbar, there was an old man in the town of Barbar,
The locative postpositional phrase yakk tāγazz-ay bun-ā ‘under a tamarisk’
functions as a spatial PoD for this part of the story.
(2.33) PJ 23
yakk tāγazz-ay
one
bunā srōz-ā
zān-ay
sarā
tamarisk-GEN under fiddle-OBJ knee-GEN on
išt
put.PST.3SG
under a tamarisk he put the fiddle on his knee,
2.2.1.3
Referential points of departure
According to Levinsohn (2007:42) “[S]ome referential points of departure
are prepositional or postpositional phrases which establish the theme for a
45
paragraph or longer section. They typically relate the communication to the
context by a switch from a previous paragraph theme”. This kind of PoD
includes nominal constituents which may be the subject and propositional
topic of a topic-comment sentence. In BS, as a subject-initial language, the
topicalizing spacers =u, and in some cases ki, the additive conjunction ham
with its two variations (=)am/=um, and guṛā are used to separate the subject from the rest of the sentence indicating that it is both the topic and point
of departure. In (2.34) the initial nominal phrase ǰatin-ā=u ‘as for beating’ is
topicalized and establishes the theme for the next episode.
(2.34) SR 90
ǰatin-ā=u
ǰan-īn=ē
strike.INF-OBJ=TOP strike.PRS-1SG=PC.3SG
As for beating, I will beat her.
In XM 109 (2.35), guṛā functions as a spacer and separates nām=ay from
the rest of the sentence to topicalize it.
(2.35) XM 109
nām=ay
guṛā galaw-ā
išt-ant
xarmizza
name=PC.3SG then melon-OBJ leave.PST-3PL xarmizza
Then they named the melon ‘xarmizza’,
ki
mizzag=ay
awal xar
burt
SUB taste=PC.3SG first donkey take.PST.3SG
since it was the donkey that tasted it first.
In (2.36) the sentence begins with a temporal point of departure and the subject pronoun ī ‘he’ (the starving man) is in its default position in MG 94. In
MG 98, the first argument, azrat=i mūsā ‘His Holiness Moses’, nominal
subject and propositional topic, indicates that the primary basis for relating
the sentence to its context is by a switch from ī ‘he’(the trader, MG 94) to
His Holiness Moses. This is followed by the temporal NP yakk rōč=ē ‘one
day’, which marks a secondary switch from the past setting of 94-97 to a
later time in the past setting of 98. Therefore, the nominal constituent, which
is fronted, is the referential point of departure.
(2.36) MG 94-98
āxarā
ī
taǰǰār=i ǰahān būt
finally DEM trader=IZ world become.PST.3SG
Finally, he became the (biggest) trader of the world,
kull
ǰahān-ay
taǰǰār būt
entire world-GEN trader become.PST.3SG
the trader of the entire world.
46
marg na(y)-āt
death NEG-come.PST.3SG
Death did not come
ki
taǰǰār būt
SUB trader become.PST.3SG
but he became a merchant.
azrat=i
mūsā
yakk rōč=ē
His.Holiness=IZ Moses one
laggit
day=IND meet.PST.3SG
gōn=ē
with=PC.3SG
His Holiness Moses met him one day,
2.2.1.4
Points of departure by renewal (echo)
Points of departure may also relate to the context by renewal. This renewal
of a previous topic or point of departure can be done by a device called ‘back
reference’ or ‘tail-head linkage’ which is more characteristic of the oral style
than of the written style (Thompson and Longacre 1985:209-213). According to D&L (2001:16) “[T]his consists of the repetition in a subordinate
clause, at the beginning (the “head”) of a new sentence, of at least the main
verb of the previous sentence (the “tail”), as in ... he arrived at the house.
When he arrived at the house, he saw a snake”. In examples (2.37) and
(2.38) the narrator refers back to the previous clause by repeating the main
verb of that clause in a new adverbial clause. So these are instances of points
of departure by renewal involving tail-head linkage. Tail-head linkage in
(2.37) is used to highlight the discovery in XM 37 where the mirative particle ta has been used. In (2.38), TJ 126 introduces background material in the
narrative.
(2.37) XM 34-37
aždīyā naǰǰār-ā
išāra dāt=u
išāra=u
dragon carpenter-OBJ hint give.PST.3SG=and hint=and
the dragon gave the carpenter one hint after another and
bi kō-ay
tā šut
to mountain-GEN in go.PST.3SG
went into the mountain.
ōdā
ki
šut
there SUB go.PST.3SG
When he went there,
ta
uhō… ē
aždiyā diga mās=ē
dār-īt
MIR oh ... DEM dragon other mother=IND have.PRS-3SG
good heavens, this dragon has a mother as well.
47
(2.38) TJ 123-127
ī
hāt-ant=u
DEM come.PST-3PL=and
These (guys) came and
bi taǰǰār-ay
awtāx-ā
ki
ništ-ant
in merchant-GEN room-OBL SUB sit.PST-3PL
when they sat down in the merchant’s room.
taǰǰār
p=ēš-ān
gwarag=ē kušt
merchant for=DEM-PL.OBL lamb=IND kill.PST.3SG
The merchant slaughtered a lamb for them.
gwarag=ē ki
kušt
lamb=IND SUB kill.PST.3SG
When he slaughtered a lamb,
nān-ay
waxt būt
bread-GEN time become.PST.3SG
it was mealtime.
2.2.1.5
Other situational points of departure
PJ 65 and 68 in (2.39) are adverbial clauses of condition. The proposition of
PJ 61-62 becomes the point of departure in 65, i.e. aga mašmā pērōz būtan
‘if we succeed (to steal from the king’s treasury)’, for the assertion that will
be true if the condition is fulfilled in 66-67. The opposite condition in 68,
aga nabūtan ‘if we are not’, is the point of departure for 69, i.e. if the condition is not fulfilled. The spatio-temporal adverbial clause 63, am=idā ki ātant ‘When they arrived there (to the graveyard)’, signals the change of time
and place. In this episode, the switch between two points of departure has the
effect of contrasting the consequences of fulfilling the two conditions; contrast is a special case of switch (Levinsohn 2007:41).
(2.39) PJ 60-69: adverbial clause of condition functioning as PoD
say
duzz irāda
kurt-at-ant
three thief desire do.PST-COP.PST-3PL
Three thieves had decided:
ki
b-raw-an
SUB SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL
Let’s go
bādišā-ay
xazānag-ā
b-ǰan-an
king-GEN treasury-OBJ SUBJ-hit.PRS-1PL
(and) steal from the king’s treasury.
48
am=idā
ki
āt-ant
EMPH=here SUB come.PST-3PL
When they came there (to the graveyard),
gušt-ant
say.PST.3PL
they said:
aga
mašmā
pērōz
būt-an
if
we.INCL victorious become.PST-1PL
If we succeed,
yakk inǰ=ē
tilā
b(y)-ār-an
one lap=IND gold SUBJ-bring.PRS-1PL
let’s bring a lapful of gold
am=ē
kabristān-ay
tā b-rēč-an
EMPH=DEM graveyard-GEN in SUBJ-pour.PRS-1PL
(and) pour (it) into this grave.
aga na-būt-an
if
NEG-become.PST-1PL
If we don’t,
ki
hičkas-ā
iččī
SUB nobody-OBJ nothing
then nobody will get anything.
Greenberg’s universal 14 (1963:84) says: “In conditional statements, the
conditional clause precedes the conclusion as the normal order in all languages.” We found also some conditional statements in which the conclusion
or the main clause precedes the conditional clause. In (2.40) the conditional
clause marked with conjunction aga ‘if’ follows the conclusion. Here the
conditional clause is in the marked position since it is part of the topic ‘I’
and, in fact, is the most focal constituent.
(2.40) HJ 280-282
ē
gust=ī
DEM say.PST=PC.3SG
she said:
man nūn
gō
ta-ā
k-ā-īn
I
now with you.SG-OBL.IMF IMFk-come.PRS-1SG
I will come with you now,
aga
ta
mardēnzāg=ē=(w)ay
if
you.SG man=IND=COP.PRS.2SG
if you are a man.
49
Conditional clauses can be presented without the conjunction aga ‘if’ though
it is implied. (2.41) is such an example where SR 63 and 65, without aga ‘if’,
precede SR 64 and 66, i.e. the main clauses, respectively.
(2.41) SR 63-66
marg=a
lōṭ-ay
death=IMF want.PRS-2SG
(If) you want death,
ī
man=u ta
DEM I=and you.SG
it is (between) me and you.
dunyā=a
lōṭ-ay
wealth=IMF want.PRS-2SG
(If) you want wealth,
am
ī
man=u ta
also DEM I=and
you.SG
this is also (between) me and you.
In (2.42), SR 269 begins with an adverbial clause of comparison to establish
a point of departure for what follows. It also relates the following assertion
about ammā ‘we’ back to the beginning of the story by a switch from what
SR had done in the beginning of the story, i.e. beating the Afghan’s wife, to
ammā am=ā rang p-kan-an ‘let’s do the same’.
(2.42) SR 265-270: adverbial clause of comparison
awgān
gušt-ant
Afghan say.PST-3PL
The Afghans said:
ǰan=ay
b-ǰan-an=u
woman=OBJ.PC.3SG SUBJ-hit.PRS-1SG=and
Let’s beat his wife and
b-raw-an
SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL
go.
ān
yes
Yeah!
am=ē
rang
ki
ē
gō
ammā
am=ā
EMPH=DEM manner SUB DEM with we.EXCL EMPH=DEM
50
rang
kurt-a
manner do.PST-PSTP
The same thing that he has done to us,
ammā
am=ā
rang
p-kan-an
we.EXCL EMPH=DEM manner SUBJ-do.PRS-1PL
Let’s do the same.
2.2.2
Vocatives
Vocatives in BS are usually left-dislocated elements though they can also
occur in right dislocation. (2.43) and (2.44) are examples of vocatives in left
dislocation.
(2.43) TJ 1-2
wāǰa guš-īt
sir
say.PRS-3SG
Sir, they say:
yakk pīramard=ē dāšt
say
one old.man=IND have.PST.3SG three
A certain old man had three sons.
zāg
son
(2.44) GA 1-2
brās-ān
guš-īt
brother-PL.VOC say.PRS-3SG
Brothers, they say:
du
amsāyag=at-ant
two neighbour=COP.PST-3PL
There were two neighbours.
2.2.3
Short replies
Short replies always occur as left-dislocated elements in BS as in (2.45) and
(2.46). As stated previously more than one element can occur in left dislocation as they do in (2.46) where a short reply ān ‘yes’ and a vocative sāib
‘master’ occur in left-dislocation.
(2.45) BP 179-180
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
na
man=a na-nind-īn
no I=IMF NEG-sit.PRS-1SG
no, I am not going to stay (here).
51
(2.46) TJ 161-162: short reply and vocative
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
ān
sāib
ēš
saγīr=ē=at=u
yes master DEM orphan=IND=COP.PST.3SG=and
Yes sir, this (lamb) didn’t have a mother and …
2.2.4
Exclamations
Exclamations also typically occur in the LDP in BS. (2.47) is an example of
such an occurrence.
(2.47) BP 36-37
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
ahoo wat-ī
baxt-ā
ki
dīst-ay
oh … RFL-GEN fate-OBJ SUB see.PST-2SG
oh ... when you see your fortune, …
2.3
Right-dislocated elements and other postverbal constituents
Right-dislocated elements are those elements which do not belong to the
clause but they occur in the sentences, to the right of the clause core, i.e. in
the right dislocated position (RDP). Right-dislocated elements include constituents such as vocatives, tails, and adverbials.
2.3.1
Vocatives
The vocative is not a constituent of the clause. It usually occurs in the less
marked LDP and can also be placed in the RDP as in (2.48)-(2.50). It seems
that vocatives are more common in RDP in non-declarative sentences.
(2.48) BP 1
gōš kašš-it
brās-ān
ear SUBJ.pull.PRS-2PL brother-PL
Listen brothers,
52
(2.49) GA 87
zān-ay
wāǰa
IMF.know.PRS-2SG sir
Do you know, sir?
(2.50) MG 40
b-ra
mūsā
SUBJ-go.PRS Moses
Go Moses …
2.3.2
Tails
Tails are right-dislocated elements which are, according to Dik (1978:153)
cited by D&L (2001:70), “meant to clarify or modify (some constituent contained in) the predication”. In BS the tails mostly clarify subject or object of
the immediate preceding clause. (2.51)-(2-55) illustrate some examples of
tails clarifying the subject or object of their respective clauses.
(2.51) BP 38: the tail clarifies the IO at the beginning of the clause
pa(m)=man=am sōǰ
for=I=also
kan-ay
pa(m)=man=i
question SUBJ.do.PRS-2SG for=I=IZ
pādišā-ā
king-OBL
ask also for me, for me the king.
(2.52) TJ 20: the tail clarifies the subject ē zāg
ē
zāg=am har
say
DEM child=also every
zāg=ant
sāib=i
hāl-ēn
three owner=IZ condition-ATTR
karāmāt-ī-(y)ēn
son=COP.PRS.3PL divine.gift-ADJZ-ATTR
These boys, all three, work miracles, they have divine gifts.
(2.53) TJ 145: the tail clarifies the subject tap=ē
taǰǰār-ā
tap=ē
zu
sōr-ēn
merchant-OBJ fever=IND seize.PST.3SG red-ATTR
The merchant was attacked by a fever, a high (fever)
(2.54) SR 75: the tail clarifies the subject ē amrā=ay
am=ē
ē
amrā=ay
gušt-ant
spērīš
EMPH=DEM DEM companion=PC.3SG say.PST-3PL elder
His companions, the elders, said:
53
(2.55) SR 439: the tail clarifies the object uštir=ē
uštir=ē
dāšt
mārī-(y)ēn
camel=IND have.PST.3SG riding.camel-ATTR
He had a camel, a riding camel.
2.3.3
Adverbials
In (2.56) gušnag=u tunnag ‘hungry and thirsty’ and in (2.57) ǰālā-(y)ī
‘downwards’ are adverbs which are right-dislocated. In (2.56) the temporal
PoD, i.e. ažda šap=u rōč ‘for eighteen nights and days’ is in its default
place.
(2.56) KJ 144: right-dislocated adverb of manner
ažda
šap=u
rōč šēr=i xudā bi=m=ā
eighteen night=and day lion=IZ God
tā
tānā ǰang kurt
čā-ay
to=EMPH=DEM well-GEN
gušnag=u
tunnag
inside alone fight do.PST.3SG hungry=and thirsty
For eighteen nights and days Lion of God fought with demons alone
inside the well, hungry and thirsty.
(2.57) TJ 80-81: right-dislocated adverb of place
dīst-ant
see.PST-3PL
They saw
ta
ša
yag ǰā=(y)ē
burr=ē mardum=a ǰi-īt
MIR from one place=IND lot=IND people=IMF run.PRS-3SG
ǰālā-(y)ī
down-ADVZ
behold a lot of people were running from a certain place, downwards
(southward).
In (2.58) the temporal PP follows the subject and establishes the global time
frame for the story. According to Levinsohn (2007:48) this is a potential
PoD that does not begin a clause or sentence and, therefore does not “indicate the primary basis for relating the sentence to its context”. In other
words, in this sentence the attention is on the participant and not on the time.
(2.58) MG 2: right-dislocated temporal PP
yakk mardum=ē=at
one
mūsā
bi zamāna=(y)i azrat=i
man=IND=COP.PST.3SG in era=IZ
allā nabī-ay
waxt-ā
Moses God prophet-GEN time-OBL
54
His.Holiness=IZ
There was a man in the time of His Holiness the prophet Moses, the
prophet of God.
2.3.4
Preverbal and postverbal relative clauses
Relative clauses may occur before the main verb (preverbal) or after it (postverbal). Preverbal relative clauses are usually restrictive and the head noun
immediately precedes the conjunction of general subordination ki. Such examples are (2.59) and (2.60).
(2.59) MG 58-60: restrictive relative clause
am=ē
har γazā=u
har mēwag=ē ki
dīst
EMPH=DEM each food=and each fruit=IND SUB see.PST.3SG
every kind of food and fruit which he saw,
zīt=u
buy.PST.3SG=and
(he) bought and
wārt
eat.PST.3SG
ate (them).
(2.60) BW 398-399: restrictive relative clause in left-dislocated constituent
am=ā
duzz ki
āddā āyi-rā
EMPH=DEM thief SUB there DEM-OBJ
duzzit=at
steal.PST=COP.PST.3SG
The thief who had kidnapped her there,
ā
am=ē
aks-ān-ā
dīst
DEM EMPH=DEM photo-PL-OBJ see.PST.3SG
he saw these pictures.
A non-restrictive relative clause occurred in a left-dislocated constituent only
once in the corpus.
(2.61) BU 100-102: non-restrictive relative clause in a left-dislocated constituent
walē ta
mnī
mahār-ā
ki
man bi tī
but you.SG I.GEN rein-OBJ SUB I
dast-ā
to you.SG.GEN
dāt-un
hand-OBL give.PST-1SG
but my rein which I gave into your hand
55
wa tī
amān=u
farmān-ā
and you.SG.GEN safety=and command-OBL
and (I was) in your command and security,
ta
mnī
mahār-ā
you.SG I.GEN rein-OBJ
bi lanḍī-(y)ēn
ar-ay
to crop.tailed-ATTR donkey-GEN
dumm-ā bast-ay=u
tail-OBL tie.PST-2SG=and
you tied my rein to the tail of a crop-tailed donkey and …
In (2.62) and (2.63), the non-restrictive relative clauses are postverbal, to
give emphatic prominence to the new information about mard ‘husband’,
and mās ‘mother’, respectively.
(2.62) TJ 222-223: postverbal non-restrictive relative clause
ǰinēn
man tī
mard=un
woman.VOC I
you.SG.GEN man=COP.PRS.1SG
Woman, I am your husband
ki
idā na-būt-ag=un
SUB here NEG-be.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
who has not been here.
(2.63) SR 143-144: postverbal non-restrictive relative clause
amā kučakk asl-ī-(y)ēn
but dog
tī
origin-ADJZ-ATTR you.SG.GEN
mās=int
mother=COP.PRS.3SG
But the real dog is your mother
ki
trā
am=ē
rang-ēn
šīr=ē
SUB you.SG.OBJ EMPH=DEM manner-ATTR milk=IND
dāt-a
give.PST-PSTP
who has given you such milk.
From the above examples we can conclude that the preverbal relative clauses
can be either restrictive or non-restrictive, but the postverbal relative clauses
are only non-restrictive.
2.3.5
Purpose clause
Greenberg’s Universal 15 (1963:84) on purpose clauses states: “In expressions of volition and purpose, a subordinate verbal form always follows the
main verb as the normal order except in those languages in which the nomi56
nal object always precedes the verb.” BS is an SOV language so according
to this language universal purpose clauses should precede the verb. However, BS is an exception to this universal and the default position for purpose
clauses is to follow the verb. Only the infinitive purpose phrase may precede
the verb.
We will talk about purpose clauses in §5.3.1.1 where conjunction ki signifies
means-purpose relationship. Here we give example (2.64) which shows the
default place for the purpose clause beginning with ki after the main clause
in BS.
(2.64) Example (5.70), BP 33-35: postverbal purpose clause
man=a ra-īn
I=IMF go.PRS-1SG
I am going
ki
wat-ī
baxt-ā
wadī
kan-īn=u
SUB RFL-GEN fate-OBJ found SUBJ.do.PRS-1SG=and
to find my fortune and
sōǰ
kan-īn
question SUBJ.do.PRS-1SG
ask (it).
We also found three examples of infinitive purpose phrases in our text corpus, two of which are in preverbal position and the other one is in postverbal
position. In (2.65) the infinitival purpose phrase is in the oblique case and
follows the preposition pa ‘for’, but it is in the preverbal position. As the
primary stress is on the infinitive, the narrator is conveying emphatic prominence by preposing the infinitival purpose phrase.
(2.65) BU 54: preverbal purpose phrase
man
pa=šmā
I
for=you.PL master-PL-GEN
uštir
wāǰah-ān-ī
bār-ay
burtin-ā
load-GEN take.INF-OBL
būt-ag=un
camel become.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I have become a camel for carrying your loads.
In (2.66) the direct object is indicated by a pronominal clitic =ay marked on
the verb instead of by a free pronoun. Here again the infinitival purpose
phrase which has a nominal function precedes the main verb.
57
(2.66) SR 589
sāl=ē
du gašt dīdan=ay=a
k-āt
year=IND two time visit.INF=PC.3SG=IMF IMFk-come.PST.3SG
(and) twice a year he came to visit him (SR).
In (2.67) the infinitival purpose phrase in the oblique case follows the preposition pa ‘for’. It is postverbal because the locative goal of kō-ā ‘mountain’
which it relates to is postverbal.
(2.67) GG 3-4: postverbal purpose phrase
wat-ī
ar-ā
zurt=u
RFL-GEN donkey-OBJ seize.PST.3SG=and
he took his donkey and
šut
kō-ā
pa pista-(y)ay
čitin-ā
go.PST.3SG mountain-OBL for pistachio-GEN pick.INF-OBL
went to the mountain to pick pistachio.
The infinitival purpose phrases in the following examples immediately follow the main verbs (motion verb) ātin ‘to come’.
(2.68) SŠ 118-119: postverbal purpose phrase
har
ka
ki
γam
na-dār-ī
every person SUB sorrow
whoever has no sorrow
b(y)-ayt
pa
SUBJ-come.PRS.3SG for
should come to have food,
NEG-have.PRS-3SG
γazā-(y)ay wārtin-ā
food-GEN eating-OBL
(2.69) SŠ 181: postverbal purpose phrase
činka
bē-γam
āt
pa nān-ay
how.many without-sorrow come.PST.3SG for bread-GEN
wārtin-ā
eating-OBL
How many (people) came without sorrow to have food?
2.4
Order of constituents in the clause
The clause core in BS contains the verb and its most important arguments,
i.e. subject and object which have a syntactic relationship with the verb. BS
is a pro-drop language and core arguments can be minimally marked on the
verb. Where free nominals occur, the default order is SOV for both main
58
clauses and subordinate clauses. In the following sections we look at the
default and marked orderings of core arguments that occur in the text corpus.
2.4.1
Verbal-predicates
There are various sentence types with verbal predicates in BS. According to
the types of the verbs, i.e. intransitive, transitive and ditransitive, different
verb arguments occur in different places in the clause.
2.4.1.1
Intransitive predicates
Intransitive predicates can be either (S-V), i.e. only one argument, (S-VGoal)9 or extended by subject complements (S-Comp-V). Complements in
clauses with the verb būtin ‘to become’ occur pre-verbally (S-CompVbūtin). Examples (2.70)-(2.75) show different kinds of clauses with intransitive predicates. In these clauses the only necessary argument of the verb is
the subject which in some examples is omitted under pro-drop.
(2.70) (S-V) word order
a. TJ 22
pīramard
murt=u
old.man
die.PST.3SG=and
the old man died and
b KH 42
pād=ay
sōt-ant=u
foot=PC.3SG burn.PST-3PL=and
His feet were burnt and
c. MG 63
yakk
kamm-ēn
zarr=ē
mant
one
little-ATTR money=IND remain.PST.3SG
A little money was left.
Roberts (2009:127) cites from Rafiee (2001:65-66) that in colloquial speech
in Persian the preposition be ‘to’ in the goal PP is deleted after verbs of motion such as raftan ‘to go’ and āmadan ‘to come’. This does not occur in BS
except in a few clauses, especially when the spatial deictics are used as in
(2.71ab). In (2.71b) idā ‘here’ is in preverbal position as it is given information (see below). It is also the result of the proposition offered by Sardar
Rahmat Khan three clauses earlier in SR 14, b-raw-an am=idā ‘let’s go
there’.
9
Goal refers to an animate or inanimate entity as a predication of a verb of motion.
59
(2.71) (V-Goal) word order
a. XM 42-43
āt-a
idā
come.PST-PSTP here
it has come here
bi
bādšā arz
kurt-a
to king petition do.PST-PSTP
(and) it has informed the king.
b. SR 17 (Goal-V)
idā
āt
here come.PST.3SG
He came here
There are several examples of postverbal goal PPs with verbs of motion in
the corpus data. Since the BS texts are oral narratives it would seem that they
pattern after Persian colloquial speech with regard to the placement of goal
PPs. The postverbal goal PP is a device which can serve either to highlight
an expression or to move the events along. (2.72abcd) are instances of postverbal position of goal PPs in BS with either prepositions or postpositions.
(2.72) (V-Goal) word order in which Goal PP is postposed after the motion
verb
a. KH 98
šut
bi wat-ī
kawmī-(y)ay tā
go.PST.3SG to RFL-GEN tribal-GEN
(he) went to his tribe.
in
b. ŠX 117
šut-ant
band=i barbar-ī
sarā
go.PST-3PL dam=IZ barbar-GEN on
They went to the Barbar dam,
c. ŠG 44
putrit
am=ē
bōr-ēn
gōk-ay
enter.PST.3SG EMPH=DEM light.brown-ATTR cow-GEN
gōš-ay
tā=u
spēt-ēn-ayā
ear-GEN in=and white-ATTR-LOC
It murmured in the light brown and white cows’ ears.
60
d. HK 145
rast
bi wazīrī-ā
reach.PST.3SG in ministry-OBL
He became vizier.
The following example, (2.73) indicates the postverbal and preverbal position of the same goal PP in the same context. In such cases it seems that the
postverbal position of the Goal PP represents a way to highlight an expression (but see sec. 2.4.1.3). In the next clause as the expression is now given
information, it has a function similar to that of tail-head linkage, even though
it is in the paratactic form.
(2.73) MM 1-3: (S-V-Goal) word order
azrat=i
mūsā
allā nabī
yakk rōč=ē
His.Holiness=IZ Moses God prophet one
āt
day=IND
bi yag gis=ē
come.PST.3SG to one house=IND
His Holiness Moses, prophet of God one day came to a house.
bi yag gis=ē
āt=u
to one house=IND come.PST.3SG=and
(He) came to a house and
mēmān būt
guest become.PST.3SG
became a guest.
Examples (2.74) and (2.75) illustrate the (S-Comp-V) word order with the
verbs mantin ‘to remain, to stay’ and būtin ‘to become’.
(2.74) KH 140: (S-Comp-V) word order
sabzō am=ā
rang
mant
Sabzo EMPH=DEM manner remain.PST.3SG
Sabzo stayed (just) the same way
(2.75) (S-Comp-V) word order
a ŠX 23
man kāpir=a
bay-īn
I
infidel=IMF become.PRS-1SG
I will be an infidel.
b HK 56
ē
salmān ganōk būt
DEM barber mad
become.PST.3SG
This barber became mad
61
c XM 46-47
ā
alās
ūt
DEM finished become.PST.3SG
it was rescued,
āzāt būt
free become.PST.3SG
(and) became free.
2.4.1.2
Transitive predicates
In transitive predicate the verb is an action verb and it has a direct object,
something or someone who receives the action of the verb. In BS the unmarked word order for predicates with direct object in the clause is (S-O-V).
(2.76) (S-O-V) word order
a. MG 53
ē
sing-ā
bāl
āwurt
DEM stone-OBJ high bring.PST.3SG
He lifted up the stone
b. ŠG 49
man āyi-rā
war-īn
I
DEM-OBJ eat.PRS-1SG
I will eat it,
c. PJ 72
bādšā-(y)ay
xazānag-ā
ǰat-ant
king-GEN
treasury-OBJ strike.PST-3PL
they stole from the king’s treasury.
d. KH 93
sabzō-ī
talāk-ān-ā
gipt=u
Sabzo-GEN divorce-PL-OBJ seize.PST.3SG=and
He (Khudanizar Khan) got Sabzo’s divorce and
2.4.1.3
Ditransitive predicates
Ditransitive constructions are those which have two arguments, i.e. ditransitive predicates, in addition to the subject. In BS the first argument is usually
realized as a direct object and the second argument is either indirect object or
a prepositional phrase. This is the unmarked order of constituents which can
be formulated (S-DO-V-Goal) and (S-DO-IO-V). (2.77) and (2.78) illustrate
preverbal direct objects and postverbal Goal PPs in BS clauses. In both examples the goal is a necessary part of the argument structure of the verb.
62
(2.77) KH 82: Postverbal Goal PP (O-V-Goal)
wat-ī
mardum-ān-ā
dēm day
mnī
RFL-GEN people-PL-OBJ face SUBJ.give.PRS I.GEN
bagg-ay
sarā
herd.of.camels-GEN on
(and) send your people to my herd of camels.
(2.78) MG 91: (O-V-Goal)
bākī-(y)ā
dāt
bi rā=(y)i xudā
remaining-OBJ give.PST.3SG to way=IZ God
gave the remainder for God’s sake.
In the following examples, DO precedes IO as the default position. This
placement of definite DO can be explained by the ‘Principles of Natural
Information Flow’. According to Comrie (1989:127f) when the ‘Principle of
Natural Information Flow’ is adhered to, the established information precedes the non-established information10. In (2.79) sabzō-ā is a definite DO
and established information while bi sarmāyadār=ē is an indefinite IO and
non-established information which follows the definite DO.
(2.79) KH 16: (S-O-IO-V)
sabzō-ī
piss
sabzō-ā
bi sarmāyadār=ē dāt
Sabzo-GEN father Sabzo-OBJ to rich.man=IND give.PST.3SG
Sabzo’s father gave Sabzo to a rich man.
In (2.80)-(2.82) both the definite DO and IO are established information but
the definite DOs are present in the scene and at the same time they are older
established information than the IO which are newly established and also
absent from the scene.
(2.80) TJ 256: (S-O-IO-V)
man āšix-ā
bi āšix-ā
baxšāt-a=un
I
lover-OBJ to lover-OBL bestow.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I give the beloved to the lover.
(2.81) TJ 277: (O-IO-V)
mnā bi bādšā-ā
baxšāt
I.OBJ to king-OBL bestow.PST.3SG
he gave me to the king.
10
In discourse-based grammatical theory, information flow is any tracking of referential
information by speakers.
63
(2.82) TJ 285: (S-O-IO-V)
ammā=am
trā
bi(t)=tī
mard-ā
we.PL.EXCL=also you.SG.OBJ to=you.SG.GEN man-OBL
baxšāt-ag=an
bestow.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1PL
we also give you to your husband,
When the DO is indefinite, its default position is immediately before the
verb while the IO precedes it. (2.83) and (2.84) illustrate examples of the
indefinite DO which follows IO. In (2.86) the IO, pa šumā ‘for you’, is in
clause initial position as it precedes the subject man ‘I’.
(2.83) TJ 125: (S-IO-DO-V)
taǰǰār
p=ēš-ān
gwarag=ē kušt
merchant for=DEM-PL.OBL lamb=IND kill.PST.3SG
The merchant slaughtered a lamb for them.
(2.84) HJ 158: (IO-S-DO-V)
pa šumā
man xatilma
matilma=ē kan-īn
for you.PL I
fatty bread matilma=ē
I prepare some fatty bread for you,
do.PRS-1SG
2.4.1.4
Predicative copula
The predicative copula which is used enclitically has two forms: present
indicative and past indicative. It is attached to the subject or object complements. There is also the full form of the predicative copula which is not used
enclitically and it is registered only for the present indicative. (2.85a-c) illustrate the common use of the predicative copula. In (2.85a) and (2.85b) the
subject is omitted while in (2.85c) we have the subject sabzō.
(2.85) a. XM 41
napastank=int
short.of.breath=COP.PRS.3SG
it is short of breath,
b. XM 76
mār-ay
zār=ant
snake-GEN poison=COP.PRS.3PL
they are snake’s poison.
c. KH 8
sabzō ǰinēnzāg=ē=at
Sabzo woman=IND=COP.PST.3SG
Sabzo was a woman,
64
In (2.86) the full form of the copula is used. According to Axenov
(2006:174) the full form is characteristic for folkloric texts and the stress
falls on the stem.
(2.86) SK 20
ǰwān-ēn
mardum=ē ast
good-ATTR person=IND FCOP.RS.3SG
he is a nice person,
2.4.2
Non-verbal predicates
Nominal sentences in BS like in BT (Axenov 2006:239) are non-verbal predicates which occur only in the 3SG of the present indicative and include a
nominal predicate followed by the indefinite clitic =ē. Thus the 3SG present
form of the predicative copula is not used in nominal sentences. The nominal
predicate with the indefinite clitic is a focused constituent as it gets the
stress. (2.87) and (2.88) are examples of such nominal clauses.
(2.87) XM 15-16
gušt
say.PST.3SG
he (one of them) said:
bādšā sāib
aždiyā=(y)ē
king master dragon=IND
Lord king, it is a dragon.
(2.88) BP 106-107
zānt=ē
understand.PST=PC.3SG
He (the old man) understood
ē
bē-akl=ē
DEM without-sense=IND
(that) this (man was) an ignorant (person).
2.4.3 Marked order of constituents in the clause
The default word order and the Principle of Natural Information Flow is
violated where non-established information precedes the established information and this results in a marked order of constituents in the clause. In this
section we look at some of the non-default orderings of core arguments that
occur in the text corpus. Postposed subjects and objects can occur as right-
65
dislocated elements. Similarly, preposed objects can occur clause initially.
So we are going to study those marked constructions and their functions.
2.4.3.1
Postposed subject
Balochi, like Persian, is a subject and direct object pro-drop language and
both of these categories can be expressed on the verb, by subject agreement
suffixation and pronominal cliticization, respectively (aga dīst-ay=ē ‘if you
see him’, guš-īn=ē ‘I will tell him’, day-īn=ē ‘I will give him/her/it’).11
Subjects can be postposed after the verb when they are focal. The nominal
postposed subject can be found in right dislocation as the examples (2.89)(2.90) illustrate, but its occurrence is very rare except for pronominal clitics.12
(2.89) MG 23: postposed subject
āt
azrat=i
mūsā
come.PST.3SG His.Holiness=IZ Moses
His Holiness Moses came, …
(2.90) BW 191: postposed subject
balki
abar
dant
mnī
mard
perhaps speech SUBJ.give.PRS.3SG I.GEN man
Perhaps my husband will speak.
In (2.91), in contrast, both the subject and the PP are postposed, and the subject is topical.
(2.91) PJ 81: V-S-IO
γirammag būt
tilā=ay
pīr ǰangī-ay
loud.noise become.PST.3SG
gold=PC.3SG Pir Jangi-GEN
sarā
on
Its gold fell with a loud noise on Pir Jangi.
2.4.3.2
Postposed object
There are many examples in the text corpus of a postposed direct object
marked with =rā/ā or without =rā/ā, almost all in right-dislocation. In
(2.92)-(2.95), all the postposed definite direct objects are the arguments of
11
The same pronominal clitics can be used both for subject and object.
The subject, in the form of pronominal clitic, is attached to the verb in the following example derived from PJ 29. This construction is a remnant of the ergative construction.
12
žappit=ē
rabāb-ā
shake.out.PST.3SG=PC.3SG rebeck-OBJ
He played rebeck (with utmost skill), …
66
the verbs and they occur in right-dislocation. In each case the referent that
the object refers to is de-emphasized in the discourse context. In (2.92), for
example, it is not important to say who the king sent, in (2.93) it is not important to say what the cows should eat, and in (2.94) the money has already
been mentioned.
(2.92) XM 12: Postverbal indefinite direct object
bādšā dēm dāt
yakk=ē=rā
king face give.PST.3SG one=IND=OBJ
The king sent someone
(2.93) ŠG 32: Postverbal definite direct object
šumā
bōr-it
ā
bahār-ā
you.PL SUBJ.eat.PRS-2PL DEM spring-OBJ
you eat that green and thriving pasture,
(2.94) MG 55: Postverbal definite direct object
ī
zurt
ē
zarr-ān-ā
DEM take.PST.3SG DEM money-PL-OBJ
He took that money
In examples (2.95abc) the direct objects are postposed but here the postposing expresses a contrast. In (2.95a) the merchant calls the person in charge of
the farmers, then in (2.95b) he calls the shepherd, and then in (2.95c) he calls
his mother. Finally, in (2.95d) the merchant calls his daughter, and in this
case the direct object is in default position preceding the verb. The shift from
postverbal DO in (2.95abc) to (2.95d) is a further illustration of the postverbal position used to de-emphasize the object. What the first three characters have to say is less important than what the daughter has to say.
(2.95) a. TJ 148: Postverbal definite direct object
taǰǰār
lōṭit
sālār-ā
merchant want.PST.3SG foreman.of.farmers-OBJ
The merchant called the person who was in charge of the farmers.
b. TJ 156: Postverbal definite direct object
lōṭit=ē
šwānag-ā
want.PST.3SG=PC.3SG shepherd-OBJ
He called the shepherd.
c. TJ 166: Postverbal definite direct object
lōṭit=ī
wat-ī
mās-ā
want.PST.3SG=PC.3SG RFL-GEN mother-OBJ
He called his mother.
67
d. TJ 172: Preverbal definite direct object
taǰǰār
wat-ī
ǰinikk-ā
lōṭit
merchant RFL-GEN daughter-OBJ want.PST.3SG
The merchant called his daughter.
(2.96) is an interesting and rare example in which both IO and DO occur in
postverbal position. This postposing of both IO and DO here is for the sake
of clarification.
(2.96) MM 146-147
am=ā
malang lōṭit
EMPH=DEM dervish want.PST.3SG
That very dervish wanted
ki
man dāt-un
āyi-rā
zāg
SUB I
give.PST-1SG DEM-OBJ child
that I gave him (this man) children.
2.4.3.3
Preposed object
In §2.4.1.3 we said that the default order of constituents in ditransitive predicates is S-DO-IO-V if the DO is definite. The position of the DO in front of
the IO is called the Focus Initial Position (FIP) by Roberts (2009:141), as it
is effectively the initial position in focus structure. As stated before, this
order of constituents conforms to the ‘Principle of Natural Information
Flow’. When the direct object is indefinite, its default position is immediately preceding the verb and following the IO if there is one.
When the Principle of Natural Information Flow is violated by preposing an
indefinite object, either DO or IO, it has a contrastive or highlighting function. This is what happens in the illustrative examples given in (2.97) and
(2.98). In (2.97) the Principle of Natural Information Flow has been violated,
i.e. har kār=ē ‘whatever’ is an indefinite direct object and less established
information. It precedes a referentially definite indirect object gō man ‘to
me’, which can be considered as more established information. har kār=ē in
BU 79 is in contrast to yag čīz-ā ‘one thing’ in BU 81. For this reason, it is
preposed and it is in the FIP.
(2.97) BU 79-80: indefinite direct object preceding indirect object
har
kār=ē
gō
man kurt-ag=ay
every work=IND with I
do.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.2SG
Whatever you have done to me,
68
man=a baxšā-(y)īn
I=IMF forgive.PRS-1SG
I will forgive,
walē yag čīz-ā
na-baxšā-(y)īn
but one thing-OBJ NEG-forgive.PRS-1SG
but I will not forgive one thing,
In (2.98) because taǰǰār ‘the merchant’ has not featured in the story for at
least 16 clauses, he is being reactivated. In contrast, ī kissa-ān ‘these stories’
is currently active. So, the IO – DO order is:
Reactivated – Currently active – Verb
which violates the Principle of Natural Information Flow. The reactivated
information is in FIP.
(2.98) TJ 144: indirect object preceding definite direct object
pa taǰǰār-ā
ī
kissa-ān-ā
ku
for merchant-OBL DEM story-PL-OBJ do.PST.3SG
he told these stories to the merchant.
ēšā ‘this’ in (2.99) is the preposed definite direct object and it is established
information, but ša zarr-ā ‘with money’ is a means PP argument and nonestablished information. In this clause the definite DO precedes even the
subject har ka ‘whoever’. It is in the clause initial position but not leftdislocated. In the second clause of (2.99) both the direct and the indirect
object are established information and follow the default word order which
conforms to the Principle of Natural Information Flow.
(2.99) BW 30-31: definite direct object preceding subject and means PP
ēš-ā
har
ka
ša
zarr-ā
purr
DEM-OBJ every person from money-OBL full
kan-t
SUBJ.do.PRS-3SG
Whoever can fill this (well) with money,
man wat-ī
ǰinikk-ā
āyi-rā
day-īn
I
RFL-GEN daughter-OBJ DEM-OBJ give.PRS-1SG
I will give my daughter to him.
(2.100) is an example of a transitive predicate where the definite DO,
ammay rōzī-(y)ā=u ‘certainly our daily portion’ is topicalized with the topicalizing spacer =u and precedes the subject xudā ‘God’.
69
(2.100) TJ 284: DEF.DO-S-V
ammay
rōzī-(y)ā=u
xudā
dant
we.EXCL.GEN ration-OBJ=TOP God.IMF give.PRS.3SG
God will certainly give our daily bread,
In (2.101) and (2.102) the definite DO pronouns precede the subjects, in
conformity with the Principle of Natural Information Flow. In (2.101) the
farmer is introduced unexpectedly into the discourse and is immediately
followed by further reference to him. In (2.102) mnā refers to the princess
who is addressing the major participant in the story and she unexpectedly
says that he should marry her, with ta ‘you’ focal.
(2.101) BP 73-74: DEF.DO-S-V
ta
yak kišāwarz=ē zimīndār=ē
MIR one farmer=IND landlord=IND
behold a farmer, a landlord.
ēšī-rā
ē
dī
DEM-OBJ DEM see.PST.3SG
He (the farmer) saw him.
(2.102) BP 207-209: DEF.DO-S-V
yāra ša(t)=ta
ǰwān-ēn
kay=int
truly from=you.SG good-ATTR who=COP.PRS.3SG
Truly who is better than you?
b(y)-ā
SUBJ-come.PRS
Come
mnā
ta
b-gir
I.OBJ you.SG SUBJ-take.PRS
(and) you marry me.
Both the DO and IO in examples (2.103) and (2.104) are established information. The DOs are in FIP and precede temporal adverbs dēmā ‘before’ and
činka waxt ‘sometime’ in (2.103) and (2.104), respectively. In these examples the definite DOs precede even the temporal adverbs. The subject referent and the temporal setting are regarded as presupposed by default.
(2.103) XM 86-87: definite direct object preceding temporal NP and PP
am=ē
galaw-ān-ā
dēmā
EMPH=DEM melon-PL-OBJ before
ar-uk-(k)ay
70
dēmā
bi=m=ē
to=EMPH=DEM
kōṭit=u
donkey-DIM-GEN in.front.of cut.to.pieces.PST.3SG=and
dāt
give.PST.3SG
first, he cut these very melons to pieces in front of the donkey and
gave (them to the donkey).
(2.104) TJ 163: definite direct object preceding temporal NP and IO
man ēš-ā
I
činka
waxt bi ar-ā
DEM-OBJ so.many time
to donkey-OBL
mēčēnt-a=un
suckle.PST-CAUS-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I made it suckle a donkey for some time.
In (2.105) the kārč ‘knife’ is introduced. It is an indefinite object, but as it is
an important prop in the story, it is placed before the PP. So, in this case
kārč=ē ‘a knife’ is placed in the FIP.
(2.105) SK 52: S-indefinite DO-PP-V
tī
ǰinēn
kārč=ē
pa(t)=ta tēz=a
you.SG.GEN woman knife=IND for=you
sharp=IMF
kan-t
do.PRS-3SG
your wife is sharpening a knife for you,
The definite DO and the IO mnā ‘to me’, in (2.106) precede the subject ē
‘this’ (see 2.35).
(2.106) XM 63: DO-IO-S-V
am=ē
tōm-ā=um
am=ēš-ā=um
mnā
EMPH=DEM seed-OBJ=also EMPH=DEM-OBJ=also I.OBJ
ē
dā
DEM give.PST.3SG
this very seed, it (the dragon) also gave me,
2.5
Summary
In this chapter, first we established the default order of constituents in BS.
Then the three basic sentence articulations, i.e. topic-comment, focuspresupposition, and thetic sentences were described. We also looked at different kinds of preposed and left-dislocated elements such as adverbials
(functioning as points of departure), vocatives, short replies, and exclamations, as well as postposed and right-dislocated elements such as vocatives,
tails and adverbials. We noticed that vocatives usually occur in the less
marked LDP, but can also be placed in the RDP. Tails mostly clarify the
71
subject or object of the immediately preceding clause. We also found that
preverbal relative clauses can be either restrictive or non-restrictive, but that
postverbal relative clauses are only non-restrictive. As we noted, contrary to
the universal rule on the placement of purpose clauses in SOV languages, the
default position for purpose clauses in BS is to follow the verb. Only the
infinitive purpose phrases may precede the verb. After that we also looked at
the default constituent order of the BS clause with transitive, intransitive and
ditransitive predicates. We found also some conditional statements in which
the conclusion or the main clause precedes the conditional clause. We noticed that the motivation for the special placement of the definite direct object in BS sentences is based on the Principle of Natural Information Flow.
Marked word order (postposed subject, postposed object, preposed object) is
used for different discourse-pragmatic reasons.
72
3.
The Relative Informational
Prominence of the Sentences of a
Text
3.1
Foreground and background
As Tomlin (1987) says in his preface, some linguists like Grimes (1975),
Longacre (1968, 1974, 1977), Hopper (1979, 1980), Jones and Jones (1979),
and others proposed in their works “that some of the information in discourse is more central or significant than other, simply elaborative information. For narrative discourse, this discourse relation has been argued to be
related to the cognitive unit of event, and coded by numerous syntactic devices, including tense-aspect, word order, subordination, transitivity, participant coding and voice” (Tomlin 1987:vii).13 This distinction is known as
foreground and background information. The important information in narrative discourse which moves the narrative toward its essential goal (for example, in highlighting and resolution of a peak event) carries foreground material, while other information which is less important or has a secondary role
in the narrative discourse carries background material. Brown and Yule
(1983:135) talk about thematization whose discourse process “leads to the
foregrounding of a referent whereby a particular referent is established in the
foreground of consciousness while other discourse referents remain in the
background”. Renkema (1993:63-64) mentions foreground and background
information briefly but what he describes and illustrates is actually highlighting of information where certain information is marked as of special importance.14
D&L (2001:79) also state that “the terms foreground and background describe parts of a text which, respectively, do or do not extend the basic
framework of the mental representation. If only the foreground were available, the resulting representation might be complete in its general outline, but
13
These syntactic devices were studied from different points of view in twenty articles which
were presented in a symposium held at the University of Oregon in 1984 and published later
in 1987. See Tomlin (1987).
14
Renkema first talks about the topic of a sentence which is often in background but this is
not always the case. Then he gives an example to show that the information about the topic
can be in foreground. Then he says what the topic is about can alternatively be defined as
background, foreground, given, new, etc.
73
would be sketchy. Background aids in internal and external contextualization”. They (2001:84) also say that the body of a text is unmarked for prominence, i.e. the main story line or foreground events of a narrative do not
normally carry a marker. But markers can be used to highlight foreground
information and equally well special markers can be used to indicate that
something is background information which otherwise would be interpreted
as foreground information. The conjunction whereas does this in English.15
In this section we will discuss some of the syntactic devices coding the relation between foreground and background information and the cognitive unit
of event.
Foreground and background information have linguistic correlates. Hopper
and Thompson (1980) introduced the terms “foregrounding” and “backgrounding” for the distinction between narrative and non-narrative parts of
the story. In other words, they use the terms to refer to sequential temporal
structure, and to durational/descriptive structure, respectively. They
(ibid.:252) suggest a list of transitivity parameters showing that a canonical
clause should:
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
have two or more participants (A)
report a kinetic action (B)
be perfective and punctual (C, D)
have a volitional agent high in potency (E, H)
be affirmative and realis (F, G)
have a definite, referential patient highly individuated and totally affected (I, J)
Hopper & Thompson (ibid.:251) argue that high transitivity, as defined by
these parameters, correlates with foreground and low transitivity with background in narratives.16
Table 3.1. Scale of transitivity of a clause (A = agent, O = object)
Type
A. PARTICIPANTS
B. KINESIS
C. ASPECT
D. PUNCTUALITY
15
High transitivity
2 or more, A & O
I saw the man
action
I hugged Sally
telic
I ate it up
punctiliar
I kicked it
Low transitivity
1 participant
I fell
non-action
I like Sally
atelic
I am eating it
durative
I carried it
See also Renkema’s examples (1993:64).
DeLancy (1987:53) suggests two more parameters, i.e. the person of the agent and the
evidential value of the clause.
16
74
E. VOLITIONALITY
volitional
I wrote your name
H. AFFIRMATION
affirmative
I did it
F. MODE
realis
I did it
G. AGENCY
A high in potency
George startled me
I. AFFECTEDNESS OF O O totally affected
I drank the milk
J. INDIVIDUATION OF O O highly individuated
Fritz drank the beer
non-volitional
I forgot your name
negative
I didn’t do it
irrealis
I would do it
A low in potency
The picture startled me
O not totally affected
I drank some of the milk
O non-individuated
Fritz drank some beer
Consider KINESIS type:
a. I hugged Sally.
b. I like Sally.
(a) is much higher in transitivity than (b) because it has action kinesis, telic
aspect, and punctuality, while the O (Sally) is totally affected and is high in
individuation (i.e. is referential, animate, and a proper noun).17 For this reason it is predictable that (a) is much more likely than (b) to occur as foreground.18
Payne (1984:63-64) uses another concise and helpful tool for assessing the
degree of foregrounding and backgrounding in terms of high versus low
activity, with various factors being important:
Table 3.2. Scale of activity
High activity
Mode –
Realis (e.g. Affirmative, NonFuture, Indicative)
Aspect –
Telic (e.g. Perfective, Punctual)
Agent –
Object –
Agentive (e.g. Volitional,
Intentional)
Transitive (e.g. Individuated
Object)
Low activity
Irrealis (e.g. Negative,
Future, Conditional)
Atelic (e.g. Stative or
Durative)
Non-Agentive (e.g.
Involuntary, Accidental)
Intransitive (e.g. NonIndividuated Object)
This section concentrates on two of the above parameters: kinesis, expressed as a
distinction between events and non-events; and aspects, especially the distinction
between perfective and imperfective.
17
It is also volitional, affirmative, realis and high in potency.
Hopper and Thompson in the fourth part of their article, i.e. ‘Discourse’, talk about the
importance of transitivity and provide many examples for foreground and background parts of
the texts applying their theory of transitivity.
18
75
3.1.1 Events and non-events
The narrative genre is agent oriented and concerned with who does what.
Agents perform the events of the narrative in chronological sequence which
forms the foreground or theme-line19 information. Grimes provides finer
distinctions, at least for narrative: “The first distinction made in the analysis
of discourse is between events and non-events” (1975:35). Actually this is a
way of talking about foreground versus background which applies specifically to narrative. “An event is an action or happening which extends the basic
structure of the mental representation. It is presented as happening at a particular time and place, and is generally told in temporal sequence with other
events. The event line is the foreground, the basic framework for internal
contextualization” (D&L 2001:81).
Grimes (1975) distinguishes a number of types of non-event information.
They include setting, explanatory, evaluative, collateral and performative
information. According to its discourse function, some of the information in
a text may belong to more than one type. Non-event material is classified as
background material in narrative, but the information it conveys is not unimportant for the narrative.
Setting information indicates the time, place and circumstances under which
the events of a narrative take place. It may also include introducing or describing participants and reintroducing some of them.20
Explanatory information or comment clarifies and explains what is happening in the narrative and why. It is not part of the narrative.
Evaluative information conveys the author’s feeling about the world of his
narrative, its events and participants. It “brings the hearer more closely into
the narration” (Grimes 1975:63). Evaluation can be either direct or indirect.
In direct evaluation, especially in oral narrations, the narrator stops the narrative, and tells the listener directly what the point is. In indirect evaluation
which is more subtle and effective, the narrator expresses himself through
words and actions of participants of the narration.
Collateral information or discourse irrealis tells what did not happen instead
of what did happen to highlight the event which really happened. It relates
non-events to events. Negations, questions, desires/plans, and conflicts/obstacles are forms of collateral information.
Performative information concerns more the speaker-hearer axis and the
situation under which the text is produced and sometimes also relates it to
19
20
D&L (2001:81) call it event line.
Participant Orientation, see D&L (2001:82).
76
the hearers’ situation. In speaker-hearer axis, the speaker speaks in first person to the hearer(s) in second person in order to draw morals and conclusions from a story. This kind of material also overlaps with evaluation.
3.1.2 Signals of kinds of information
Subordination and reported conversation are some of the linguistic signals
which, to some extent, determine the kinds of information in clauses. The
different ways in which clauses and sentences are articulated are also important for conveying background and foreground information.
Subordinate clauses most frequently present background information (Givón
1984:314; Thompson 1987); whereas main clauses can present background
or foreground information.21 In reported conversation, the act of speaking
that occurs in discourse may or may not be an event, while the content of
what is said is often some type of non-event (see D&L 2001:83-84). Topiccomment articulation and perfective aspect, cross-linguistically, are used to
present theme-line events, which therefore convey foreground information22
while the use of identificational articulation is sometimes restricted to either
background events or amplifications in narrative (Levinsohn 2007:73).
3.1.3 Natural prominence and the verb
In languages which have no marker for backgrounding whole sentences,
there can be a correlation between the verb form used and foreground versus
background information. Foley and Van Valin (1984) describe two areas of
correlation, i.e. one with ‘semantic verb type’ and the other with ‘aspect of
the verb’.
3.1.3.1 Verb types and natural prominence
By proposing syntactic and semantic criteria, Vendler (1967) distinguishes
four types of verbs. He focuses upon the time schemata presupposed by various verbs. Foley and Van Valin (1984:36) use Vendler’s criteria and recognize a natural correlation between the following four basic verb types and
background versus foreground information.
21
Post-nuclear clauses often contain theme-line information (Thompson 1987:451; Hwang
1990:69) and in some OV languages pre-nuclear subordinate clauses present background
information and gerundive and participial clauses may present theme-line information (Levinsohn 2007:74).
22
But descriptive clauses such as ‘she was a girl’, ‘she was sick’ are stative topic-comment
clauses, and in narrative would not typically be theme-line or foreground.
77
x
x
x
x
achievement (e.g. recognize, find, die, win, spot, start, lose)
They occur at a single moment.
accomplishment (e.g. make something, paint a picture, draw a circle,
running a mile, recover from illness, deliver a sermon)
They have a climax, which has to be reached if the action is to be
what it is claimed to be.
activity (e.g. run, drive a car, swim, walk, pull or push a cart)
They have no set terminal point.
state (e.g. know, have, possess, love, hate, like, desire, believe)
They last for a period of time and do not indicate processes going on
in time.
Vendler (1967:106-107) interprets the time schemata for the four verb types
as follows:
“[T]he concept of activities calls for periods of time that are not
unique or definite. Accomplishments, on the other hand, imply
the notion of unique and definite time periods. In an analogous
way, while achievements involve unique and definite time instants, states involve time instants in an indefinite and nonunique
sense.”
Foley and Van Valin (1984:371) point out that clauses “with achievement
and accomplishment verbs will strongly tend to occur in the temporal structure.” In other words, such clauses will tend to present foreground information in narrative. In contrast, clauses “with activity and state verbs [will
strongly tend to occur] in the durative/descriptive structure”. That is to say,
such clauses will tend to present background information in narrative. The
selection of a particular semantic verb type therefore tends naturally to determine whether the clauses in which it appears will convey information of
more or less importance for the genre concerned.
3.1.3.2 Verbal aspect and background versus foreground
Roberts (2009:262-263) refers to Foley and Van Valin (1984) and Hopper
(1979) to argue for an inherent correlation between perfective versus imperfective aspect and foreground and background information.23 So, before
looking at such a correlation, a brief definition of aspect is necessary.
Aspect is a grammatical category associated with verbs that express a temporal view of the event or state expressed by the verb. It is “the speaker’s
subjective view of a process or event” (Reed & Reese 1996:183), and it ex23
Levinsohn (2007:78) emphasizes that any such correlation is specific to narrative.
78
presses the temporal structure of the reported event without reference to
anything else (Foley & Van Valin 1984:209).
When a verb presents an action as a single event with its beginning, middle
and end as a simple whole without any consideration of the internal structure
of the time in which it occurs, it is in perfective aspect. In contrast to perfective aspect is imperfective aspect which refers to an internal portion of the
verb’s action without any reference to the beginning or endpoint of the action. So, “the perfective aspect codes completed actions and events and imperfective incomplete events and actions and the former fit more naturally
into the temporal structure of the narrative, the latter into durational/descriptive structure” (Foley & Van Valin 1984:397).
3.2
Foreground and background in BS narrative
Before looking at the foreground and background status of information in
Balochi narrative and the way they are presented, we will look at the verb
system of BS.
3.2.1 The BS verb system
As already stated, the imperfective aspect tends to correlate with background
information while perfective aspect correlates with foreground information.
The basic verb system of BS is given in Table 3.3 using all the finite forms
of the verb ra(w)/šut ‘go’ (inf. šutin) in the third person singular. In this table
the pronoun ā ‘3SG’can be either the third person pronoun (s/he) or the
demonstrative pronoun (that). The pronoun is non-obligatory, but for the
sake of the clitic =a it is included here. If there is no pronoun or other words
to which this clitic can attach, the =a is dropped. It is therefore included in
the paradigm in order to demonstrate how =a works. The clitic =a is the
imperfective clitic which attaches to the word that precedes the verb and not
to the verb itself.24 The clitic =a with a present stem builds the present indicative and with a past stem it builds the imperfect indicative (see also
Buddruss 1988:62). This clitic primarily shows imperfective aspect and
marks aspect in the past system, whereas in the non-past system it is found in
the indicative mood.
24
It is an equivalent prefix of the Persian prefix mi- in the present indicative and in the imperfect indicative. Another prefix or imperfective particle is k- which precedes vowel initial
verbs. This prefix mostly appears in V k-V phonetic environment (SR 589: sāl=ē du gašt
dīdan=ay=a k-āt ‘twice a year he came to visit him’). For more information, see Axenov
(2006:166-167). See also fn. 35.
79
Table 3.3. Balochi verb system (šutin ‘to go’)
Indicative
Imperfective
Present
Past
ā=a rawt
ā=a šut
Perfective
Past
ā šut
Perfect
Present
ā šut-a
Past (pluperfect) ā šut-a(g)=at
____________________________
Subjunctive
Present
Past
ā b-rawt
ā b-šut-ēn
The tense system of BS is binary, i.e. non-past and past, and all the verbs are
based on two stems: present stem and past stem. In fact, the perfect form is
derived from the past stem by adding the suffix of the past participle -ag/-a.
All perfect forms are periphrastic with forms of the copula verb ‘to be’. The
imperfective clitic =a and the subjunctive prefix b- (with its negative counterpart ma-) occur with present and past stems.
Axenov (2006) devotes chapter 9 of his book to the morphology of the verb
in BT and since it is similar to that of BS, we have summarized what he
(2006:175-200) says about finite forms of the verb in BT. Table 3.4 presents
a brief overview of the finite forms of the verb in BT which, as we stated
previously, are the same as in BS. The terminology used in the table is what
Axenov uses in his work.
80
81
Passive voice (PSTP of
tr. verb + PRS. būtin
‘to be/become’
Imperative
(bi- + present stem)
Present subjunctive
(bi- + present stem +
personal endings)
Present indicative (=a
(k-) + present stem +
present personal endings)
Non-past
(on PRS stem)
Epistemic and
deontic modalities
2nd person singular and plural
Modal
semantics
1. Progressive present
2. Habitual present
3. Generic present
4. Future action (present-in-future)
5. Future action in conditional construction
6. Simultaneous event
7. Historical present (present-in-past)
Temporal
semantics Present or future reference
Functions
Table 3.4. Finite forms of the verb in BT (and BS)
Finite forms of the verb morphology in BT (and BS)
būtin
PSTP of tr. verb + PST.
Pluperfect indicative
(past stem + past form
of the copula)
Past subjunctive
(bi- + past stem + -ēn +
past personal endings)
Perfect indicative
(PSTP + present forms
of the copula)
1. Factual
2. Counterfactual in the past temporal orientation
Modal and
temporal
meanings
temporal
meanings
and
Aspectual
Aspectual
meaning
Aspectual
meaning
Imperfect indicative
(=a + (k-) + past stem +
past personal endings)
Future contexts as relative tense
Past contexts (unmarked)
Functions
Similar to that of present indicative but mostly restricted in the
past
1. Perfect of result
2. Perfect of persistent situation
3. Perfect of result after verbs of
perception and saying having
temporal reference of the verb in
the subordinate clause
Expresses an action accomplished
prior to another action in the past
Temporal
meaning
Preterite indicative
(past stem + past
personal endings)
Past (on PST stem)
3.2.2 Non-event information in BS narratives
Non-event information in narrative is automatically considered as background information. Setting (which is always background) tell us about
where, when and under what circumstances actions take place, as well as
introducing participants and props to the story in connection with a nonevent verb. PJ 1-2 in (3.1) sets the scene by stating the general time for the
subsequent actions, as well as introducing one of the participants, using the
copula.
(3.1)
PJ 1-2: temporal PoD introduces background
bi zamān=i azrat=(t)i
to time=IZ
umar sāib
yakk
His.Holiness=IZ Omar master one
šāir=ē=at
poet=IND=COP.PST.3SG
In the time of His Holiness master Omar there was a poet
nām=ay
pīr ǰangī=at
name=PC.3SG Pir Jangi=COP.PST.3SG
whose name was Pir Jangi.
Clauses XM 3 in (3.2) and XM 37 in (3.3) are setting, as they introduce a
prop and a participant with the non-event verb dāštin ‘to have’.
(3.2)
XM 3-5
ē
bādišā bi=m=ē
DEM king
yakk tīr=i
wat-ī
šār-ay
wasat-(t)ā
in=EMPH=DEM REF-GEN town-GEN middle-OBL
barγ=ē
dāšt
one pole=IZ electricity=IND have.PST.3SG
This king had a light post in the centre of his town
ki
harčī
am=ē
tilīpun-ān-ī
SUB whatever EMPH=DEM telephone-PL-GEN
sīm=at-ant
wire=COP.PST-3PL
(and) whatever phone wires there were,
bi am=ēšī
wasl=at-ant
to EMPH=DEM.OBL connected=COP.PST-3PL
they were connected to this (light post).
(3.3)
XM 37
ta
uhō … ē
aždiyā diga mas=ē
dār-īt
MIR oh … DEM dragon other mother=IND have.PRS-3SG
Good heavens ohhh … this dragon has a mother as well.
82
Clause 342 in (3.4) sets the scene for the following events by introducing a
new place, mūsā kalā, into the discourse in an equative clause.
(3.4)
HJ 340-343
āt-an=u
come.PST-1PL=and
We came and
āt-an
yakk ǰā=ē
come.PST-1PL
came to a place
one
āddā mulk=ē=rā
place=IND
guš-an(t)
mūsā kalā
there region=IND=OBJ say.PRS-3PL Moosa Qala
there, is a region they called Moosa Qala.
mūsā kalā
ki
āt-an
Moosa Qala SUB come.PST-1PL
when we came to Moosa Qala,
Explanatory information clarifies and explains the events of a narrative, i.e.
it is not part of the narratives, but stands outside them and clarifies them and
sometimes provides reasons as background information. In (3.5), XM 109
describes a foreground event and the background explanation in XM 110,
which is introduced with ki and conveys established information, provides a
reason for the previous clause.
(3.5)
XM 109-110
nām=ay
guṛā galaw-ā
išt-ant
xarmizza
name=PC.3SG then melon-OBL leave.PST-3PL xarmizza
Then they named the melon ‘xarmizza’ (which means donkey-taste),
ki
mizzag=ay
awal xar
burt
SUB taste=OBJ.PC.3SG first donkey take away.PST.3SG
since it was the donkey that tasted it first.
KH 40 in (3.6) below states the situation of Pirrak, using the copula and explains why ‘Pirakk did not feel anything’ (KH 39).
(3.6)
KH 39-40
pīrakk sār
na-dāšt
Pirakk sense NEG-have.PST.3SG
Pirakk did not feel anything.
āšix=ē
at
in.love=IND COP.PST.3SG
he was a (person) in love.
83
In (3.7), XM 38-43 explain why the dragon came and was shaking the light
post (XM 10-11). The sentences are background because the verbs are copular (38, 41) or perfect (39, 40, 42, 43).
(3.7)
XM 38-43
ē
mās=ay
š=am=ē
kōh-ay
DEM mother=PC.3SG from=EMPH=DEM mountain-GEN
pāčin
na-(w)ant
mazan šāx
wild.goat NEG-COP.PRS.3PL big
horn
Its mother, there are this kind of wild mountain goats with big horns,
ša=m=ēš-ān
šikār
kurt-a=u
from=EMPH=DEM-PL.OBL hunting do.PST-PSTP=and
it had caught (one) of them and
am=ē
šāx=ay
ēš-ī
guṭṭ-ā
gīr
EMPH=DEM horn= PC.3SG DEM-GEN throat-OBL captive
kurt-ag=ant=u
do.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL=and
its horns have got stuck in its (the mother’s) throat and
napastank=int
short.of.breath =COP.PRS.3SG
it is short of breath,
āt-a
idā
come.PST-PSTP here
it (the dragon) had come here
bi bādšā arz
kurt-a
to king petition do.PST-PSTP
(and) it had informed the king.
Evaluative information conveys background information such as the author’s
feelings, thoughts, motives and opinions about the narrative, its events and
participants. It can be direct, in which the narrator, as Labov (1972:371)
says, stops telling the story and turns to the audience telling them what the
point is. The evaluation can also be indirect, and attributed to a participant in
the text world, through words or actions. XM 75-76 in (3.8), XM 104 in
(3.9) and MG 88 in (3.10) are examples of evaluative information.
(3.8)
XM 74-76
ša
truss-ā
from fear-OBL
kass=ē
ē
galaw-ān-ā
person=IND DEM melon-PL-OBJ.IMF
na-wārt
NEG-eat.PST.3SG
Out of fear, nobody was eating these melons
84
ki
ša
aždiyā-(y)ay dap-ay
tā=ant
SUB from dragon-GEN mouth-GEN in=COP.PRS.3PL
since they were from the mouth of the dragon,
mār-ay
zār=ant
snake-GEN poison=COP.PRS.3PL
they were snake poison.
(3.9)
XM 103-104
wazīr wārt
vizier eat.PST.3SG
The vizier ate,
ta
ē
aǰab-ēn
xušmizzag-ēn čīz=ant
MIR DEM strange-ATTR tasty-ATTR
wow what tasty things are these!
thing=COP.PRS.3PL
(3.10) MG 87-88
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
ē
sawdā=ē
ǰwān-ēn
DEM bargain=IND good-ATTR
This is a good bargain!
Discourse irrealis grounding tells us what did not happen or what could happen. It includes some negative statements, rhetorical questions, and two
kinds of modality, i.e. epistemic modality and deontic modality. All these are
background information. Examples of several different kinds of discourse
irrealis grounding are given in (3.11) to (3.15).
(3.11) HJ 234-238: counterfactual with conditional construction as discourse irrealis
gušt-un
say.PST-1SG
I said:
nūn
ki
bast-a=un
now SUB tie.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
now that I am tied
na-un
NEG-COP.PRS.1SG
I am not,
85
wali aga pāč
būt-ēn-un
but if
open be.PST-PSUBJ-1SG
but if I were free
mardēnzāg=ē=at-un
man=IND=COP.PST-1SG
I would be a man.
(3.12) ND 7-8: counterfactual with conditional construction as discourse
irrealis
aga
ǰinēn
gōn=ē
ma-šut-ēn
if
wife
with=DEM PROH-go.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
If his wife hadn’t gone with him,
ki
na-šut
SUB NEG-go.PST.3SG
he wouldn’t have gone.
(3.13) XM 83-84: negation as discourse irrealis (what did not happen in
these two clauses are the basis for 86-88)
pīramard=am awal čē=(w)a
na-ku
old.man=also first what=IMF NEG-do.PST.3SG
The old man didn’t do, you know, at first,
tawkal=a na-kurt=u
trust=IMF NEG-do.PST.3SG=and
he didn’t trust and
In (3.14) and (3.15), ātin ‘to come’ is followed by ki and a verb in subjunctive mood. This special construction is only used for unfulfilled prospective
aspect or non-achieved goal.25 In (3.14), as the story continues, the man and
the dragon came to an agreement and the man did not throw the dragon.
Instead, he pulled it out of the well. In (3.15) the barber’s heart did not burst
since he went and told the story to a well.
(3.14) GA 72-75: a non-event as discourse irrealis
āt
come.PST.3SG
He was about
ki
prēn-īt
SUB SUBJ.throw.PRS-3SG
to throw (it)
25
The motion verb ātin ‘to come’ in this example indicates prospective aspect. See sec. 4.4.
86
aždīyā gu
dragon say.PST.3SG
the dragon said:
ma-prēn-ay
PROH-throw.PRS-2SG
do not drop (me)
(3.15) SŠ 74-77
mnī
dil
āt
I.GEN heart come.PST.3SG
my heart was going
ki
p-trakk-īt
SUB SUBJ-burst.PRS-3SG
to burst
man šut
I
go.PST.3SG
I went
gō
čā=(y)ē
gušt-un
with well=IND say.PST-1SG
(and) said to a well.
Performative grounding concerns the devices used by the narrator to relate
him to the audience such as speaker-hearer orientation, moral attitudes and
conclusions. There are a lot of examples for speaker-hearer orientation as
performative grounding in the texts such as (3.19) below.26 (3.16) and (3.17)
illustrate conclusions of the stories and (3.18) shows a rhetorical question. In
(3.16), XM 109 is a climactic foreground event which is followed first by an
explanation (see (3.8)),then by a performative statement with non-event verb
mantin ‘to remain’. The same verb is used in PJ 90 (3.17), which is part of a
concluding sentence that relates the preceding story to what the hearers already know about Pir Jangi from the Quran.
(3.16) XM 109-111: a conclusion as performative grounding
nām=ay
guṛā galaw-ā
išt-ant
xarmizza
name=PC.3SG then melon-OBL leave.PST-3PL xarmizza
Then they named the melon ‘xarmizza’ (which means donkey-taste),
ki
mizzag=ay
awal xar
burt
SUB taste=OBJ.PC.3SG first donkey take away.PST.3SG
since it was the donkey that tasted it first.
26
Some of the aspects of this category, i.e. morals, conclusions, and speaker-hearer orientation overlap with evaluation.
87
xarmizza š=ōdā
mant
xarmizza from=there remain.PST.3SG
(the name of) xarmizza (melon) remained from that time.
(3.17) PJ 87-91: a conclusion as performative grounding
am=ā
bū
EMPH=DEM become.PST.3SG
It was for that reason
ki
š=āddā
ingurī pīr ǰangī tōbba
ku
SUB from=there hither Pir Jangi repentance do.PST.3SG
ša
šayr= u
srōz-ān=ō
from poem=and fiddle-PL.OBL=and
that from that time on Pir Jangi repented from (reciting) poetry and
(playing) the fiddle and
pīr ǰangī būt=u
Pir Jangi become.PST.3SG=and
he became Pir Jangi and
tārīx=ay
bi kurān-ā-ay
tā mant-ant=u
history=PC.3SG to Koran-OBL-GEN in remain.PST-3PL=and
the stories about him were recorded in the Quran and
šāirī-(y)ā
wayl=ē
ku
poetry-OBJ given.up=PC.3SG do.PST.3SG
he gave up poetry.
In (3.18) the hearer stops the narrator to ask him the meaning of a word he
used and after answering the question, the narrator continues telling the rest
of the story.
(3.18) KH 35-37: speaker-hearer orientation
iškar
čī=int
live.ember what=COP.PRS.3SG
What is iškar’?
iškar
am=ē
zuγāl
rōšan-ēn
zuγāl
live.ember EMPH=DEM charcoal light-ATTR coal
live embers, this very charcoal, burning charcoal.
iškar=u
zānt-ay
diga
live.ember=TOP know.PST-2SG other
Live embers, you got that, didn’t you?
Clause 242 in (3.19) is performative presupposition, therefore it is background. In other words, the narrator stops telling the story and wants to clari88
fy again who is telling the new story inside the main story for the audience.
In fact, TJ 242-243 is outside the narrative.
(3.19) TJ 242-243: speaker-hearer orientation
nūn ǰinikkō p=ēš-ān
kissa=a
kan-t
now girl
for=DEM- PL.OBL story=IMF do.PRS-3SG
Now, the girl (merchant’s daughter) is telling them the story,
šumā
gōš
you.PL ear
kaššit
SUBJ.pull.PST.3PL
you listen!
See SS 105-114 (p. 391) for an example which is on the borderline between
performative information (the moral for the author) and evaluative information (evaluating the story).
3.2.3 Subordinate clauses in BS narratives
“Cross-linguistically, the information conveyed in pre-nuclear subordinate
clauses is backgrounded in relation to that conveyed in the main clause”
(Levinsohn 2007:73). The following examples illustrate this principle in
Balochi.
In (3.20), XM 31 is a temporal clause with ki ‘when’ in its normal position
after the first constituent (mostly the subject).27 This subordinate clause is
backgrounded in relation to the main clauses, i.e. XM 32-35, which convey
foreground events.
(3.20) XM 31-35
ē
naǰǰār
ki
āt
gō tēγ=u
arrag-ān
DEM carpenter SUB come.PST.3SG with blade=and saw-PL.OBL
When the carpenter came with blades and saws,
ē
aždiyā wayl
kurt=u
DEM dragon released do.PST.3SG=and
the dragon released (the light post) and
rāda
būt=u
en.route become.PST.3SG=and
set out and
aždīyā naǰǰār-ā
išāra dāt=u
išāra=u
dragon carpenter-OBJ hint give.PST.3SG=and hint=and
the dragon gave the carpenter one hint after another and
27
Almost always the temporal clause occurs before the main clause. See, for example, tables
2.1-2.3.
89
bi kō-ay
tā šut
to mountain-GEN in go.PST.3SG
went into the mountain.
Example (3.21) illustrate ki initial subordinate clause when the subject is
dropped, but its function is the same as (3.20).
(3.21) XM 55-56
ki
āt
SUB come.PST.3SG
When he came (back to the king),
bādšā gu
king say.PST.3SG
the king said:
In (3.22) we have no subject in the subordinate clasue PJ 63, instead there is
locative am=idā before ki. In both (3.21) and (3.22) the first clause is
backgrounded and the second clause is foreground event.
(3.22) PJ 63-64
am=idā
ki
āt-ant
EMPH=here SUB come.PST-3PL
When they came there,
gušt-ant
say.PST.3PL
they said:
In the following example, the temporal phrase činka waxt ‘for a long time’
in MG 57 functions as a subordinator for this adverbial clause. It is backgrounded with respect to the main events of MG 59-60 (considering MG 58
as the object of MG 59-60).
(3.23) MG 57-60
činka
waxt-ay
gušnag=u
dilāp=ē=at
so.much time-GEN hungry=and worn.out=IND=COP.PST.3SG
Since he had been hungry and worn out for a long time,
am=ē
har γazā=u har mēwag=ē ki
dīst
EMPH=DEM each food=and each fruit=IND SUB see.PST.3SG
every kind of food and fruit which he saw,
zīt=u
buy.PST.3SG=and
(he) bought and
90
wārt
eat.PST.3SG
ate (it).
Post-nuclear subordinate clauses do not have to be backgrounded with respect to the main clause. MG 62 in (3.24) and BP 4 in (3.25) (in which ki
introduces the rest of the story) illustrate this.
(3.24) MG 61-62
āxarā
yakk sēr=ē
kurt
finally one full=IND do.PST.3SG
Finally he was so full
ki
lāp=ay
na-sātit
SUB belly=PC.3SG NEG-keep.PST.3SG
that there was no place (for more food) in his belly.
(3.25) BP 3-4
kissa ēš=int
story DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
The story is this,
ki
š-ī
SUB say.PRS-3SG
it is said:
3.2.4 Verb types in BS narratives
Now we are going to look at the claim by Foley and Van Valin (1984) that
activity and stative verbs tend to represent background information and
achievement and accomplishment verbs represent foreground information,
keeping in mind that it is only a tendency not a definite rule. This prediction
should follow from the fact that achievement and accomplishment verbs are
[+telic] and therefore inherently perfective and activity and state verbs are
[−telic] and inherently imperfective.
In our text achievement and accomplishment verbs mostly occur as foreground, unless they are in pre-nuclear subordinate clauses, in which case
they are backgrounded with respect to the following events (see sec. 3.2.3).
Examples (3.26-27) and (3.28-29) respectively illustrate achievement and
accomplishment verbs that occur as both foreground (in main clauses) and
background (in pre-nuclear subordinate clauses).
91
(3.26) a. XM 89: achievement verb in foreground
pīramard šurū ku
wārtin-ā
old.man start do.PST.3SG eat.INF-OBJ
The old man began to eat,
b. ŠG 74-75: achievement verb in background
ēširā=am
wārt
DEM.OBJ=also eat.PST.3SG
The lion also ate up the white cow.
ēš-ā=am
ki
alās=ē
ku
DEM-OBJ=also SUB finished=PC.3SG do.PST.3SG
When it finished the white cow too, …
(3.27) a. KH 118: achievement verb in foreground
xudānizar
xān
murt
Khudanizar Khan die.PST.3SG
Khudanizar Khan died.
b. KH 119: achievement verb in background
xudānizar
xān
ki
murt
Khudanizar Khan SUB die.PST.3SG
When Khudanizar Khan died,
(3.28) a. BW 318-319: accomplishment verb in foreground
idā
wazīr čī
ku
kamm=ē
here vizier what do.PST.3SG a.little=IND
Now the vizier did a little what,
tabīat=(t)ay
xarāb būt
temper-PC.3SG ruined become.PST.3SG
he lost his temper.
b. MG 96-97: accomplishment verb in background
marg
na(y)-āt
death NEG-come.PST.3SG
Death did not come
ki
taǰǰār būt
SUB trader become.PST.3SG
rather he became a trader.
92
(3.29) a. XM 91: accomplishment verb in foreground
pīramard=am pazzōr (b)ūt
old.man=also
strong become.PST.3SG
The old man became strong as well.
b. BH 77-79: accomplishment verb in background
šut-ant
go.PST-3PL
They went.
ābādī ki
nazzīk būt
village SUB near
become.PST.3SG
When they came near the village,
kučakk gwakkit-ant
dog
bark.PST-3PL
the dogs barked.
However, most activity verbs such as ātin ‘to come’, šutin ‘to go’, čār kurtin
‘to walk around’, kār kurtin ‘to work’, birgaštin ‘to return’, ǰam kurtin ‘to
collect, to gather’, kaš kurtin ‘to pull something’ also occurred more frequently in the foreground. (3.30) is an example of activity verbs occuring in
both foreground and background. The activity verbs in BW 281-282 and BW
283 are foreground events, but BW 283 is a background one because it is the
repetition of BW 282.28 From what happens next, we can say that this repetition is not the reassertion of the event as foreground but it is repetition of the
last clause chain to start something new, as the king of the other country who
is mentioned in BW 289 immediately after BW 283 asks them “Who are
you?” in BW 284. So, we can even interpret BW 283 as a temporal clause
without ki, i.e. ‘When they went there, …’ functioning as a background
clause to what the king said.
(3.30) a. BW 281-282: activity verbs in foreground
ǰist-ant
run.PST-3PL
They ran away.
šut-ant
diga bādšāī-(y)ā
go.PST-3PL other kingdom-OBL
They went to another kingdom.
28
However, activity verbs like ‘ran away’ and ‘went’ tend to occur in the transition between
episodes, so could be thought of as a background nature in relation to the events that take
place before or after the journeys involved.
93
b. BW 283-284: activity verb in background
ādā
šut-ant
there go.PST-3PL
They went there
šumā
čōn-ēn
you.PL how-ATTR
(The king of that kingdom said:) Who are you?
A perception verb such as dīstin ‘to see’ which is semantically stative, can
occur in the foreground. In (3.31a) dīstant ‘they saw’ is a foreground event
while zānt ‘he knew/ understood’ in (3.31b) is a background event. The difference between these two stative verbs is that in (3.31a) ‘see’ is interpreted
as inceptive while in (3.31b) ‘know’ is interpreted as durative.
(3.31) a. TJ 80-81: stative verb in foreground
dīst-ant
see.PST-3PL
They saw
ta
ša
yag ǰā=(y)ē
burr=ē
mardum=a
MIR from one place=IND lot=IND people=IMF
ǰi-īt
ǰālā-(y)ī
run.PRS.3SG down –ADVZ
that a lot of people were running downwards (southward) from a
certain place.
b. BH 95-96: stative verb in background
bādšā
zānt
king.IMF know.PST.3SG
the king knew
ki
idā
xazānag=int
SUB here treasure=COP.PRS.3SG
that there is a treasure here.
3.2.5 Tense and aspect in BS narratives
In Table 3.5 we will examine tense-aspect in the studied data in Table 3.5.
This table shows how the tense-aspect system in BS is closely involved in
defining foreground and background information. In Table 3.5 all different
usages of tense-aspect have been extracted from the texts to identify the
most and the least frequent forms.
94
Table 3.5. Usage of tense-aspect in the selected narrative data
Main
PRT
IMF PLPF
Total
PRS
PF
Total
texts
Ind.
Ind.
Ind.
PST
Ind.
Ind.
PRS
XM
63
2
65
8
5
13
MG
51
51
4
4
BP
94
4
98
5
3
8
PJ
50
3
2
55
4
1
5
KH
65
17
3
85
8
8
TJ
142
4
8
154
10
10
BU
16
4
20
1
1
BH
71
8
79
5
2
7
SR
131
7
4
142
34
3
37
SS
45
3
48
1
1
BW
224
2
2
228
16
1
17
ŠG
46
2
48
1
1
GG
105
105
3
1
4
KJ
79
1
80
15
2
17
MM
68
4
72
4
4
ŠX
99
5
104
2
2
GA
81
1
82
3
1
4
ND
82
13
95
5
1
6
Total 1512
79
20
1611
128
21
149
ALL
78
55
106
60
93
164
21
86
179
49
245
49
109
97
76
106
86
101
1760
Interestingly, all the narrative oral texts gathered for this study are told in the
past temporal domain and the main person is the third person. As can be seen
in Table 3.5 above, the preterite indicative is the default tense for telling all
stories (1512 occurrences). It is the only perfective verb which is aspectually
unmarked. The other four tense-aspect forms are present indicative (128
occurrences), imperfective indicative (79 occurrences), pluperfect indicative
(20 occurrences), and perfect indicative (21 occurrences).29 They are used in
the narrative with different discourse functions.30
Imperfect indicative which has both an aspectual and a tense function is used
to express the basic imperfective meaning of viewing an event from the inside. In the analyzed data, the most frequent use of imperfective aspect is for
habitual events in the past. The concept is very similar to the expression
‘used to’ in English.31 In addition to describing background information, past
continuous is used to express simultaneous and parallel events of some duration.
29
Altogether 248 occurrences, it is about 14% of all, i.e. 1760.
Present and past subjunctive, imperative and passive were not included in this table as these
forms belong to the categories of mood and voice, respectively.
31
This concept is sometimes emphasized with the adverbs of frequency such as amēša ‘always’ and amēša waxt ‘all the time’. See KH 11 and TJ 120.
30
95
The second commonest additional tense/aspect is present indicative. In fact,
present indicative in BS has an aspectual meaning of ‘imperfective’ and is
not a tense. The aspectual meaning of the present indicative “defines an action or a sequence of actions as unaccomplished before a definite time point”
(Axenov 2006:181), which is usually the time of utterance. In our oral narrative texts where the default tense/aspect is preterite indicative, present indicative is also used as historical present for dramatic purposes.32 As in Persian
(see Roberts 2009:265), the historical present typically occurs in foreground
information in BS texts. It also adds vividness to the account by drawing the
audience into the events of the story. Roberts (2009:270) treats the historical
present as “tense neutralisation where the present tense marked does not
have the present context as the point of reference”.
The least commonly used tense-aspects are perfect indicative and pluperfect
indicative. Pluperfect is an absolute-relative TAM form that refers to a time
in the past relative to a reference point, which itself is in the past relative to
the moment of utterance. In other words, it looks back from an already established point in the past to further in the past. Therefore it always represents
background information. Perfect indicative has both aspectual and temporal
meanings. The perfect indicative in BS, as in BT, can express the meaning of
“the perfect of result, the perfect of persistent situation” (Comrie 1976:56),
and perfect of result after verbs of saying and perception. When perfect indicative has the meaning of the perfect of result, in many cases the evidence
the speaker has is inferred and not direct.33
Now we are going to see how different types of syntactic devices and verb
classes correlate with foreground and background information. After the
preterite indicative and present indicative, imperfect indicative is the most
used tense/aspect in the texts which expresses the commonest aspects of
imperfectivity such as habitual events in the past, simultaneous events and
the state of mind with perception verbs. (3.32a) illustrates an example of the
past habitual function and (3.32b) is an example of when one event temporally overlaps with another event. The habitual events of (3.32a) are of a
background nature in relation to what happened in KH 15-16 when finally
Sabzo’s father gave her to a rich man. In contrast, the simultaneous events of
(3.32b) “extend the basic framework of the mental representation” (D&L
2001:79), so are interpreted as foreground.
32
Historical present is likely to occur in different narrative situations. For example, as in
(3.39), (3.42), (3.46) and (3.47), it occurs either with events that are preparatory to others or
with quotation margins to downgrade the grounding of its particular event a bit, while perhaps
making a large sequence of events more vivid by giving it more temporal relief.
33
In perfect of result, the result of a state or event, occurring before the time of utterance, is
relevant to the present state of affairs. From the resulting state at the moment of utterance one
can infer that an event must have occurred.
96
(3.32) a. KH 11-14: imperfect indicative as past habitual
amēša waxt pa sabzō līkō=a
gušt=u
always time for Sabzo sad.song=IMF say.PST.3SG=and
He always recited sad songs for Sabzo and
šayr=a
gušt=u
poem=IMF say.PST.3SG=and
recited poems and
all=a
ǰat=u
groan=IMF strike.PST.3SG=and
groaned and
sabzō-ī
piss
bi ēšī=a
Sabzo-GEN father to DEM.OBL=IMF
na-dāt=ē
NEG-give.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
but Sabzo’s father did not marry her off to him.
b KH 25-30: imperfect indicative as simultaneous events (here
parallel actions)
pīrakk (26a)
Pirakk
Pirakk,
š-īt (25)
say.PRS-3SG
they say,
čāp=a
kurt=u (26b)
dance=IMF do.PST.3SG=and
(he) started dancing and
sabzō ša
killa-ā
dar=a
bū
Sabzo from wedding.tent-OBL out=IMF become.PST.3SG
Sabzo started going out from the wedding tent,
aḍḍ=a
na-ku
waiting=IMF NEG-do.PST.3SG
she was impatient (she couldn’t stay),
pīrakk-ā
sayl=a
ku
Pirakk-OBJ view=IMF do.PST.3SG
she was looking at Pirakk,
tamāšā=a
ku
look=IMF
do.PST.3SG
she was watching (him).
97
Some other examples of the habitual function of the imperfect indicative are
PJ 13-14, KH 122-123 and 127, 129, 132, 134, BU 5-7, BH 4-11. It should
be said that contrary to the past habitual function, the occurrences for the
temporal overlap function are few in the analyzed data.34
Example (3.33) illustrates the use of the imperfective to present the ongoing
results of the event described in KH 120 (and 121).
(3.33) KH 120-124: preterite to imperfect indicative
pīrakk ša
xudānizar-ī
γam-ān
ganōk
Pirakk from Khudanizar-GEN grief-PL.OBL mad
būt
become.PST.3SG
Pirakk became mad out of grief for Khudanizar Khan.
ganōk ūt=u
mad
become.PST.3SG=and
He lost his mind and
all=a
ǰat=u
groan=IMF strike.PST.3SG=and
groaned and
grēt
rōč-ā
ta
bēgāī=u
IMF.cry.PST.3SG day-OBL until evening=and
cried the whole day (from morning) to evening and
wat-rā
kurkuṭū=a
dāt
RFL-OBJ torment=IMF give.PST.3SG
he tormented himself.
Pluperfect as a non-deictic tense is used where the temporal location of an
event is prior to the event chosen as the reference point, which itself is in the
past relative to the moment of utterance. By describing an event or other
situation which occurred before another situation, it always designates a state
during which that event or situation is relevant. By designating a state it is
like other stative predicates, which are background.
We have pluperfect in PJ 4b, 60; KH 7, 22, 23; TJ 113, 115, 198, 199, 200,
202, 217, 265; SR 20, 211b, 213, 323; BW 57, 398; KJ 112. Because the
events concerned take place before the event chosen as the reference point,
they are backgrounded with respect to that event. Example (3.34) illustrates
the pluperfect used with reference to the following verbs marked for (imper-
34
Their occurrences should be more in other kinds of narrative texts.
98
fective) imperfect indicative.35 The imperfective is used in SR 214-215 to
indicate that the events concerned are habitual in nature.36
(3.34) SR 210-215: from pluperfect to past continuous37
lakkar=ē (211a)
stick=IND
š-ī (210)
say.PRS-3SG
They say,
dast-ā
kurt=at=u (211b)
hand-OBL do.PST=COP.PST.3SG=and
he had taken a walking stick in his hand and,
srēn-ā
čōṭ
kurt=at
loins-OBJ bent do.PST=COP.PST.3SG
he had bent his loins,
srēn-ā
čōṭ
kurt=at=u
loins-OBJ bent do.PST=COP.PST.3SG=and
he had bent his loins and
am=idā
gašt
EMPH=here.IMF
walk.around.PST.3SG
walked around here.
awgān drust=a
na-kurt-ant āyirā
afghan recognised=IMF NEG-do.PST-3PL DEM.OBJ
The Afghans did not recognise him.
(3.35) and (3.36) illustrate the pluperfect used with reference to the time of
the main clause. In almost all cases the pluperfect comes before the reference
point and the reference point is marked as either perfective (TJ 218 in (3.35)
and PJ 64 in (3.36b)) or past habitual (PJ 8 in (3.36a)).
35
Axenov (2006:168-70) mentions cases where the imperfective particle =a cannot be used
in BT. In BS it is used after long -ā in some cases as in yē ša rōd-ā=a gwazant in (3.48) and
it can also be used after the indefinite clitic =ē in BS, TJ 49: yag mardum=ē=a rawt ‘a
person is going’, whereas it cannot be used in BT in these positions, or Axenov might not
have found any example.
36
It seems likely that 214-215 form the background to 218ff. So, there are two levels of backgrounding here.
musalla ku
218 mardum-ā kullan wat-ī-ān-ā
people-OBJ totally REF-GEN-PL-OBJ armed do.PST.3SG
He armed all his people.
………………
37
The pluperfect clauses come before the clause that denotes the event functioning as their
reference point.
99
(3.35) TJ 217-218: from pluperfect to past
zabr
wat-rā
ārāyiš
kurt=at
good RFL-OBJ makeup do.PST=COP.PST.3SG
she had made herself up well,
taǰǰār
āt
merchant come.PST.3SG
the merchant came.
In (3.36a), the pluperfect is past with reference to the time of the main
clause, which is PJ 8. Clauses 5-7 are prenuclear with respect to 8. The same
is true with (3.36b) where the whole sentence (PJ 60-62) in (3.36b) is past
with reference to the time of the next main event, which is TJ 64 following
the pre-nuclear subordinate clause of TJ 63.
(3.36) a. PJ 4b-8: from pluperfect to past habitual
ančēn
sawt=ē
ēši-rā
allā=i
pāk
such.ATTR voice=IND DEM-OBJ God=IZ clean
dāt-at
give.PST-COP.PST.3SG
He, the Holy God had given him such a voice
ki
waxt=ē
šayr
b-gušt-ēn
SUB time=IND poem SUBJ-say.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
that when he would recite a poem,
srōz
b-ǰat-ēn
fiddle SUBJ-strike.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
(or) play the fiddle,
rabāb b-ǰat-ēn
rebeck SUBJ-strike.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
(or) play the rebeck,
bē
tilā-ā
pa nuγra šayr=u
srōz=a
without gold-OBL for silver poem=and fiddle=IMF
na-ǰat
NEG-hit.PST.3SG
for less than gold, not even for silver, he would not recite a poem
or play the fiddle.
b. PJ 60-64: from pluperfect to past
say
duzz irāda
kurt-at=ant
three thief desire do.PST=COP.PST-3PL
Three thieves had taken a decision:
100
ki
b-raw-an
SUB SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL
Let’s go
bādišā-ay
xazānag-ā
b-ǰan-an
king-GEN treasury-OBJ SUBJ-hit.PRS-1PL
(and) steal from the king’s treasury.
am=idā
ki
āt-ant
EMPH=here SUB come.PST-3PL
When they came there,
gušt-ant
say.PST-3PL
they said:
Perfect indicative has been used 20 times in all the following clauses XM 10,
39, 40, 42, 43; PJ 38; SR 376, 378, 380; BH 14, 15; BW 114; BP 26, 53, 98;
GG, 68; KJ 21, 80; GA 145; ND 130. In (3.37a) the mainline events of the
story begin with the temporal PoD yag rōč=ē ‘one day’ and the perception
verb dīstin ‘to see’, which here means ‘to notice’, and is in the preterite indicative (perfective aspect), but its complement clauses 10 and 11 are respectively in perfect38 and present indicative. Both 10 and 11, which follows
it, are inferred evidence. Although it seems that a new entity, aždiyā=ē ‘a
dragon’ is introduced in the story, this is merely the narrator’s view from
outside the story. The king is informed of the dragon only when he sends
someone to see who is shaking the light post and he comes back and informs
the king about the dragon in XM 12-16. XM 37-43 in (3.37b) are the complements of the omitted perception verb dīstin ‘to see’ after XM 36. XM 37
is in the present indicative and direct evidence and 38 is the narrator’s comment outside the story, therefore it is background. XM 39-40 are in the perfect indicative and therefore, inferred evidence (see fn. 33), but 41 is in the
present indicative to emphasize the critical situation of the dragon’s mother.
XM 41-42 are again in the perfect indicative and flash back to the beginning
of the story, therefore, they are background information.39
(3.37) a. XM 9-11: perfect indicative and inferred evidence as background
yag
rōč=ē
dīst
one day=IND see.PST.3SG
One day he noticed
38
Perfect of result after verb of perception (see fn. 33).
Except for 3SG, the present copula attaches to the PSTP of the verb to show the number
and person for perfect, like in XM 40 from (3.37b). In 3SG the present copula never appears
and the only indicator of 3SG is the PSTP form of the verb. This is seen in XM 10 and XM
39, 42, and 43 from (3.37a) and (3.37b), respectively.
39
101
ta
am=ē
aždiyā=(y)ē āt-a=u
MIR EMPH=DEM dragon=IND come.PST-PSTP=and
that a dragon had come and
am=ēš-ā
takān=a
dant
EMPH=DEM-OBJ shake=IMF give.PRS.3SG
was shaking this (light post).
b. XM 37-43: present perfect and inferred evidence as background
ta
uhō… ē
aždiyā diga mās=ē
dār-īt
MIR oh ... DEM dragon other mother=IND have.PRS-3SG
good heavens, this dragon has a mother as well.
ē
mās=ay
š=am=ē
kōh-ay
DEM mother=PC.3SG from=EMPH=DEM mountain-GEN
pāčin
na-(w)ant
mazan šāx
wild.goat NEG-COP.PRS.3PL big
horn
Its mother, there are this kind of wild mountain goats with big
horns,
ša=m=ēš-ān
šikār
kurt-a=u
from=EMPH=DEM-PL.OBL hunting do.PST-PSTP=and
it had caught (one) of them and
am=ē
šāx=ay
EMPH=DEM
horn=PC.3SG DEM-GEN throat-OBL
gīr
ēš-ī
guṭṭ-ā
kurt-ag=ant=u
captive do.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL=and
its horns have got stuck in its (the mother’s) throat and
napastank=int
short.of.breath=COP.PRS.3SG
it is short of breath,
āt-a
idā
come.PST-PSTP here
it (the dragon) had come here
bi bādšā arz
kurt-a
to king petition do.PST-PSTP
(and) it had informed the king.
Analysis of other clauses in the perfect indicative, at least in this data, indicates that all of them contain background information. Thus from what we
have seen in the analyzed data, the pluperfect always presents background,
and perfect indicative, at least in the provided data, mark background information. Events in the imperfective indicative are of a background nature
when habitual but, when inceptive (began and continued to …), may be
102
foreground. Preterite indicative (perfective aspect) presents foreground information unless some syntactic devices and constructions are used to express background information.
Finally, present indicative is mainly used in BS to draw the hearers into the
events of the story. The most common verbs used in present indicative are
the speech verb guštin ‘to say’ and the copula verb. Nominal clauses which
imply present copula also occur in relatively considerable numbers. The
presentational clause in most of the stories, begins with the present form of
the verb ‘to say’ in the third person singular as, for example in (3.38) which
removes the listeners out of the story for a moment.
(3.38) XM 1-2
guš-īt
say.PRS-3SG
They say:
ki
yag
bādišā=(y)ē=at
SUB one king=IND=COP.PST.3SG
There was a king.
Sometimes the narrator addresses the audience in order to draw their attention to the story as he does in (3.39).
(3.39) ŠG 1-2
wāǰa guš-īt
sir say.PRS-3SG
Sir, they say:
ki
say gōk=at-ant
SUB three cow=COP.PST-3PL
There were three cows.
About one third of the verbs in the present indicative are the repetition of the
speech verb. In addition to adding vividness, by using the speech verb in the
present tense the narrator is implying that the story has been said over and
over by past generations. Even in SR, a real-based story, the narrator uses
this verb 23 times to imply that the people who themselves had witnessed the
story or had had first hand information about what had happened had retold
the story.
Almost all the speech verbs within the stories are in the simple past and
therefore foreground. Only in BW 25 and 27 are they in present indicative.
The prince accepts his father’s advice to marry a faithful girl (BW 18-19).
He goes here and there (20-23) until he finds out that somewhere there is a
103
king who has such a daughter (24). In (3.40) the speech verbs in 25 and 27
are in the present indicative as the prince asks the king to give him his
daughter and the king answers him by proposing some conditions. By using
the historical present the narrator points forward to the events that result
from the conversation.40
(3.40) BW 25-28
guš-īt
say.PRS-3SG
He (the prince) says:
wat-ī
ǰinikk-ā
b-day
RFL-GEN daughter-OBJ SUBJ-give.PRS
Give (me) your daughter!
guš-īt
say.PRS-3SG
He (the king) says:
mnī
ǰinikk
ā
rang
na-int
I.GEN daughter DEM manner NEG-COP.PRS.3SG
(Marrying) my daughter is not (possible) so easy.
The mirative particle41 ta introduces perceptions, which are always in the
present as in (3.41) and (3.42).42
The complement of perception verbs beginning with the mirative particle ta
is always in the present as in (3.41) and (3.42). In these examples, the present indicative illustrates how the subjects of the main clauses are startled by
unexpected events or situations.
(3.41) MG 53-54: omitted perception verb with its complement in copula
present
ē
sing-ā
bāl
āwurt
DEM stone-OBJ high bring.PST.3SG
He lifted up the stone
ta
mazan-ēn
zarr=ē
ēš-ī
čērā=int
MIR large-ATTR money=IND DEM-GEN under=COP.PRS.3SG
(and saw) good heavens there was a lot of money under it!
40
As Levinsohn (2000:200) states “like other devices employed for highlighting, the historical present usually occurs prior to the event or group of events that are of particular significance”.
41
A mirative (or admirative; abbreviated MIR) is a particular grammatical element in some
languages which marks an utterance conveying information which is new or unexpected to the
speaker (DeLancey 2001:369f) or, in the case of narratives, to the participant concerned.
42
In addition to clauses in the present, the content of a perception may include the description
of inferred events in the perfect indicative, as in XM 10 (3.37a) and XM 39 (3.37b).
104
(3.42) TJ 47-49: perception verb with its complement in present tense
dīst-ant
see.PST-3PL
they saw
ta
yakk burr=ē mardum=a ǰī-(y)ant
MIR one lot=IND people=IMF run.PRS-3PL
that a lot of people were running,
yag mardum=ē=a
rawt
one person=IND=IMF go.PRS.3SG
one person is walking (along).
The main function of ta is to indicate that the author is presenting the information from the point of view of the person who perceives it. Its function is
very close to that of idoú ‘lo, behold’ in Koiné Greek which precedes the
reference to a new participant “to focus special attention... as he/she/it is
introduced onto the event line of an episode” (Van Otterloo 1988:34).43
In (3.43) in addition to introducing new participants čār napar to the story,
the main participant or agent, the king, is startled by seeing them. In (3.44),
Pir Jangi is reintroduced but the important thing is that Omar is surprised
because he did not expect to see Pir Jangi again especially as a person who
God orders to be rewarded.
(3.43) BH 13-14: introducing a new entity into the story
āt
come.PST.3SG
He came (and saw)
ta
yakk ǰā=ē
čār
napar ništ-ag=ant
MIR one place=IND circle person sit.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL
(and saw) that four people were sitting in a place.
(3.44) PJ 34-38: reintroducing an already established entity to the story
azrat=(t)i
umar mazan-ēn tilā=ē
ša
bayt.ul.māl-ā
His.Holiness=IZ Omar big-ATTR gold=IND from treasury-OBL
zurt=u
seize.PST.3SG=and
His Holiness Omar took a large amount of gold from the treasury
and
43
Chapter 6 of Bailey’s (2009:314-384) doctoral dissertation offers a detailed analysis of iδoú
and iδε from the perspective of information structure and to some extent, syntactic function.
105
āt
come.PST.3SG
came,
gašt
turn.PST.3SG
(and) searched (and saw)
ta
ē
pīr ǰangī=int
MIR DEM Pir Jangi=COP.PRS.3SG
good heavens, this is Pir Jangi,
kapt-a
fall.PST-PSTP
(who) has ended up (here).
A nominal clause or a verbless clause in narrative history, as Dawson
(1994:101) defines it, “is an anomaly which adds detail to the context, but
does not advance the story”. Such is the case in the complement clauses of
(3.45) and (3.46). They lack the copula and the DEM ē ‘this’ is the subject.
These clauses are descriptive, hence stative, background.
(3.45) TJ 116-119: verbless clause
γayr
ša
mās=ay=u
piss=ay
except from mother=PC.3SG=and father=PC.3SG
zānt
understand.PST.3SG
except her mother and father who knew
ki
ē
ǰinikk=ē
SUB DEM girl=IND
that this was a girl,
amsāyag=am=a
na-zānt-ant
neighbour=also=IMF NEG-know.PST-3PL
even the neighbours didn’t know
ki
ē
ǰinikk=ē
SUB DEM girl=IND
that this was a girl.
(3.46) BW 240-241: verbless clause
dīst
see.PST.3SG
He saw
106
ki
SUB
ta
ē
ǰinēnzāg=ē
MIR DEM woman=IND
good heavens, this is a woman.
In (3.47) present indicative is also used in speaker-hearer orientation when
the narrator stops telling the story and addresses the audience in the second
person.
(3.47) TJ 242-243: speaker-hearer orientation
nūn ǰinikkō p=ēš-ān
kissa=a
kan-t
now girl
for=DEM-PL.OBL story=IMF do.PRS-3SG
Now, the girl (the merchant’s daughter) is telling them the story,
šumā
gōš kaššit
you.PL ear pull.PST.3SG
you listen!
SR 427-430, shown in (3.48) is in the historical present. At this point after
leaving the village and Sardar Rahmat Khan is present in the scene, the Afghans cross the river to go home. The audience may expect the end of the
story, but by using the historical present the narrator makes the scene ready
for a turning point towards the climax of the story.
(3.48) SR 427-430: historical present tense
tā
rōd-ay
dēmā
bīt
čō
ki
until river-GEN in.front.IMF be.PRS.3SG like SUB
While (Sardar Rahmat Khan) was by the river,
sardār rāmat
xān
rōd-ay
dēmā
bīt
sardar Rahmat Khan river-GEN in.front.of.IMF be.PRS.3SG
Sardar Rahmat was by the river,
(y)ē
ša
rōd-ā=a
gwaz-ant
DEM from river-OBL=IMF
they cross the river
pa
bakōa-ā
pass.PRS-3PL
raw-ant
for Bakoa-OBL.IMF go.PRS-3PL
(and) they go to Bakoa.
The Afghans cross the river and just when they walked up the river bank,
Rahmat Khan sends his son with a black riding camel as a gift to ask the
Afghan’s khan to come back alone to Rahmat Khan (SR 481-490). Before
this turning point is described, though, nearly fifty clauses (SR 433-480) are
107
taken up with background information and an interaction between the narrator and one of the hearers who is culturally aware of the situation.
3.2.6 Application to XM and PJ texts
As stated in §3.1.1, the theme-line or foreground information is the events of
the narrative in chronological order which carry the theme of the discourse
forward. These events are performed by an agent. Non-event material conveys background information include setting, explanation, evaluation (direct
or indirect), discourse irrealis or collateral and performative information.
According to text linguistics theory in order to distinguish foreground and
background information several different types of syntactic devices can be
used.
●
As we saw in section 3.1.3.2, perfective aspect correlates with foreground events while imperfective aspect correlates with background
events.
●
The information in pre-nuclear subordinate clauses is always backgrounded with respect to that conveyed by the main clause (§3.2.3).
In contrast, a main clause can present either background or foreground information.
Now, in addition to examples given from all texts, we select two texts, XM
and PJ (Tables 3.6 and 3.7), to illustrate these correlations. The first one is a
folktale and the second one is a religious story. Xarmizza ‘melon’ is a combination of two words, xar ‘donkey’ and mizza ‘taste’. Through a series of
events the author is going to tell us how this name was created. The second
text, i.e. PJ, is a religious story about a singer and musician who is very famous and has a nice voice. He becomes very haughty and God takes his
pleasant voice away. Then he sings songs and plays the fiddle only for children. Since music is not allowed in Islam, the Caliph Omar threatens to kill
him and he has to leave the city and go to a desert and a cemetery. Through a
series of events he decides to be a real believer in God and quits singing and
playing.
If we look at the beginning of the texts, we will see that there is no time setting for folktales and fiction (3.49) while the whole temporal setting for realbased and religious stories is given only by mentioning the names of the
main participants who are historical and real characters. As can be seen in
(3.49) no time setting is indicated at the beginning of the story, so we do not
know when, and even exactly where, the story happens while in (3.50) the
time setting in PJ is given during the time of the Caliph Omar.
108
(3.49) XM 1-2: no time setting
guš-īt
say.PRS-3SG
They say:
ki
yag
bādišā=(y)ē=at
SUB one king=IND=COP.PST.3SG
There was a king.
(3.50) PJ 1-2: time setting in the very beginning of the story
bi zamān=i azrat=(t)i
in time=IZ
umar sāib
yakk
His.Holiness=IZ Omar master one
šāir=ē=at
poet=IND=COP.PST.3SG
In the time of His Holiness master Omar there was a poet
nām=ay
pīr ǰangī=at
name=PC.3SG
Pir Jangi=COP.PST.3SG
whose name was Pir Jangi.
The Xarmizza story44 begins with the speech verb in present indicative which
we call the ‘Introductory Speech Verb’. XM 2 introduces a king and the verb
is stative. This is background information. XM 3-5 are all stative presentational constructions and therefore background. The initial locative setting is
given in XM 3 as šār-ay wasat-(t)ā ‘the city centre’. The next sentence (XM
6-8) is background because XM 7 is a subordinate clause and the compound
passive verb sī=(y)a būt ‘he was informed’ in XM 8 is in the imperfect
indicative indicating that the event concerned occurred habitually in the past.
The temporal PoD yag rōč=ē ‘one day’ in XM 9 indicates the beginning of
the mainline events in the story.45 Moreover, the perception verb dīstin ‘to
see’ in the same clause, which is semantically stative, conveys the meaning
‘to notice’ and as an achievement verb it occurs in this foreground clause.46
Tables 3.6 and 3.7 present a summary of the various syntactic and lexical
devices used in XM and PJ texts to indicate foreground and background
information.
44
See pp. 286-293 for the text.
In PJ temporal PoD yag zamān=ē bū ‘there came a time’ in clause 9 indicates the beginning of the mainline events in the story.
46
From now on we ignore subjunctive as it is discourse irrealis and contain background information. For negated events see Levinsohn 2007, sec. 5.2.1).
45
109
Table 3.6. Foreground and background in Xarmizza
Clause
1
2
3-5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12-13
14
15
17
23
25
29
31
32-35
36
37
38
39-40
41
42-43
44
45-47
48-49
50
51
52
53-54
55
56
58
65
68-69
71
72-73
74
110
Comment
The speech verb ‘say’, in present indicative, at the
beginning of the story implies that the story has been
said over and over by past generations and draws the
hearer into the story from the beginning.
Stative presentational construction introduces yag
bādšā=(y)ē ‘a king’.
Stative presentational construction introduces the
initial locational setting šār-ay wasat-(t)ā ‘city centre’
and the prop yakk tīr=i barγ=ē ‘a light pole’.
Past subjunctive. Discourse irrealis
Past Subjunctive - Temporal clause marked with ki
‘when’.
Past continuous - describes a habitual event.
Preterite. The PoD yag rōč=ē ‘one day’ in this clause
also indicates the beginning of the main events.
Present perfect. Object of dīst ‘noticed’ in XM 9.
Present continuous. Object of dīst ‘noticed’ in XM 9.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite. Temporal clause marked with ki ‘when’.
Preterite.
Preterite. Temporal clause marked with ki ‘when’.
Present tense. Stative verb.
Present copula. (speaker’s observation).
Present perfect. Inferred event.
Present copula. (speaker’s observation).
Present perfect.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite. Temporal clause marked with ki ‘when’.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite. Temporal clause marked with ki ‘when’.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Past continuous. Negative event.
Grounding
background
background
background
background
background
background
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
background
foreground
background
background
background
background
background
background
foreground
foreground
foreground
background
foreground
foreground
foreground
background
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
75
76
77
78
79-80
81
82
83-84
85
86-87
88
89
90
91
92
93
95
100
103
104
105
106
107
109
110
111
Present copula.
Present copula. Comment on the previous clause.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite
Preterite.
Preterite.
Past continuous. Negative statement and discourse
irrealis as it tells us ‘what did not happen, as a basis
for what did happen’ (Levinsohn 2007:69).
Preterite. Stative verb.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Present copula. ta introduces evaluation.
Preterite.
Preterite. Temporal clause marked with ki ‘when’.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Past tense.
Preterite.
Present copula. ta introduces evaluation.
Preterite.
Preterite. Temporal clause marked with ki ‘when’.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite. Subordinate clause providing reason.
Preterite. Statve verb. Performative conclusion.
background
background
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
background
background
foreground
foreground
foreground
background
foreground
background
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
background
foreground
background
foreground
foreground
background
background
Table 3.7. Foreground and background in Pīr ǰangī
Clause
1-2
3
4-8
9
10
11
12
Comment
Stative presentational construction introduces yakk
šāir=ē whose name was ‘Pir Jangi’, the main protagonist or the major participant. Temp PoD bi
zamāna=i azrat=i umar sāib ‘in the time of His
Holiness master Omar’ expresses temporal setting.
The speech verb ‘say’, in present indicative, implies
that the story has been said over and over by the past
generations and draws the hearer into the story from
the beginning.
Pluperfect (marking the whole sentence as background).
Stative verb. PoD yakk zamān=ē expresses temporal
setting.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite. Tail-head linkage (repetition).
Grounding
background
background
background
background
foreground
foreground
background
111
13
14
15
16
17
21-22
23
24
25
29
30
31
34
35-36
37
38
39
41
42
44
46
49
53
54
55
58
59
60
63
64
70-71
72
73
74
75
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
87-90
91
Past habitual.
Past habitual.
Incomplete clause.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Present copula.
Present perfect. Inferred event.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite. āxirā wāb šut ‘at the end he went to sleep’.
Pluperfect.
Preterite. Temporal clause marked with ki ‘when’.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite. Temporal clause marked with ki ‘when’.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Present copula.
Preterite.
Preterite.
Preterite. Climax of the story.
Preterite.
Present copula.
Preterite.
Stative verbs. Performative information.
Preterite. Performative information.
background
background
background
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
background
background
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
background
background
foreground
foreground
foreground
background
foreground
foreground
foreground
background
foreground
foreground
foreground
foreground
background
foreground
background
background
Table 8 summarizes the correlations in the analysed narrative texts between
overt indicators of tense, aspect, mood and subordination, on the one hand,
and foreground and background, on the other.
112
Table 3.8: Coding material in BS narratives
Occurrence Foreground
information
Coded by tense
overt
Simple past
(event verbs)
Coded by aspect
Coded by mood
Other coding
material
3.3
overt
overt
overt
Perfective
Realis
Background
information
Present tense
Simple past
(non-event verbs)
Pluperfect
Imperfective
Irrealis
__ Subordination
__ Tail-head linkage
Highlighting of sentences
“Sentences are typically highlighted when they relate to a climax or when a
significant development (e.g. an ‘inciting incident’ or a ‘complication’) or a
change of direction occurs” (Levinsohn 2007:80). The climax is the most
exciting event or point of the story when the conflict is resolved and is an
element of the plot. The climax and the climactic events of the story in BS
are introduced by using several linguistic devices including rhetorical and
slowing-down devices.47
One of the devices used in the text for highlighting is the historical present.
It normally occurs prior to the event or a series of events that are of particular importance. (3.40) and (3.48) as well as (3.51) are examples of the historical present. BW 25 and 27 are in present tense to point forward to the significant events on which the story is formed.
(3.51) BW 25-28
guš-īt
say.PRS-3SG
He (the prince) says:
wat-ī
ǰinikk-ā
b-day
RFL-GEN daughter-OBJ SUBJ-give.PRS
Give (me) your daughter!
guš-īt
say.PRS-3SG
He (the king) says:
47
For the effect of introducing a reported speech with ki, see sec. 6.2.1.
113
mnī
ǰinikk
ā
rang
na-int
I.GEN daughter DEM manner NEG-COP.PRS.3SG
(Marrying) my daughter is not (possible) so easy.
Another way of highlighting significant developments in BS oral texts is by
means of special markers or constructions. The mirative particle ta, which
can be translated ‘lo, behold’ or ‘good heavens’, is used to highlight the information (or entity) that immediately follows.48 PJ 37 in (3.44) highlights
the entity that His Holiness Omar discovers, i.e. Pir Jangi. In (3.52) ta is used
to highlight the new introduced entity and the dramatic information about it
in the following clauses. In (3.53), ta is used to highlight an already established entity but new to the main participant.
(3.52) XM 35-37: introduces a new entity and highlights the information
that immediately follows.
bi kō-ay
tā šut
to mountain-GEN in go.PST.3SG
(and the dragon) went into the mountain.
ōdā
ki
šut
there SUB go.PST.3SG
When he went there,
ta
uhō…
ē
aždiyā diga mās=ē
dār-īt
MIR oh ...
DEM dragon other mother=IND have.PRS-3SG
good heavens, this dragon has a mother as well.
(3.53) GA 70-71: introduces a new entity into the text and gives prominence to it, i.e. aždīyā=ē ‘a dragon/snake’
bāl
āurt
up
bring.PST.3SG
He lifted up the bucket
ta
aždīyā=ē
MIR dragon=IND
behold it is a dragon.
Tail-head linkage in a subordinate clause which may be interpreted as a
point of departure involving renewal can also be used as a slowing-down
device before climactic material because of its importance for the story. XM
36 in (3.52) is the repetition of the main verb and other information that occurs in XM 35 (the tail) as an adverbial clause at the beginning (the head) of
the new sentence. The same thing happens in (3.54). In (3.55), ŠG 59-61
48
It is like idoú in Greek and wǝhinneh in Hebrew. See also Axenov (2006:243, 246) for the
usage of ta/tā in BT.
114
slows down the narrative immediately before the significant development in
ŠG 62.49 Here we should say that the tail-head linkage also signals the onset
of a discourse unit in BS in addition to highlighting the next events.
(3.54) KH 118-120: tail-head linkage as a point of departure and slowing
down device
xudānizar xān
murt
Khudanizar Khan die.PST.3SG
and Khudanizar Khan died.
xudānizar xān ki
murt
Khudanizar Khan SUB die.PST.3SG
When Khudanizar Khan died,
pīrakk ša
xudānizar-ī
γam-ān
ganōk
Pirakk from Khudanizar-GEN grief-PL.OBL mad
būt
become.PST.3SG
Pirakk became mad out of grief for Khudanizar Khan.
(3.55) ŠG 58-62: tail-head linkage as a point of departure and slowing
down device
wārt=ē
ēš-ā
eat.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
It ate it up.
DEM-OBJ
ki
wārt=u
SUB eat.PST.3SG=and
When it ate and
alās=ē
ku
finished=PC.3SG
finished it, …
do.PST.3SG
eš-ā
ki
alās=ē
ku
DEM-OBJ SUB finished=PC.3SG do.PST.3SG
When it finished it,
putrit
bōr-ēn
gōk-ay
gōš-ay
tā
enter.PST.3SG light.brown-ATTR cow-GEN ear-GEN in
it whispered in the light brown cow’s ear.
In (3.56) and (3.57) the repetition does not occur in a subordinate clause and
the clauses are not adverbial ones. KH 121 in (3.56) is the repetition of the
49
In the mentioned examples these are the perfective heads which are used as a slowing-down
device.
115
last part of XM 120 and it highlights the events described in the following
clauses. The rest, i.e. KH 122-124 are regular topic-comment sentence articulations.
(3.56) KH 120-124
pīrakk ša
xudānizar-ī
γam-ān
ganōk
Pirakk from Khudanizar-GEN grief-PL.OBL mad
būt
become.PST.3SG
Pirakk became mad out of grief for Khudanizar Khan.
ganōk ūt=u
mad
become.PST.3SG=and
He became mad and
all=a
ǰat=u
groan=IMF strike.PST.3SG=and
groaned and
grēt
rōč-ā
ta
bēgā-ī=u
IMF.cry.PST.3SG day-OBL until evening-ADVZ=and
cried the whole day (from morning) to evening and
wat-rā
kurkuṭū=a
dāt
RFL-OBJ torment=IMF give.PST.3SG
he tormented himself
TJ 200 in (3.57) is the repetition of the last part of TJ 199 and it highlights
the events described in the following clauses.
(3.57) TJ 198-202
ē
taǰǰār
šut=at
pa taǰārat-(t)ā
DEM merchant go.PST=COP.PST.3SG for trade-OBL
This merchant had gone trading.
ša
padā am=ē
ǰinēn-ay
saray
from back EMPH=DEM woman-GEN on.PC.3SG
āšix
bādšā
king
būt=at
lover become.PST=COP.PST.3SG
After that, the king had fallen in love with his (the merchant’s) wife.
bādšā āšix
būt=at=u
king lover become.PST=COP.PST.3SG=and
The king had fallen in love and …
116
bādšā ǰinikkō-ā
king girl-OBJ
the king .... the girl …
bādšā amr
kurt=at
am=ē
āǰizag-ay
king order do.PST=COP.PST.3SG EMPH=DEM woman-GEN
sarā
on
The king had ordered this woman:
Sometimes the speaker asks a question to which no answer is expected on
the part of the hearers or participants, but the narrator himself gives the answer or explains the events.50 As illustrated in the following examples, this
kind of construction in BS is a question to highlight what is going to happen
next. Such a common question is čōn ku/kurt ‘What did it/he/she/they do?’
(3.58) and (3.59) are signals to the hearer that the information coming next is
significant. In addition, these questions serve to introduce a discourse unit,
raising interest in its content. More examples are BH 5, BW 265 and 365.
(3.58) ŠG 17-19: rhetorical question as a highlighting signal
yakk šēr=ē
čōn kurt
one lion=IND how do.PST.3SG
What a certain lion did?
ēš-ān-ī
zadā būt
DEM-PL-GEN stalk be.PST.3SG
it was stalking them,
ēš-ān-ī
kamīn-ay
tā būt
DEM-PL-GEN ambush-GEN in be.PST.3SG
it was laying in ambush for them.
(3.59) KH 32-33: rhetorical question as a highlighting signal
ē
mardum čōn
kurt-ant
DEM people
how do.PST-3PL
What did these people do?
ša
kasd-ā
pīrakk-ī
kawš-ān-ī
tā tāgazz-ay
from intention-OBL Pirakk-GEN shoe-PL-GEN in tamarisk-GEN
iškar
rēt-ant
live.embers pour.PST-3PL
They intentionally poured tamarisk’s live embers in Pirakk’s shoes.
50
Levinsohn (2007:83) states that in many Indian languages there is the expression what
happened which marks the transition from background information to highlight the significant
information that immediately follows.
117
In special cases the past form of the existential verb in third singular būt
means ‘the time passed’ or ‘it so happened’. This device which occurs at the
onset of a discourse unit is usually followed by an adverbial clause of time to
slow down the narrative and highlight the content of the unit. (3.60) and
(3.61) are the examples in which this device is used to give prominence to
what is coming next.
(3.60) ŠG 41-44
būt
be.PST.3SG
It so happened,
mrōčī būt=u
today be.PST.3SG=and
that day passed and
bāndā
būt
tomorrow be.PST.3SG
the next day passed,
putrit
am=ē
bōr-ēn
gōk-ay
enter.PST.3SG EMPH=DEM light.brown-ATTR cow-GEN
gōš-ay
tā=u
spēt-ēn-ayā
ear-GEN in=and white-ATTR-LOC
it whispered in the light brown cow’s ear and in that of the white
one.
(3.61) KH 125-127
būt=u
become.PST.3SG=and
It so happened that
mardum=ē ki
b(y)-āt-ēn
bi pīrakk-ay
person=IND SUB SUBJ-come.PST-PSUBJ.3SG to Pirakk-GEN
gis-ā
house-OBL
when someone came to Pirakk’s house,
bass ša
xudānizar
kissa=a
kurt
just from Khudanizar story=IMF do.PST.3SG
immediately he talked so much about Khudanizar (and said):
Two adverbs nūn ‘now’ and bass ‘just, just then, immediately’ can also be
used to highlight events in BS narrative texts. (3.62) and (3.63) are the examples for the adverb nūn and (3.64) and (3.65) are the ones for bass.
118
(3.62) XM 107-108: nūn highlights what is going to be said which leads to
the main theme of the story
nūn
gušt-ant
now say.PST-3PL
Now they said:
b(y)-ā
mašmā
p=ēšī
nām=ē
SUBJ-come.PRS we.INCL for=DEM.OBL name=IND
b-ill-an
SUBJ-leave.PRS-1PL
Let’s give it a name.
(3.63) BW 50: nūn introduces a dramatic event
nūn
ē
bādišā wat-ī
now DEM king
ǰinikk-ā
ēši-rā
RFL-GEN daughter-OBJ DEM-OBJ
dāt
give.PST.3SG
Then the king gave his daughter (in marriage) to him.
(3.64) ŠG 54: bass introduces a dramatic event
bass čalāpt
siyā-(y)ēn-ā
just seize.PST.3SG black-ATTR-OBJ
Just (then) it seized the black (one).
(3.65) BH 122-124: bass introduces a dramatic event
bass māmūr-ān-ā
dēm dāt
just agent-PL-OBJ face give.PST.3SG
Just (then) he sent the agents
ki
ēš-ān-ā
b-gir-it=u
SUB DEM-PL-OBJ SUBJ-take.PRS-2PL=and
Arrest them and
b(y)-ār-it
SUBJ-bring.PRS-2PL
bring them!
Some of the connectives such as ham/(=)am/=um ‘also, too’, which has
additive function, is used to highlight significant events. In fact,
ham/(=)am/=um attracts the intonation centre to the preceding constituent.
In (3.66) Khudanizar Khan has been added to the previous proposition ‘he
invited all people and ‘he invited Khan’ as well. In KH 23 and 24 =am also
marks the importance of Kudanizar Khan being invited to the wedding and
Pirakk’s being in the wedding, too, but most probably without invitation. In
other words, this additive conjunction also puts focus on the preceding con-
119
stituent and highlights it. What Pirakk does and the dialogues between Khudanizar Khan and Pirakk, and then Kudanizar Khan and Sabzo’s father (KH
25-74) build towards the climax of the story. See also §5.1.3 for the discourse functions of ham/(=)am/=um.
(3.66) KH 22-24: additive use of =am for highlighting
tamām maxlūk-ā
all
lōṭit-at
ārōs-ā
people-OBJ want.PST-COP.PST.3SG wedding-OBL
wat-ī
ǰinikk-ayā
RFL-GEN daughter-LOC
He invited all people to the wedding, to his daughter’s (wedding)
xudānizar
xān-ā=am
lōṭit-at
Khudanizar Khan-OBJ=also want.PST-COP.PST.3SG
He had also invited Khudanizar Khan
pīrakk=am am=idā=at
Pirakk=also EMPH=here=COP.PST.3SG
Pirakk was also here
In (3.67) the proposition ‘after Khudanizar Khan Pirakk died, too’, KH 136,
is added to the proposition in KH 118 ‘Khudanizar khan died’. It also highlights what happend to Pirakk.
(3.67) KH 135-136: additive use of =am for highlighting
yakk sāl=i
diga pīrakk umr ku
one year=IZ other Pirakk life do.PST.3SG
Pirakk lived one more year,
ša
xudānizar
pad pīrakk=am murt
from Khudanizar after Pirakk=also die.PST.3SG
after Khudanizar, Pirakk died, too.
The additive conjunction =um in XM 88 adds a consequence to the previous proposition in XM 86-87 and highlights this new information.
(3.68) XM 86-88: additive topicalizer (h)am
am=ē
galaw-ān-ā
dēmā
bi=m=ē
EMPH=DEM melon-PL-OBJ before to=EMPH=DEM
ar-uk-(k)ay
dēmā
kōṭit=u
donkey-DIM-GEN in.front.of cut.to.pieces.PST.3SG=and
first, he cut these very melons to pieces in front of the donkey and
120
dāt
give.PST.3SG
gave (them to the donkey).
ē
ar=am
pazzōr=ūt
DEM donkey=also strong=become.PST.3SG
So this donkey became big and strong.
Highlighting of a topic can be achieved by placing a spacer between the
subject noun phrase and the rest of the clause. Spacers include the topicalizer
=u, the subordinator ki and expressions such as š-īt ‘they say’.51 There is no
intonation break between the topic and the rest of the clause. It should be
mentioned that topicalized subjects (with =u or ki) only occur in reported
speech and no topicalized subject with the above mentioned spacers were
found in the narrative part of the texts. (3.69) and (3.70) are examples of
highlighted information by topicalization of the subject noun phrases.52
(3.69) XM 21-22: highlighting by subject topicalization
man ki
na-zān-īn
I
TOP NEG-know.PRS-1SG
as for me, I don’t know
ē
bē-zuwān=ē
DEM without-tongue=IND
it cannot talk.
(3.70) XM 65-67: highlighting by subject topicalization
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the king) said:
ī
dgar=u
ǰawāir=ant
DEM other=TOP jewel=COP.PRS.3PL
These other (things) are certainly jewels,
am=ēš-ā
mašmā
na-zān-an
EMPH=DEM-OBJ we.INCL.IMF NEG-know.PRS-1PL
(but) we don’t know this.
51
A spacer sets off the topic within the clause like ‘however’ in English: ‘I, however, don’t
know’. In this example the subject ‘I’ is part of the clause and ‘however’ between the subject
and the verb to highlight the subject.
52
In English translation of XM 21 from the example (3.69), the subject seems like the leftdetached constituent outside the main clause, but it is actually part of the clause and can be
translated as ‘I, however, don’t know’.
121
In (3.71), both topicalizing spacers =u and ki occur for more emphasis.
(3.71) BH 155-157: highlighting by subject topicalization
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
xub
ammā=u
ki
ēdām=a
bay-an
well we.EXCL=TOP TOP execution=IMF become.PRS.1PL
Well, (now that) we will certainly be executed
bādšā sāib
king
ta
wat-ī
rīš-ā
yakk wār
master you.SG RFL-GEN beard-OBJ one
time
b-čanḍēn
SUBJ-shake.CAUS.PRS
oh king, you shake your beard once.
In (3.72) the expression š-īt ‘they say’ functions as a spacer between subject
and predicate.
(3.72) KH 25-26
pīrakk š-īt
čāp=a
kurt=u
Pirakk say.PRS-3SG dance=IMF do.PST.3SG=and
Pirakk, they say, was dancing and
3.4
Summary
In this chapter we showed how syntactic devices such as activity, tenseaspect and subordination can determine foreground and background information in BS oral texts. Perfective aspect is associated with foreground
events while imperfective aspect is associated with background events in BS.
Pre-nuclear subordinate clauses almost always convey background information, but a main clause can present either background or foreground information. We also illustrated some devices which are used in BS oral narratives for highlighting such as the historical present tense, the mirative particle ta, tail-head linkage, rhetorical questions, the temporal adverbs nūn, bass
and guṛā, the connective ham, the subordinator ki, and the topicalizing spacers u and ki.
122
4.
Deixis
Deixis is “the location and identification of persons, objects, events, processes and activities being talked about, or referred to, in relation to the spatiotemporal context created and sustained by the act of utterance” (Lyons
1977:637). Every natural spoken language uses deictic elements whose
meaning and reference are completely determined only when we know the
circumstances of the speech event and those of the narrated event. Therefore,
we need to distinguish between the narrated events and the speech events for
any kind of text. Narrated events “are the events of the story, procedure, etc.,
as they happened in the story (or of the giving of the exhortation, the procedure, etc….)” and the speech event “is the event of the telling of the story (or
of the giving of the exhortation, the procedure, etc.…)” (Lowe unpublished
MS:7). The major distinct semantic fields in which deictic elements fall, are:
person (I/you/we), time (now/then), spatial (here/there), demonstrative
(this/that) (Levinson 1983, Anderson and Keenan 1985). There are also deictic elements which can have a discourse function where they refer to earlier,
ongoing or forthcoming parts of the discourse. In English, the demonstratives this and that, terms like the former, the latter, above (preceding), below
(following) are examples of such deictic elements which are often used for
this purpose to refer to something in the discourse context. Special expressions including T-V distinctions,53 honorifics, titles, kinship terms,54 and
greetings exist in many languages which can encode social information such
as relative social status and familiarity. These kinds of expressions are called
social deixis.
4.1
Proximal and distal deixis
According to Hanks’s observations “a deictic item minimally encodes two
aspects: (1) the referent, such as the person, place, time or thing being denoted; and (2) the indexical framework, which is the relation of the referent
53
This is the name given to the phenomenon when a language has two different secondperson pronouns as “tu” and “vos” (you) in Latin, one for formal and one for informal addressing. One can use one or the other depending on familiarity, intimacy, solidarity or formality, social distance, power, politeness between the interactants. No such distinction was
found in our oral narrative texts.
54
Social deixis such as honorifics, titles, and kinship terms are very common in Asia.
123
to the deictic centre in the speech event, i.e. the type or quality of orientation
such as proximal or distal” (Hanks, 1992:51).55 Before discussing any kind
of deictics, we need to define the term ‘deictic centre’. “A deictic centre is a
reference point in relation to which a deictic expression is to be interpreted”
(SIL Glossary of Linguistic Terms). According to Levinson (1983:64), this
specific point or deictic centre includes following unmarked anchorage
points: “(i) the central person is speaker, (ii) the central time is the time at
which the speaker produces the utterance, (iii) the central place is the speaker’s location at utterance time or coding time (CT), (iv) the discourse centre
is the point which the speaker is currently at in the production of his utterance, and (v) the social centre is the speaker’s social status and rank, to
which the status or rank of addressees or referents is relative”. In most languages a distinction between proximal and distal deixis has been grammaticalized. Proximal deictic expressions in English include this, here, now, and
distal deictic expressions include that, there, and then.
In this section we discuss the speaker’s orientation toward the reference
point of the report as it is near to the happening of the event (proximal) or
away from the happening of the event (distal) in BS oral narrative texts. In
the following sections we will examine three areas of the deictic system in
BS.
4.2
Time deixis
Time deixis, as Levinson (1983:62) describes, “concerns the encoding of
temporal points and spans relative to the time at which an utterance was
spoken (or written message inscribed)”, i.e. CT. General deictic adverbs of
time like now and then, and specific deictic adverbs of time like today, tomorrow, the day after tomorrow, yesterday, this year, last year, next year,
the next day, and the year before are the lexicalization of time deixis.
4.2.1
The general time deictic nūn/annūn
The time deictic nūn/nī ‘now’ generally indicates some span of time including the time of the speech event. It has two other synonyms, i.e. annūn/inūn
‘just now, right now’ which can be used emphatically, but nūn is the default
form. nūn ‘now’ has five functions in BS texts, as we have noticed in the
corpus of this study. The most common use of nūn is to refer to the present
55
Bühler’s (1982:10) main thesis is “that deictic expressions refer to a deictic field of language whose zero point – Origo – is fixed by the person who is speaking (the ‘I’), the place of
utterance (the ‘here’), and the time of utterance (the ‘now’)”.
124
time with the function of expressing proximal temporal deixis. (4.1)-(4.3) are
examples from oral texts.
(4.1)
TJ 280-282
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
She said:
bādšā=um mnā padā bi mnī
mard-ā
baxšāt
king=also I.OBJ back to I.GEN man-OBL bestow.PST.3SG
The king also gave me back to my husband.
nūn man šumay
dam-ā
kapt-a
now I
you.PL.GEN breath-OBL fall.PST-PSTP
Now, I have fallen into your hands.
(4.2)
BW 54-56
bādišā gušt
king say.PST.3SG
The king said:
ki
mnī
ǰinikk-ā ša
mnī
add-ā
bar
SUB I.GEN girl-OBJ from I.GEN nearby-OBL SUBJ-take.PRS
Take my girl away from my place.
ta
nūn nizgār=ay
you.SG now destitute=COP.PRS.2SG
You are destitute now.
(4.3)
KH 137-139
pīrakk murt=u
Pirakk die.PST.3SG=and
Pirakk died and
ša
pīrakk yag zāg-ē
mant
from Pirakk one child-IND remain.PST.3SG
one child Pirakk’s remained,
nūn pākistān-ā=int=u
now Pakistan-OBL=COP.PRS.3SG=and
he is in Pakistan now and
The temporal deictic nūn ‘now’ has two emphatic forms, i.e. annūn (ham +
nūn) ‘right now’ and inūn ‘just now, right now’ which in some cases are
used to emphasize the exact time of the speech or the very next moment.
Examples (4.4) and (4.5) clearly show the sense of emphasis on a time point.
125
(4.4)
KJ 57-59
sad
sāl
mnī
dawr=u nawbat gwast
ǰawānī
hundred year I.GEN turn=and turn
pass.PST.3SG youth
a hundred years of my life and youth passed.
man inūn tōbba
kan-īn
I
now repentance SUBJ.do.PRS-1SG
If I repent right now,
mnī
tōbba
kabūl=a
bīt
I.GEN repentance accepted=IMF become.PRS.3SG
will my repentance be accepted?
(4.5)
BU 65-66
man ša
šmay
dast-ā (66a)
I
from you.PL.GEN hand-OBL
because of your doing
ēš=int (65)
DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
this is why
annūn mir-īn (66b)
now
die.PRS-1SG
I am dying now.
The second function of the time deictic nūn ‘now’ is to indicate the time
frame of the speech event which is distinct from the time frame of the report
of the event. In the second clause of the example (4.6) from GA text, nūn
refers to the time frame of the speech event rather than the time frame of the
report event in the previous clauses. This warns the hearer that GA 141-146
is a comment by the storyteller to the audience, rather than a description of
the next events.
(4.6)
GA 141-146
nūn=am
š=īngu
hukm bādšā-ay=int
now=also from=this.side order king-GEN=COP.PRS.3SG
Now, on the one hand, it is the king’s order,
ma(r)-rawt
PROH-go.PRS.3SG
(if) he doesn’t go,
bādšā=a
kuš-īt
king=IMF kill.PRS-3SG
the king will kill (him),
126
aga b-raw
if
SUBJ-go.PRS.3SG
(on the other hand) if he goes,
aždīyā gušt-a
dragon say.PST-PSTP
the dragon has said:
duwārag ma(y)-ā-(y)ay
again
PROH-come.PRS-2SG
not to come again.
The nūn ‘now’ in TJ 242 of the example (4.7) also refers to the time frame of
the speech event, not the reported event. This use of nūn expresses proximal
deixis in this context.
(4.7)
TJ 240-243
āǰizag āt
bi bādšā-ayā
woman come.PST.3SG to king-LOC
The woman came to the king,
kamm=ē waxt tāxīr
ku
a little=IND time delay
do.PST.3SG
she was delayed for a little while.
nūn ǰinikkō p=ēš-ān
kissa=a
kan-t
now girl
for=DEM-OBL.PL story=IMF do.PRS-3SG
Now, the girl (merchant’s daughter) is telling them the story,
šumā
gōš kaššit
you.PL ear pull.PST.3SG
you listen!
The third function of nūn ‘now’ is to express either what happens next in a
procedure or the event that completes or concludes the unit concerned. In
(4.8) from BW, the king had set a condition that had to be fulfilled before he
would give him his daughter. The condition was met, nūn he gave her to him
(to the prince). In (4.9) from XM, the naming of the melon is the concluding
act of the story.
(4.8)
BW 49-50
purr=ē
kurt=u
full=PC.3SG do.PST.3SG=and
He filled it and
127
nūn ē
bādišā wat-ī
now DEM king
ǰinikk-ā
ēši-rā
RFL-GEN daughter-OBJ DEM-OBJ
dāt
give.PST.3SG
then the king gave his daughter to him.
(4.9)
XM 105-108
wārt-ant=ō
eat.PST-3PL=and
They ate (melon) and
ki
wārt-ant
SUB eat.PST-3PL
when they had eaten (melon),
nūn
gušt-ant
now say.PST-3PL
then they said:
b(y)-ā
mašmā
p=ēšī
nām=ē
SUBJ-come.PRS we.INCL for=DEM-OBL name=IND
b-ill-an
SUBJ-leave.PRS-1PL
Let’s give it a name.
The nūn ‘now’ in example (4.10) follows the subordinate clause GG 108
‘when he comes,’ (an instance of tail-head linkage) to highlight the events
that immediately follow ‘then take his beard (and) hit him two three slaps’
(this is exactly what happens later in the story). This function of nūn is comparable to the function of τότε ‘then’ in Greek after an adverbial clause (see
Levinsohn 2000 sec. 6.1).
(4.10) GG 107-109
ā
wat=a
k-ayt
DEM RFL=IMF IMFk-come.PRS.3SG
He himself will come.
ki
āt
SUB come.PST.3SG
When he comes,
nūn
b-gir
rīš=ay
now SUBJ-take.PRS beard=PC.3SG
then take his beard
dī=ē
du say
SUBJ.hit.PRS=PC two three
(and) hit him two three slaps,
128
nūn also refers to an event that has just happened, in anticipation of a new
proposition or request as the next step. In (4.11) the dragon had already been
half pulled out from the well and in the next step the man asks the dragon to
find a new wife for him.
(4.11) GA 78-82
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
mnī
nēkī
am=ēš=int
I.GEN goodness EMPH=DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
my goodness (kindness, the good thing I am going to do) is this
ki
nūn trā
dar-kurt-un
SUB now you.SG.OBJ PREV-do.PST-1SG
that right now I pulled you out (from the well).
ī
ganǰī mnī
ǰan
būt-a
DEM Ganji I.GEN woman become.PST-PSTP
This Ganji was my wife,
ēš-ī
awaz-ā
ša(t)=ta
ǰan=ē
lōṭ-īn
DEM-GEN instead-OBL from=you.SG wife=IND want.PRS-1SG
instead of her I want (expect) you (to give me) a wife.
In (4.12) the revenge has already been taken and the girl proposes to follow
the man.
(4.12) HJ 277-278; 281-282
mnī
mās-ā
kušt
I.GEN mother-OBJ kill.PST.3SG
he killed my mother.
man nūn wat-ī
mās-ay
ōn-ā
gipt-un
I
now RFL-GEN mother-GEN blood-OBJ take.PST-1SG
ša
ēšī
from DEM-OBL
I took my mother’s revenge on him, right now.
…………..
man nūn
gō
ta-ā
k-ā-īn
I
now with you.SG-OBL.IMF IMFk -come.PRS-1SG
I will come with you now,
129
aga
ta
mardēnzāg=ē=(w)ay
if
you.SG man=IND=COP.PRS.2SG
if you are a man.
Finally, nūn ‘now’ is used as a reorientation marker in the following two
examples. It focuses on relevant or important information to either set up the
situation for the development of the theme line of the story or to reach a
conclusion. In (4.13), focus is on the cleverness and intelligence of the woman who immediately understood what the intention of the stranger was.
(4.13) BW 111-115: non-temporal
nūn ǰanakk šīwār=ē
now woman clever=IND
But the woman was a clever one,
zarang=ē
intelligent=IND
she was an intelligent one.
zānt
understand.PST.3SG
She knew
ki
ē
āt-a
pa yakk
SUB DEM come.PST-PSTP for one
he has come for a …
čam=ē
kan-t
trick=IND do.PRS-3SG
he (is going) to play a trick.
Similarly in (4.14), the narrator gives a proposition to come to the conclusion that only God can change the situation of people and if God does this,
nobody can interfere with what God does.
(4.14) SS 105-110
nūn kass=ē=rā
ki
xudā sulaymān p-kan-t
now person=IND=OBJ SUB God Solomon SUBJ-do.PRS-3SG
Well, if God makes a Solomon out of someone,
bandag-ay
kār=ē
na-int
servant-GEN work=IND NEG-COP.PRS.3SG
it is not a human being’s job ...
…………………………….
130
ki
ša
āyī
b-zin-t=ē
SUB from DEM.OBL SUBJ-take.PRS-3SG=PC
to take it from him,
The specific time deictics mrōčī, bāndā, pōšī and zī
4.2.2
Several specific time deictics are used in BS. These time deictic expressions
found in the present corpus are: sāl ‘year’, pārī ‘last year’, imbarānī ‘this
year’, zī ‘yesterday’, dōšī ‘last night’, mrōčī/marōčī ‘today’, tārī ‘early moring’, sōbī ‘this morning’, bēgāī ‘this afternoon’, šapī ‘tonight’, bāndā ‘tomorrow’, pōšī ‘the day after tomorrow’.56 In this section we will see how
some of the most common time deictics can be used to express the preferred
proximal deixis as their distal deictic equivalents like diga rōčā ‘the next
day’, yakk rōč dēmā ‘the day before’, etc., are rare in the corpus. All the
time deictics described above can be used both with direct reference in the
speech event and with indirect reference to the report of the event.
The temporal deictic mrōčī ‘today’, as coding time,57 in (4.15), (4.16) and
(4.17) is used with direct reference in the speech event. Since mrōčī refers to
the time frame of the utterance in these three examples, it is proximal deixis.
mročī ‘today’ is a diurnal span in which the speaking event takes place. In
(4.15) what is going to be done, i.e. playing rebeck, will happen after the
time of speaking within the remaining diurnal span. In (4.16) the act of reciting poetry has been fulfilled within the diurnal span before the time of
speaking, and in (4.17) the sense of being discontent and angry has begun
before the time of speaking and might continue even after that.
(4.15) PJ 25-28
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
wāǰa
hudā tī
hazrat=(t)i
umar mnā
master God you.SG.GEN His.Holiness=IZ Omar I.OBJ
na(y)-l-īt
NEG-leave.PRS-3SG
Oh Lord God, His Holiness, your Omar does not let me
(play music),
56
Interestinglly, BS displays a rich system of deictically anchored day names.
The definition of coding time according to Levinson (1983:62) is “the time at which an
utterance was spoken (or a written message inscribed)”, or simply the time of the speech act.
57
131
pa(t)=ta
mrōčī rabāb=a
ǰan-īn
for=you.SG today rebeck=IMF strike.PRS-1SG
(but) today I will play the rebeck for you
wat-ī
muzd-ā
ša(t)=ta=a
lōṭ-īn
RFL-GEN wages-OBJ from=you.SG=IMF want.PRS-1SG
(and) I want my wages from you.
(4.16) PJ 46-48
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (Pir Jangi) said:
pa wāǰa-ā
mrōčī šayr
for master-OBL
today
poem
ǰat-a=un=u
strike.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG=and
Today I have recited poetry for (my) Lord and
wat-ī
muzd-ā
ša
āyī
RFL-GEN wages-OBJ from DEM.OBL
lōṭit-a=un
want.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I have asked for my wages from Him.
(4.17) MM 92-95
allā-ayā
ki
šut
God-LOC SUB go.PST.3SG
When he went to God,
allā=(y)i
pāk
gu
God=IZ
clean say.PST.3SG
the Holy God said:
mūsā
čōn mrōčī
nārāz=ay
Moses how today discontent=COP.PRS.2SG
How you are discontent today,
xašmī=ay
angry=COP.PRS.2SG
(you) are angry.
In example (4.18) from the BW text, marōčī ‘today’ is used with indirect
reference to the report of the event. marōčī in the first clause means ‘one
day’ and in the last clause it means ‘that day’. In this way the narrator indicates that this is the day when the next set of significant events in the story
132
will take place. Here, BS prefers the form which expresses proximal deixis
to the form that would express distal deixis.
(4.18) BW 86-90
marōčī gušt=ī
today say.PST=PC.3SG
One day he said:
ē
mnī
ǰanakk mnā
sōga=a=u
kan-t
DEM I.GEN woman I.OBJ urging=IMF=TOP do.PRS-3SG
My wife is urging me
šār-ay
nāmǰīn-ā
ma(r)-raw-ay
town-GEN middle -OBL PROH-go.PRS-2SG
not to go to the centre of the town.
wārēn
pačē
whether why
Who knows why?
marōčī šut
nāmǰīn=ay
today go.PST.3SG middle =OBL.PC.3SG
That day he went to the centre (of the town).
If we count forwards from the coding time (mrōčī ‘today’) in calendrical
units, we have expressions such as šapī ‘tonight’, bāndā ‘tomorrow’, or pōšī
‘the day after tomorrow’. Examples (4.19) and (4.20) indicate the use of
bāndā ‘tomorrow’ with direct and indirect reference in the speech event and
the report of the event, respectively. In (4.19) bāndā ‘tomorrow’ (also šapī
‘tonight) refers to the time frame of the utterance. There is no choice of deictic centre and the speaker uses the time expression in the only way he can
use. Therefore we can justifiably call it “regular” deixis.
(4.19) HJ 302-304
ēšī
gušt=ī
DEM-OBL say.PST=PC.3SG
she said:
am=ē
kō-ā
mašmā
šapī
rō bi rōčī
EMPH=DEM mountain-OBL we.INCL tonight until.the.morning
aḍḍ
kan-an
wait SUBJ.do.PRS-1PL
In this mountain we stay tonight until the morning
133
ki
bānḍā
sar-ā
azāraǰāt
gird ē
rang
mašmay
SUB tomorrow Hazarajat58 all DEM manner we.INCL.GEN
čō
mašakk-ayā
k-ayt
head-OBJ like kind.of.insect-LOC IMFk-come.PRS.3SG
because all Hazara people, will come on us like Mashakks (an insect) tomorrow, like this.
In (4.20) bāndā refers to the time frame within the events described in the
text, thus it is proximal deixis with indirect reference.
(4.20) SS 28-29
bāndā
ē
dwārag āt
tomorrow DEM again
come.PST.3SG
The next day he came again:
ki
dār b(y)-ār-īn
SUB tree SUBJ-bring.PRS-1SG
I bring firewood.
The temporal deictic ē diga rōčēnā ‘the next day’ in (4.21), which is the
distal equivalent for the proximal deictic bāndā ‘tomorrow’, refers to the
time frame within the events described in the text, thus it is distal deixis.
(4.21) SR 308-310
šaš guṛānd
nēmrōčā kušt
six young.ram at.noon kill.PST.3SG
she slaughtered six young rams at noon,
šaš šapā
kušt
six at.night kill.PST.3SG
she slaughtered six at night,
šaš ē
diga
rōčēnā
six DEM other next.day
(and) six the next day.
Two other time deictics which have been used in our corpus texts are pōšī
‘the day after tomorrow’ in (4.22), and sōbī ‘in the morning’ (in this example
it means ‘tomorrow morning/the next morning) in (4.23). In both (2.22) and
(2.23) the deictic centre is the events in the text. So it is proximal deictic
form but used for indirect reference.59
58
Hazarajat covers several provinces in central Afghanistan.
These two time deictics can be used with direct reference to the speech event, but no examples were found in our texts.
59
134
(4.22) SS 49-50
šut
go.PST.3SG
he went.
pōšī
dwārag āt
the.day.after.tomorrow again
The next day he came again.
come.PST.3SG
(4.23) SS 72-74
sōbī
mālā āt
in.the.morning early come.PST.3SG
(He) came early in the next morning
ki
b-ra-īn=u
SUB SUBJ-go.PRS-1SG=and
I will go and
dār
b-zūr-īn
tree SUBJ-take.PRS-1SG
collect firewood.
The combination and repetition of mrōčī and bāndā, as in (2.24), indicates a
longer period of time which can vary from several days to several months
unrelated to the time frame of the speech event.
(4.24) BU 10-12
bilaxara marōčī bāndā
finally
today
marōčī bāndā
tomorrow today
ē
uštir
tomorrow DEM camel
lāgar būt=u
thin become.PST.3SG=and
Finally, today, tomorrow; today, tomorrow (i.e. a long time passed
and) this camel became thin(ner) and
lāgar būt=u
thin become.PST.3SG=and
thin(ner) and
lāgar būt
thin become.PST.3SG
thin(ner)
In example (4.25), the proximal deictic temporal šapī ‘tonight’ is used with
both direct (in the second clause) and indirect (in the third clause) reference
to the speech event.
135
(4.25) MG 71-74
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He said (to himself again):
man šapī
ki
mir-īn
I
tonight TOP die.PRS-1SG
For sure I will die tonight.
šapī
marg
na(y)-āt
tonight
death
NEG-come.PST.3SG
Death did not come (to him) that night,
ki
gušn
padā āt
SUB hunger back come PST.3SG
but hunger returned.
The following two examples, (4.26) and (4.27), contain the default use of the
time deictics imbarānī ‘this year’ and pārī ‘last year’ with direct reference to
the speech event.60
(4.26) HJ 56-57
imbarānī (57a)
this year
This year,
š-ī (56)
say.PRS-3SG
he says,
man dāwatt
kurt-un (57b)
I
invitation do.PST-1SG
I invited.
(4.27) ŠX 102-104
pārī
panč azār
mnī
laškar=ūt-a
last.year five.thousand I.GEN army=be.PST-PSTP
Last year my army was five thousand (men),
say
azār-ā
wārt-a
three thousand-OBJ eat.PST-PSTP
it (the dragon) has eaten three thousand,
60
These two time deictics can be used with indirect reference to the speech event, but no
examples were found in our texts.
136
du azār
ǰist-a
padā
two thousand escape.PST-PSTP back
two thousand have escaped.
If we count backwards from the coding time in calendrical units, we will
have the expressions such as zī ‘yesterday’, pārī ‘last year’, pērārī ‘the year
before last’. Although the deictic temporal zī ‘yesterday’ exists in BS, no
examples of its occurrence were found in our text corpus. Therefore, two
examples of this time deictic are given from BT, one from Axenov
(2006:101-102), and the other one from an unpublished text in Axenov’s
corpus.61 (4.28) is an example of the default use of zī ‘yesterday’ with direct
reference to the time of the speech event. Here the event happened at the
same time as specified by the temporal deictic zī. 62 In (4.29), the deictic
centre is outside of the report of the event. So, the reference point is changed
but the author still uses the form that expresses the proximal meaning, i.e. zī
‘yesterday’ and an alternative form which expresses distal deixis is dispreferred.
(4.28) direct reference
“zī
mardum=ē=rā kušt-ay
yesterday man=IND=OBJ kill.PST-2SG
Yesterday you killed a man.”
(4.29) indirect reference
pādiša am=ā
gisay
tā dar
būt
king EMPH=DEM house-GEN in PREV become.PST.3SG
The king entered the same house
ki
zī
mēmān būt-at
SUB yesterday guest become.PST-COP.PST.3SG
where he had been invited the day before.
61
Sincere thanks to Serge Axenov for allowing me to use this corpus.
“Thus, the deictic information in (206) is expressed by:
• person deixis, which is evident in the 2SG personal ending -ay and refers to the addressee;
• temporal deixis, which is expressed by the adverb zī and at the same time by the preterite
indicative of the verb kuštin ‘to kill’;
When the semantics of pronouns can be conveyed with personal endings, personal pronouns,
as shown in (206), if not emphasized, can be omitted. Personal pronouns reveal a definite
similarity with the personal verb forms in the grammatical system of BT, because the semantics of personal pronouns is present in the personal endings of the verb. For example, the verb
form kuštay denotes an action performed by a 2SG subject. Because of this, the syntagmatic
combination ta kuštay ‘you killed’ is semantically excessive in BT.”
62
137
4.3
Place deixis and motion verbs
According to Levinson’s definition (1983:62) ‘place deixis concerns the
encoding of spatial locations relative to the location of the participants in the
speech event.’ As stated in §4.1, most languages have deictic expressions
with two way distinctions on the proximal-distal dimension, but there are
some languages which have more than two ways on the same dimension
(See Levinson 1983:81-82). Brahui, for instance, a Dravidian language, has
a three way distinction of proximal-distal dimension for time, place, direction and manner.63 Spatial deictic expressions in BS (idā ‘here’ and ādā
‘there’) are derived from the same deictic stems as demonstrative pronouns
of 3rd person, i.e. ē ‘this’ and ā ‘that’. They preserve the same spatial component in their meaning. The study of the three spatial deictic expressions idā,
ōdā, and ādā reveals a three way distinction of proximal-distal dimension in
BS.
In our analyzed texts, idā ‘here’64 as proximal deixis occurred 78 times and
the occurrences of ōdā ‘over there/there’ and ādā ‘remote there’ are 15 and 8
times, respectively. But the reason for using proximal deixis is that the
speakers are more likely to talk about things close by both for the speech
event and the reported event. The two distal deictics are used in relation to
the deictic centre which in most cases is proximal. The three-term spatial
deictic system of BS is given in Table 4.1.
Table 4.1. Three-term deictic system of BS
Spatial deixis
Near the speaker
Nonemphatic
Emphatic
Farther from the speaker
Nonemphatic
Emphatic
Very far from the speaker
Nonemphatic
Emphatic
idā
am=idā
ōdā
am=ōdā
a(d)dā
am=ā(d)dā
In (4.30) the carpenter, accompanied by the dragon, goes into the mountain
(XM 34-35) as the new deictic centre which is away form the city. There, in
the mountain, he observes the situation of the dragon’s mother and he knows
63
Bray (1909:213), and Andronov (2001:99):
Proximal
Mediate
Distal
ōskā(n) ‘until now’
ēskā(n) ‘till then’
Time ‘up to’: dāskā(n) ‘up till now’
Place ‘at, to’: dāṛē(k)/dāṛēsk ‘here’
ōṛē(k)/ōṛēsk ‘over there’ ēṛē(k)/ēṛēsk ‘there’
64
Sometimes preceded by the emphatic particle (h)am ‘this same’.
138
the reason why the dragon came to the city. So, by a flashback the deictic
centre changes to the city centre referred to by the proximal deixis idā ‘here’.
(4.30) XM 40-43
am=ē
šāx=ay
ēš-ī
guṭṭ-ā
gīr
EMPH=DEM horn=PC.3SG DEM-GEN throat-OBL captive
kurt-ag=ant=u
do.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL=and
its horns have got stuck in its (the mother’s) throat and
napastank=int
short.of.breath =COP.PRS.3SG
it is short of breath,
āt-a
idā
come.PST-PSTP here
it (the dragon) had come here
bi bādšā arz
kurt-a
to king petition do.PST-PSTP
(and) it had informed the king.
In (4.31) the three thieves on their way to the king’s treasury came to the
graveyard as the deictic centre where Pir Jangi was sleeping. So the place
referred to by emphatic proximal deictic expression is am=idā ‘here’.
(4.31) PJ 60-63
say
duzz irāda kurt-at-ant
three thief desire do.PST-COP.PST-3PL
Three thieves had decided:
ki
b-raw-an
SUB SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL
Let’s go
bādišā-ay
xazānag-ā
b-ǰan-an
king-GEN treasury-OBJ SUBJ-hit.PRS-1PL
(and) steal from the king’s treasury.
am=idā
ki
āt-ant
EMPH=here SUB come.PST-3PL
When they came there,
If we compare examples (4.30) and (4.31) with (4.32) and (4.33), we come
to the conclusion that ōdā as a distal deixis covers a defined area starting at a
certain distance from the narrator and reaching as far as where it is consid139
ered cultural or tribal territory. Let us examine the following examples. In
(4.32) the deictic centre is the centre of the town where the light post was
found. Reasonably, the king’s residential place should be inside the town or
around the town. Therefore, the narrator uses ōdā, as we can call it mediate
or territorial distal deixis, to refer to the king’s palace. The same situation
can be seen in example (4.33) in which the deictic centre is the cemetery
where Alexander and his mother are talking together. Note that the cemetery
is usually inside the town or somewhere around the town; therefore Alexander uses the mediate distal deixis ōdā to refer to his mother’s house somewhere in the town.
(4.32) XM 6-8
harka
ki
arz=ē
b-dāšt-ēn
whoever SUB petition=IND SUBJ-have.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
Anyone who had a petition,
am=ēši-rā
ki
takān dāt-ēn
EMPH=DEM-OBJ SUB shake SUBJ.give.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
when he shook this (light post),
bādišā ōdā
sī=(y)a
būt
king there informed=IMF become.PST.3SG
the king was informed there (in his palace).
(4.33) SŠ 190-192
b-ra
SUBJ-go.PRS
Go,
wat-ī
gis-ay
tā p-kap=u
RFL-GEN house-GEN in SUBJ-fall.PRS=and
stay in your house and
am=ōdā
zikr-ā
p-kan
EMPH=there invocation-OBJ SUBJ-do.PRS
in that very place make the invocation
Compared to (4.32) and (4.33), in (4.34) below the girl and the king’s wives
left one kingdom and went to another kingdom where it is referred to by ādā,
as we call it remote distal deixis. In HJ, an oral text, the journey from Khan’s
place to Hazarajat is described by the motion verb šutun ‘I went’ and the
return journey in (4.35) is described as ātan u ātan yakk ǰā=ē ‘we came and
came to a place’. Here, the narrator stops telling his story for a short time
and gives information about the place they had reached in the story from his
place. The deictic centre for the third clause of (4.35) is the Khan’s or narrator’s place where he is now telling the story. So he refers to the place which
140
is called Musa Kala by the remote distal deixis āddā to show that it is very
far from his place or it is out of his tribal territory.
(4.34) BW 276-277
šut-ant
diga
bādšāī-(y)ā
go.PST-3PL other kingdom-OBL
They went to another kingdom.
ādā
šut-ant
there go.PST-3PL
They went there.
(4.35) HJ 340-342
āt-an=u
come.PST-1PL=and
We came and
āt-an
yakk ǰā=ē
come.PST-1PL one
came to a place,
āddā mulk=ē=rā
place=IND
guš-ant
mūsā kalā
there region=IND=OBJ say.PRS-3PL Musa Kala
there, a region are called Musa Kalat.
In all these examples place deixis has been used anaphorically. In (4.30) idā
refers back to the centre of the town introduced in XM 3, In (4.31) the emphatic am=idā refers back to the graveyard introduced in PJ 54, in (4.32)
ōdā refers back to the king’s palace which had not been mentioned before
but it is understandable that the phone wires are connected to a place which
should be the king’s palace, in (4.33) the emphatic am=ōdā refers back to
watī gisay tā ‘in your house’ in the previous clause, in (4.34) ādā refers back
to diga bādšāīyā ‘to another kingdom’ in the previous clause, and in (4.35)
āddā refers back to yakk ǰā=ē ‘a place’ (HJ 341) very far from the deictic
centre.
āddā in (4.36) shows even a long distance more clearly if we keep track of
the place in the story. āddā refers back to the first place near a city (BW 58)
where the girl and her husband settled in after they were expelled by her
father. The first thief kidnapped the girl and took her to another place. Then
she was kidnapped by the other two thieves and they took her to their place.
From there, she was taken by a prince who took her to his place. Then the
girl deceived the prince’s wives and they ran away together to another kingdom. Finally she became the king of another kingdom and this is where the
141
deictic centre of the narrated event of (4.36) is. This place is very far from
where she first had been kidnapped.
(4.36) BW 398-399
am=ā
duzz ki
āddā āyi-rā
duzzit-at
EMPH=DEM thief SUB there DEM-OBJ steal.PST-COP.PST.3SG
The thief who had kidnapped her there (somewhere else),
ā
am=ē
aks-ān-ā
dīst
DEM EMPH=DEM photo-PL-OBJ see.PST.3SG
he saw these pictures.
The three spatial deictics described above can also function as time deictics
in BS. In this use of deixis no motion verbs are used. As the English translation of the following examples indicates idā in (4.37) means ‘at this point (in
time). The intermediate demonstrative š=ōdā in (4.38) means ‘from that
time (till now’). In contrast, the distal demonstrative š=āddā ingurī in (4.39)
means ‘from that time (within the timeframe of the folktale)’. In other
words, even the end of the span of time is distal.
(4.37) BW 188-191
abar
na-dāt
speech NEG-give.PST.3SG
(But) he did not speak.
zānt
idā ǰanakk
understand.PST.3SG here woman
It was at this point (in time) that the girl knew
ki
ē
diga
duzz=ant
SUB DEM other thief=COP.PRS.3PL
that these (guys) are thieves, for sure.
mnā duzzit-ant
I.OBJ steal.PST-3PL
They kidnapped me.
(4.38) XM 109-111
nām=ay
guṛā galaw-ā
išt-ant
xarmizza
name=PC.3SG then melon-OBJ leave.PST-3PL xarmizza
Then they named the melon ‘xarmizza’,
ki
mizzag=ay
awal xar
burt
SUB taste=OBJ. PC.3SG first donkey take.PST.3SG
since it was the donkey that tasted it first.
142
xarmizza š=ōdā
mant
xarmizza from=there remain.PST.3SG
(The name) xarmizza remained from that time.
(4.39) PJ 87-89
am=ā
bū
EMPH=DEM become.PST.3SG
It was for that reason
ki
š=āddā
ingurī pīr ǰangī tōbba
SUB from=there hither
šayr= u
Pir Jangi
ku
ša
repentance do.PST.3SG from
srōz-ān=ō
poem=and fiddle-PL.OBL=and
that from that time on Pir Jangi repented from (reciting) poetry and
(playing) the fiddle and
pīr ǰangī būt=u
Pir Jangi become.PST.3SG=and
he became Pir Jangi and
Place deixis can also be used as gestural deixis and because the reference is
determined by non-linguistic gestures such as pointing, eye contact, etc.,
their interpretation requires a physical, monitoring of the speech event or
some sort of audio-visual information. In the following examples, as a hearer
I witnessed gestural deixis which the narrator used. In (4.40) the narrator
lifted his hand and showed ‘his chest’ as he said ta idā ‘up to here’. In (4.41),
he pointed to his throat as he was saying š=am=idā ilāl=ē kan. In (4.42),
he pointed to a place in front of himself with his hand.
(4.40) SR 20-21
šwānag āwurt=at
ramag-ā bi dōš-ay
shepherd bring.PST=COP.PST.3SG herd-OBJ to milking-GEN
sarā=u
on=and
The shepherd had brought the herd to the milking place and
ēš-ī
ǰan-ay
guṭṭ-ā
tilā=ant
ta
idā
DEM-GEN woman-GEN neck-OBL gold=COP.PRS.3PL until here
his (the owner of the house) wife’s neck was (full of) golden (necklaces) up to here.
(4.41) HK 86-88
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
143
mrōčī ki
bādišā-ay
rīš-ā
trāšt-ay
today SUB king-GEN beard-OBJ shave.PRS-2SG
today when you shave the king’s beard,
š=am=idā
ilāl=ē
kan
from=EMPH=here lawful=PC.3SG SUBJ.do.PRS
from this very point kill him (cut his throat).
(4.42) HK 36-39
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
arčī
dār-ay
whatever have.PRS-2SG
whatever you have
idā
b-rēč
here SUBJ-pour.PRS
pour (put) here,
man trā
yakk nasīat=(t)ē kan-īn
I
you.SG.OBJ one advice=IND do.PRS-1SG
I will give you an advice.
According to Fillmore (1997:82-83) deictic motion verbs like ‘come’, ‘go’,
‘bring’ and ‘take’, in English, should be described in relation to the location
of the conversation participants. In other words, the point of orientation or
deictic centre of come and go can be either the speaker or the addressee. “As
participants come and go in many languages, the point of orientation is the
location of the global or local VIP (Very Important Participant). When a VIP
changes location, the direction of movement may be related to a fixed location. Alternatively it may be related to the location of the next theme-line
events involving the VIP” (Levinsohn 2007:142). The location of the author
may also be the point of orientation. This is also true with the motion verbs
ātin ‘come’ and šutin ‘go’ in BS.
Generally, there is a relation between the motion verbs ātin and šutin with
place deictics idā and ōdā/ādā. ātin ‘to come’ relates to proximal deixis idā
‘here’ and šutin ‘to go’ mostly relates to distal deixis ōdā/ādā65 ‘there’ to
keep track of the deictic centre of place. (4.43) and (4.44) are examples of
the default use of these motion verbs with spatial deictic expressions idā and
ōdā. Sometimes they are used the other way round, for instance the motion
verb šutin ‘to go’ with proximal deictic idā ‘here’ as in (4.45). The proximal
65
It is the same with other subcategories of place deixis (directional) such as ingu ‘hither,
here’, āngu ‘thither, there’, and ēškā ‘this side’, āškā ‘that side’.
144
deictic idā ‘here’is used because it is the centre of attention within the reported conversation. Sardar Rahmat Khan and his companions were near the
place, i.e. sarmāyadār-ay gis=ē ‘a rich man’s house’ which is mentioned in
SR 10 with the verb ātin ‘to come’: āt bi yakk sarmāyadār-ay gis=ē
māldār=ē ‘he came to a rich man’s house, a wealthy one.’
(4.43) SR 17-18
idā
āt
here come.PST.3SG
He came here
ta
ēš-ī
ramag=am āt-ant
bi dōš-ay
sarā
MIR DEM-GEN herd=also come.PST-3PL to milking-GENon
behold, that man’s herd also came to the milking place.
(4.44) XM 35-36
bi kō-ay
tā šut
to mountain-GEN in go.PST.3SG
he went into the mountain.
ōdā
ki
šut
there SUB go.PST.3SG
When he went there,
(4.45) SR 13-15
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
b-raw-an
am=idā
SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL EMPH=here
let’s go there
nēmrōč-ay
nān-ā
wat-ī-ā
b-gir-an
midday-GEN bread-OBJ RFL-GEN-OBJ SUBJ-take.PRS-1PL
(and) get our midday food
In example (4.46) from the oral text Mūsā u ābid (MA) ‘Moses and the Pious Man’, the expression ‘Moses came here and there’ is the same as the
English expression ‘he went here and there’ to indicate that the actor went to
a number of locations. The expression is more or less ‘frozen’.
(4.46) MA 34-38
mūsā
idā
āt=u
Moses here come.PST.3SG=and
Moses came here and
145
āddā āt
there come.PST.3SG
he came there
ki
yakk ǰāy=ē
gis=ē
b-gind-īt=u
SUB one place=IND house=IND SUBJ-see.PRS-3SG=and
to see a place (or) a house and
garm
bīt
warm become.PRS.3SG
and get warm,
na-dīst
NEG-see.PST.3SG
(he) did not find (such a place).
In Table 4.2 we see how this works in the oral text Pir Jangi (PJ). The deictic
centre of location in the story is normally where Pir Jangi, the major participant of the story, is, and as the location of Pir Jangi changes, the deictic centre also changes. However, when the major participant moves toward a new
place which is the scene for the happening of important events or even the
climax of the story, the author is mentally present in advance in that place
which is the deictic centre where the other active participants also ‘come’ to
(see, for example, PJ 54).66 In the story, a shift of deixis occurs as Pir Jangi
goes or comes to a new place. After God takes his throat’s voice, Pir Jangi
wanders here and there until Omar comes and threatens him. He leaves there
and goes and ends up in a desert. Then by the order of God, Omar comes
(again) and searches and finds Pir Jangi (note that the movement is deliberately toward where Pir Jangi is). The deictic centre of location is the desert
where Pir Jangi is and Pir Jangi and Omar are face to face now. The person
deixis is Omar as he says “come”(= ‘here you are’ in this context) to indicate
a gestural deictic for offering the gold to Pir Jangi and “take” which is completed by another motion verb “get lost” in the next clause. After that Pir
Jangi comes the next night into a graveyard where there is a new deictic centre of location for the story. On that night three thieves decide (in their place)
“to go” and “steal” from the king’s treasury. When they come here (into the
graveyard), they decide “to bring” some gold and “pour” in the grave (where
Pir Jangi was sleeping) if they succeed. They go and succeed and when they
come back to the graveyard, they remembered their vow and one of them
brings some gold to the grave in which Pir Jangi was and pours down the
gold into the grave.
66
See also BP 95-96 (p. 309), where successive clauses have the VIP going from one place
and coming to the next.
146
We can say that the use of deictic motion verbs in this text, and also in other
texts, keeps the deictic centre of the narrative with the main events of the
story.
Table 4.2. Motion verbs and deictic centre of location in the PJ text
Text
16
21-22
33
š=ingu azrat=i umar āt
pīr ǰangī šut bi yakk giyābān=ē
kapt
wat paday=a bar-ay
70
73
āt, gašt
gušt=ī b(y)-ā
ē tilā-ān-ā b-zūr
wat-ī xatā kōr kan
pīr ǰangī āt diga šap=ē bi
kabristān-ay tā kōna kabr-ay tā
say duzz irāda kurt=at-ant ki
b-raw-an bādšā-ay xazānag-ā
b-ǰan-an
am=idā ki āt-ant
gušt-ant aga mašmā pērōz būt-an
yakk inǰ=ē tilā b(y)-ār-an am=ē
kabristān-ay tā b-rēč-an
ē šut-ant
am=ē kabristā-ayā ki āt-ant
77
yakk inǰ=ē tilā yakk=ē zurt
79
āwu
80
am=ēš-ī tā bass inǰ-ā šēwag=ē ku
35
49-50
51
52
54
60-63
63
64-66
Motion
Omar came from somewhere
Pir Jangi went (and) ended up in a
desert
God commands Omar to take gold
(andyou) yourself took track of Pir
Jangi
Omar came (and) searched
Omar tells Pir Jangi to come
take this gold
get lost (go away)
Pir Jangi came the next night into
a graveyard, inside an old grave
three thieves had decided to go
and steal from the king’s treasury
when they came here
they (the thieves) said, “If we
succeed, let’s bring a lap of gold
(and) pour (it) into this grave”
They went for the king’s treasury
when they came to this very
graveyard
One (of thieves) picked up a lap of
gold
he (one of the thieves) brought
(the gold to the grave)
he poured down the lap (of gold)
The same situation can be seen in Mūsā u gušnagēn bandag (MG) ‘Moses
and the Starving Man’, as the initial locational deictic centre of the story is
the place where the starving man is. From there Moses goes to God and then
God sends him back with a message and he comes back to the man. Moses
brings the man and shows him the stone under which his total portion has
been placed. Then Moses goes away and the man takes the money and
comes to the market. He buys everything and eats (it). Then that night Death
does not come to the man but hunger comes back to him. He comes back and
lifts up the stone and takes more money. During that week he goes again to
the stone and takes much more money, etc.
The use of deictic motion verbs in this text, like in the previous text, keeps
the deictic centre of the narrative with the main events of the story.
147
4.4
Motion verbs and prospective aspect
Roberts (2009:246f) argues that the verb ‘to come’ in Persian is used to express prospective aspect and this has a proximal deixis orientation. In English prospective aspect is expressed with the verb ‘to go’ as in ‘He is going
to eat.’ and this is equivalent to ‘go there’ which is distal deixis. In Persian
the expression of prospective aspect is the equivalent of ‘come here’ which
is proximal deixis.
In BS the prospective aspect is expressed by the verb ātin ‘to come’ to represent an event that is ‘about to’ take place. This is proximal deixis. Five examples of this usage were found in four of our analyzed texts.67 In (4.47)(4.50) āt does not indicate a motion, rather it expresses prospective aspect,
i.e. that someone was going to do something. For example, in (4.47) the man
is going to drop the dragon, and in (4.48) the barber’s heart was going to
burst. Similarly, in (4.49) ātan does not mean ‘we came’, instead it expresses
the prospective notion that ‘we were going to’, and in (4.50) ātun means ‘I
was going to’. It is worth mentioning that in all the examples the main verb
occurs in subjunctive mood and in three of them ki after ātin signifies a
means-purpose relationship.68 Note that in none of the following examples
the intended purpose was achieved. So, this construction is only used for
unfulfilled prospective aspect or non-achieved goal.
(4.47) GA 70-75
bāl
āurt
up
bring.PST.3SG
He brought up (lifted up the bucket)
ta
aždīyā=ē
MIR dragon=IND
behold it is a dragon.
āt
come.PST.3SG
He was going
ki
prēn-īt
SUB SUBJ.throw.PRS-3SG
to throw (it),
67
Appendix 2 does not include these texts.
See §5.3.1.1. Example (4.50) without ki is similar, but by preposing the definite direct
object ǰanakk-ā ‘the woman’ in this example, it is topicalized.
68
148
aždīyā gu
dragon say.PST.3SG
the dragon said:
ma-prēn-ay
PROH-throw.PRS-2SG
do not drop (me)
(4.48) SŠ 71-77
gu
say.PST.3SG
(He) said:
yāra bādšā sāib
kuš-ay
really king master kill.PRS-2SG
Truly, great king, (whether) you kill,
k-ill-ay
IMFk-leave.PRS-2SG
(or) you leave me alive,
mnī
dil
āt
I.GEN heart come.PST.3SG
my heart was going
ki
p-trakk-īt
SUB SUBJ-burst.PRS-3SG
to burst
man šut
I
go.PST.3SG
I went
gō
čā=(y)ē
gušt-un
with well=IND say.PST-1SG
(and) said to a well.
(4.49) HJ 115-116
ammā
āt-an
we.EXCL come.PST-1PL
We were going to
ki
b-raw-an
SUB SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL
go to her father’s house,
ēš-ī
piss-ay
gis-ā
DEM-GEN father-GEN house-OBL
149
(4.50) HJ 256-257
ǰanakk-ā
āt-un
woman-OBJ come.PST-1SG
The woman, I was going
p-kuš-īn
SUBJ-kill.PRS-1SG
to kill,
As demonstrated, the expression of prospective aspect in BS is manifested
by use of the verb ātin ‘to come’ in order to view the prospective event as
moving towards the deictic centre of the speaker. Therefore, it makes prospective aspect in BS proximal deixis. In contrast, English uses the verb go
to express prospective aspect as the speaker moves towards the event, but in
BS the idea is that the event moves towards the speaker with come.
4.5
The demonstratives ē/ēš ‘this’ and ā ‘that’
and discourse deixis
According to Diessel (2006:430) demonstratives are deictic expressions
which indicate the relative distance of a referent (place or time) in the speech
situation in relation to the deictic centre. The proximal deictic expression
this and its distal counterpart that in English and their equivalents in many
other languages are context dependent and have both an objective and metaphorical function. They have an objective function “where a proper interpretation of the reference is with respect to the physical aspect of the communication situation” and a metaphorical function “where a proper interpretation
is with respect to the discourse context of the expression” (Roberts
2009:240).
In our BS oral texts, the metaphorical use or discourse reference function of
deictics ē/ēš ‘this’ and ā ‘that’ is far more common than their objective reference function. The deictics ē/ēš and ā are both used anaphorically within the
discourse. In line with its spatial function, distal ā is used when some other
referent is the current centre of attention, i.e. its referent is ‘athematic’ (Levinsohn 2007:136).
As BS does not have a system of temporal demonstrative adjectives like
most languages, the spatial demonstratives serve as the basis for a metaphorical extension into the temporal domain. For example, as the meaning of ē is
‘near to the speaker’ and the meaning of ā is ‘away from the speaker’, expressions such as ē waxtā ‘at this time, at these days’, ā waxtā ‘at that time,
at those days’ and ē rang ‘in this way, this kind’ extends the conception of
150
spatial proximity to temporal proximity (see also Anderson & Keenan 1985:
278, 297).69
Table 4.3 shows the number of proximal and distal demonstratives that occurred within the first six texts. Here, we also observe the preference of
proximal deixis over distal deixis in BS.
Table 4.3. Number of proximal and distal demonstratives within the first six texts
Texts
Deixis
XM
MG
BP
PJ
KH
TJ
Proximal
ē/ēš
Distal
ā
No.
Demonstratives
No.
Dem. Pron.
95
Dem.Adj.
74
Dem. Pron.
17
Dem. ADJ.
13
169
30
Speech
No.
DS
IS
DS
IS
DS
IS
DS
IS
44
51
38
36
5
12
5
8
It is worth mentioning that in BS there are no distinct demonstratives to refer
to object, person, place, female or male, animate or inanimate, human or
non-human and ē and ā are used for all of them. They can even refer to collective entities both as demonstrative pronouns and demonstrative adjectives.
In other words, they also have a pronominal function referring to these entities. We do not discuss the pronominal function of these two demonstratives.
4.5.1
The functions of ē ‘this’
We found two deictic functions for ē ‘this’ in our texts. In addition to the
major use of ē ‘this’ for discourse reference, i.e. the most common anaphoric
use, it is used for objective reference spatially close to the point of reference.
The following sections illustrate these functions of ē ‘this’ giving some examples. No example of cataphoric reference was found for the proximal
demonstrative ē ‘this’ in the corpus of texts.
4.5.1.1
Objective reference
Example (4.51) is from the oral text Šēr=ō gōkānī kissa ‘The story of the
Lion and the Cows’ (ŠG). With the expression of ē dikka-(y)ay sarā ‘on this
mound’ in clause 39 and ē bahār-ān-ā ‘this green and thriving pasture’ the
lion is referring to the mound and the pasture near itself. This is an objective
reference, because the context of this reference is in the context of the physical situation.
69
However, many languages (we can also include BS) treat spatio-temporal domain as a
whole, without clearly differentiating between a (primary) domain and an extension into a
temporal domain. See Traugott 1978.
151
(4.51) ŠG 38-40
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
it said:
nūn man ē
now I
dikka-(y)ay sarā pa šumā
DEM mound-GEN on
nigāwānī=(y)a
for you.PL guarding=IMF
day-īn
give.PRS-1SG
Now I will watch over you on this mound
šumā
bōr-it
ē
bahār-ān-ā
you.PL SUBJ.eat.PRS-2PL DEM spring-PL-OBJ
you eat this green and thriving pasture.
Examples (4.52) and (4.53) are portions of direct speech from the oral texts
PJ and BW. The expressions ē mulkay tā ‘in this region’ and am=ē ammay
bundarā ‘this camp of ours’, respectively, are objective references to places
in the real world.
(4.52) PJ 17-20
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (Omar) said:
trā
dwārag ē
mulk-ay
tā b-gind-īn
you.SG.OBJ again
DEM country-GEN in SUBJ-see.PRS-1SG
(If) I see you again in this country
bun=a
day-īn
fire=IMF give.PRS-1SG
I will set you on fire,
tikka tikka=a
kan-īn
piece piece=IMF do.PRS-1SG
I will cut you to pieces.
(4.53) BW 230-231
ammā
duzzī=a
kan-an
we.EXCL stealing=IMF do.PRS-1PL
We will steal
am=ē
ammay
bundar-ā
p-sāt
EMPH=DEM we.EXCL.GEN camp-OBJ SUBJ-keep.PRS
(and) you keep this camp of ours!
152
Example (54) is part of the narrative text taken from Pīr ǰangī (PJ) ‘Pir Jangi’. With the expressions ē kūča-ay tā=u ā kūča-ay tā ‘inside this lane and
that lane’ the narrator associates a proximal and a distal reference (e.g. ‘here
and there’), which are indefinite referents. In other words, the references are
not to specific lanes of the country in which the story is set.
(4.54) PJ 14-16 Objective in narrative
zāg
inkas-ēn
lunka=a
dāt-ant=u
children this.much-ATTR mouthful-IMF give.PST-3PL=and
The children gave (him) a little piece (of something to eat) and
ē
kūča-ay
tā=u
ā
kūča-ay
tā=u
DEM lane-GEN in=and DEM lane-GEN in=and
(passing by) this lane and that lane and
š=ingu
azrat=(t)i
umar āt
from=hither His.Holiness=IZ Omar come.PST.3SG
(suddenly) His Holiness Omar came from somewhere.
4.5.1.2
Anaphoric discourse reference
In example (4.55) ē bādišā ‘this king’, ē functions anaphorically to keep
track of a prior discourse reference bādišā ‘king’ as a human which is introduced in the immediately previous clause. Then the light post, tīr=i barγ,
which is an important inanimate thing is being introduced in the story.
(4.55) XM 1-3
guš-īt
say.PRS-3SG
They say:
ki
yag
bādišā=(y)ē=at
SUB one king=IND=COP.PST.3SG
there was a king.
ē
bādišā bi=m=ē
wat-ī
šār-ay
wasat-(t)ā
DEM king in=EMPH=DEM RFL-GEN town-GEN middle-OBL
yakk tīr=i
barγ=ē
dāšt
one pole=IZ electricity=IND have.PST.3SG
This king had a light post in the centre of his town …
In (4.56) sūpa=ē ‘an underground tunnel’ is first introduced in TJ 209 and
then again is mentioned in TJ 213 as the antecedent for am=ē sūpa ‘this
same underground tunnel’ in TJ 263.
153
(4.56) a. TJ 209
ša=m=ēš-ī
tā
čērzamīn-ī-(y)ēn
from=EMPH=DEM-GEN inside underground-ADJZ-ATTR
sūpa=(y)ē
b-ǰa
tunnel=IND SUBJ-strike.PRS
dig an underground tunnel from inside this very (room)
b. TJ 213-214
bādšā ta
waxt=ē ki
ē
sūpa-(y)ā
king until time=IND SUB DEM tunnel-OBJ
ǰat=u
strike.PST.3SG=and
At the time when the king had dug this tunnel and
takmīl
kurt
complete do.PST.3SG
completed (it),
c. TJ 263-264
ǰinikkō padā bir-gašt
girl
am=ē
back PREV-return.PST.3SG EMPH=DEM
sūpa-(y)ay tā
tunnel-GEN in
The girl returned back into the tunnel
ki
b-ayt
SUB SUB-come.PRS.3SG
to come,
In (4.57) tamām maxlūk ‘all people’ which is first introduced in KH 22, is
activated 10 clauses later, i.e. in clause 32 as ē mardum ‘these people’. Here,
the spatial deictic centre is the wedding place and the people are ready to be
brought into action. This clearly shows that the anaphoric reference can happen over a long distance in a text not just between two near clauses or sentences. This can also be observed in (4.56).
(4.57) a. KH 22
tamām maxlūk-ā
all
wat-ī
lōṭit-at
ārōs-ā
people-OBJ want.PST-COP.PST.3SG wedding-OBL
ǰinikk-ayā
RFL-GEN daughter-LOC
He invited all people to the wedding, to his daughter’s (wedding)
154
b. KH 32
ē
mardum
čōn
kurt-ant
DEM people
how do.PST-3PL
What did these people do?
The functions of ā ‘that’
4.5.2
Beside the objective function of ā ‘that’, it can be used both anaphorically
and cataphorically in BS. It is used much more in discourse reference than
objective reference.
4.5.2.1
Objective reference
In (4.58) ā darā ‘that door’ (in am=ā mnī gisukkay darā ‘at my door’) is to
be seen by the pious man as he is living in a small underground room. The
house has not been mentioned before. Therefore, it is an objective reference.
(4.58) MA 67-69
am=ā
mnī
gis-uk-(k)ay
dap-ā
EMPH=DEM I.GEN house-DIN-GEN mouth-OBJ
bōšt
SUBJ.stand.PRS
Stay at my door,
murt-ay
die.PST-2SG
you died,
murt-ay
die.PST-2SG
you died.
With the expression ā bahār-ā in the last clause of (4.59), the speaker, the
lion, is referring back to yag bahārī=(y)ē ‘a pasture, a grazing (land)’ in the
first clause. The reference of ā bahār-ā is an objective one as it refers to a
place (specially the grass and herbs which exist there) that is spatially distal.
(4.59) ŠG 28-32
man yag ǰā=(y)ē
yag bahārī=(y)ē dīst-a
I
one place=IND one pasture=IND see.PST-PSTP
I have seen a pasture in a place,
xayli bahār=int
very spring=COP.PRS.3SG
it is very green and thriving (lit. it is very spring).
155
šumā
b-raw-an
ōdā
you.PL SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL
you, let’s go there
there
ki
man šumā-rā
bar-īn
SUB I
you.PL-OBJ take.PRS-1SG
I will take you (there),
šumā
bōr-it
ā
bahār-ā
you.PL SUBJ.eat.PRS-2PL DEM spring-OBJ
you eat that green and thriving pasture,
In example (4.60), because BP 125 ā zamīndār ‘that landowner’ is in reported speech, it refers back to say=i diga ‘three others’ in BP 121. This is an
objective reference to the distal landlord.
(4.60) a. BP 120-121
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
napa say=i
diga
pa(t)=ta
payγām dēm dāt-ant
then three=IZ other for=you.SG message face give.PST-3PL
Well, then three other (persons) sent you messages.
b. BP 122-125
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the old man) said:
ā
čē
gušt-ant
DEM what say.PST-3PL
what did they say?
gušt=ī
say.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
He (the old man) said:
ā
zamīndār
gu
DEM landowner say.PST.3SG
that landowner said:
4.5.2.2
Anaphoric discourse reference
When the distal demonstrative ā is used anaphorically, some other participant or prop is the current centre of attention. This is illustrated in example
(4.61), in which both the distal and the proximal demonstratives are used
anaphorically. With the expression ā duzz ‘those thieves’ the narrator is re156
ferring back to duzz ‘thieves’ in clauses 169 and 198. am=ē aksān-ā ‘these
pictures’ in the second clause refers back to aksān-ā in clause 389 and āwānā in the third clause shows the pronominal function of ā ‘that/he’ referring to
a human entity, i.e. ā duzz ‘those thieves’ in the first clause. The distal
demonstrative implies that the pictures, rather than the thieves, are the centre
of attention, as they are the means of apprehending the thieves.
(4.61) BW 409-411
ā
duzz=am āt-ant
DEM thief=also come.PST-3PL
Those thieves also came
am=ē
aks-ān-ā
say
ku
EMPH=DEM photo-PL-OBJ view do.PST.3SG
(and) watched the pictures.
āwān-ā
gipt-ant
DEM.PL-OBJ take.PST-3PL
They arrested them.
In (4.62), am=ā būt ‘that is why’ is the anaphoric reference to the whole
previous event at the point of the conclusion of the event the protagonist
comes to. BS always prefers emphatic distal demonstrative am=ā to proximal am=ē in this special context when the referent is the focus of the sentence (athematic).
(4.62) PJ 84-88
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
yā
allā bēšakkā
ki
man pa(t)=ta
VOC God undoubtedly SUB I
rabāb
for=you.SG rebeck
ǰat-un
strike.PST-1SG
Oh God, undoubtedly I played the rebeck for you
mnī
muzd-ā
ta
tilā=a
day-ay
I.GEN wages-OBJ you.SG gold=IMF give.PRS-2SG
(and) you give my wages in gold
am=ā
bū
EMPH=DEM become.PST.3SG
That is why
157
ki
š=āddā
ingurī pīr ǰangī tōbba
SUB from=there hither
šayr= u
ku
ša
Pir Jangi repentance do.PST.3SG from
srōz-ān=ō
poem=and fiddle-PL.OBL=and
from that time on Pir Jangi repented from (reciting) poetry and
(playing) the fiddle and
In (4.63), the function of ā ‘that’ is exactly the same as that of ā in (4.62). In
fact, the referent for distal demonstrative in both (4.62) and (4.63) is focal (a
sub-type of athematic).
(4.63) SŠ 194-195
am=ā
būt
EMPH=DEM be.PST.3SG
It was after that
ki
mās=ay
tasallā
būt
SUB mother=PC.3SG mitigation become.PST.3SG
which his mother became quiet
When the emphatic proximal demonstrative am=ā ‘for this very reason’ is
used, in contrast, the referent is not the focus of the sentence. This is seen in
(4.64), where the focus of the sentences are ‘you have become thin’ (BU 35)
and ‘you have become exhausted now and you have fallen down and now
you are dying’ (BU 37-39).
(4.64) BU 35-39
ta
lāgar būt-ay=u
you.SG thin be.PST-2SG=and
(that) you have become thin and
ēš=int
DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
it is for this reason
ta
annūn zapakī
būt-ay=u
you.SG now
exhausted be.PST-2SG=and
(that) you have become exhausted now and
kapt-ay=u
fall.PST-2SG=and
you have fallen down and
annūn=a mir-ay
now=IMF die.PRS-2SG
now you are dying.
158
4.5.2.3
Cataphoric discourse reference
A few examples of cataphoric discourse reference were found in the text
corpus. BU 83 in (4.65) is an example of the proximal demonstrative ēš
‘this’used cataphorically. It refers to BU 102-104 at the end of the story. In
BU 105, the last clause, ē kār-ā ‘this deed’ is used anaphoriclly to refer to
the same clauses to highlight what the camel is not going to forgive.
(4.65) BU 81-85
walē yag
čīz-ā
na-baxšā-(y)īn
but one thing-OBJ NEG-forgive.PRS-1SG
but I will not forgive one thing,
ta
hašarāt-ay
rōč-ā
na-baxšā-(y)īn
until doomsday-GEN day-OBL NEG-forgive.PRS-1SG
I will not forgive that until doomsday
ā
ēš=int
DEM DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
and that is this
ki
ta
mnī
ilāl
gōšt-ī-(y)ā
hēč
čī
SUB you.SG I.GEN lawful flesh-NOMZ-OBJ nothing what
na-kurt-ay
NEG-do.PST-2SG
that you didn’t (understand) anything of my lawful and clean flesh,
dark
na-kurt-ay
understanding NEG-do.PST-2SG
you didn’t understand
4.6
Summary
In this chapter we studied three subcategories of deixis, i.e. time, spatial and
demonstratives considering proximity and distality of their references to the
deictic centre in BS oral narrative texts. General and specific time deictics
were discussed in the time deixis section. Proximal and distal place deictics
and motion verbs ‘come’ and ‘go’ were examined under place deixis. Then
the prospective aspect of the motion verb ‘come’ was discussed.
The last section of this chapter was dedicated to demonstratives and their
different discourse functions. We found that in BS oral narrative texts, as in
Persian (see Roberts 2009:233), proximal deixis is much more frequent than
distal deixis. In fact, proximal deixis is even more extensive in the BS deictic
system than in Persian. This suggests that it is the default way of making an
anaphoric reference to a participant and prop, whereas the distal demonstra-
159
tive marks its referent as athematic, which often implies that some other
participant or prop is the current centre of attention.
160
5.
Logical Relations between
Propositions
There are logical relationships between propositions which are presented by
clauses. These logical relationships are usually expressed by logical connectors or surface connectives to join two ideas with a particular relationship. The relationship between two propositions can be sequential (temporal), reason and purpose, adversative, or condition. In BS, like any other
language, logical relationships are usually articulated by surface connectives.70 A connective is a word that syntactically links words, clauses or larger units in discourse, e.g. paragraphs, and expresses a semantic relationship
between them.71 Sometimes there is no connective, but the logical relationship exists between the constituents. We should be aware that the content of
propositions does not always determine the logical relationship between
them, but the viewpoint of the speaker and the situation in which the sentence is expressed are two very important factors in determining logical relationship between the propositions (Lowe unpublished MS:53).
In this chapter we investigate the pragmatic functions of the most commonly
used conjunctions in BS oral narrative texts. In §5.1 we investigate the functions of coordinating conjunctions, such as wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’, yā ‘or’, yā
… yā ‘either … or’, na … na ‘neither … nor’, and ham ‘also, too’. In §5.2
we look at the functions of the adversative conjunctions amā ‘but’, walē
‘but’ and its variations (wali, balē) and maga ‘only, just’. In §5.3 we investigate the functions of reason-result-purpose conjunctions such as ki usually
glossed as ‘that’, pa ēšī ki ‘because, since’, čōn/čun ‘since, because’. In §5.4
we examine developing connectives āxir/āxirā, bilaxara ‘finally, at last’,
guṛā, guṛān, bād ‘then, afterwards, after that’, bass ‘just then, immediately
after that’, and xayr ‘well’
70
It is to be noted, however, that ki in BS has a very general clause linking function and that
this conjunction is not a strong indicator of logical relationships.
71
Conectives are “words or morphemes whose function is primarily to link linguistic units at
any level” (Crystal 2003:97).
161
5.1
Coordinating conjunctions
5.1.1
The associative conjunction wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’
The associative conjunction ‘and’, the most frequent one in BS, is expressed
by wa and its two allomorphs =u/(=ō) ‘and’. It can connect several clauses
and sentences. wa is a full form which occurs only at a clause/sentence
boundary after a pause (open juncture).72 In our texts, wa is used to connect
two clauses or the penultimate and the last clause in the series and marks the
importance of the last clause in relation to the penultimate clause. This is
illustrated in (5.1), (5.6), and (5.11). The clitic=u, as the default form, occurs in the clause or sentence boundary without any pause (close juncture).73
=ō is the lengthened form of =u which can occur in place of both wa
and=u, but its frequency is much lower than the other two, especially when
it is not used as a clitic. The clitic =u/(=ō) ‘and’ establishes a closer liaison
than wa especially when it is used in the case of two closely-united terms
and copulative juxtaposed nouns. Its occurrence shows that the narrator
needs just a second or two in order to remember what is next in the story
(see examples (5.2) and (5.5)). Here we will discuss the use of wa/=u/(=)ō
as a logical connector only between clauses. The relationship between the
conjoined clauses may be of chronological sequence, simple coordination,
result orientation or adversative proposition.74 Different functions of the associative conjunction wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’ will be discussed in the following
sections.
5.1.1.1
wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’ in chronological sequence
The study of our text corpus reveals that wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’ is used very
frequently to associate events that are in chronological sequence. This use
covers a high percentage of the occurrences of this conjunction. In (5.1),
clauses 10-13 conjoined with =u ‘and’ are in a temporal relationship. The
storyline indicates the camel becoming thinner and thinner after a rather long
time of hard work until it becomes exhausted in BU 13. The wa ‘and’ in full
form after a pause connects BU 13 and 14 to describe the crucial situation
the camel is in, in order to signal a climactic event due to what happened in
the previous clauses. In BU 50-52 (5.2), the conjunction (=ō)/=u again
associates events that are in chronological sequence.
72
Pause as a suprasegmental feature is not shown in our interlinearized texts and examples,
but when it is said that, for example, wa occurs after a pause, there is a pause before wa.
73
This conjunction is homophonous with the clitic topicalizing spacer =u. Example:
XM 66: clitic =u as topicalizing spacer
ī
dgar=u
ǰawāir=ant
DEM other=TOP jewel=COP.PRS.3PL
These other (things) are certainly jewels,
74
Sometimes we have two or even three kinds of relationships mixed together.
162
(5.1)
BU 10-14
bilaxara marōčī bāndā
finally
today
marōčī bāndā
tomorrow today
ē
uštir
tomorrow DEM camel
lāgar būt=u
thin become.PST.3SG=and
Finally, today, tomorrow; today, tomorrow (passed and) this camel
became thin(ner) and
lāgar būt=u
thin become.PST.3SG=and
thin(ner) and
lāgar būt
thin become.PST.3SG
thin(ner)
tā
ē
ki
bi yakk siyā-(y)ēn
zimistān=ē ē
uštir
until DEM SUB in one black-ATTR winter=IND DEM camel
ša
pād-ā
kapt
from foot-OBL fall.PST.3SG
unti it so happened that in a certain black and very cold winter this
camel became exhausted
wa gardin-ā wat-ī-(y)ā
pa marg-ā
tačk
and neck-OBJ REF-GEN-OBJ for death-OBL spread.out
kurt
do.PST.3SG
and laid down its neck to die.
(5.2)
BU 50-52
bād bi hukm=u farmān-ā
xudāwand=i mutaāl-ayā ē
then in order=and command-OBL God=IZ
uštir wat-ī
dēm-ā
exalted-LOC DEM
gardēnt=ō
camel RFL-GEN face-OBJ turn.PST.3SG=and
Then this camel, by the order of God the almighty, turned its face
and
bi ham=ē
hālat=i naz-ā
in EMPH=DEM state=IZ agony.of.death-OBL
abar=ē
ē
bi
DEM to
āt=u
speech=IND come.PST.3SG=and
in this very agony of death, it began to speak and
wat-ī
wāund-ā
gušt=ī
RFL-GEN owner-OBJ say.PST=PC.3SG
it said to its owner:
163
In example (5.3) the subject changes in the first three clauses, TJ 21-23, but
=u associates the events together. The subject in TJ 23-24 is the same, and
then it changes again to the subject in TJ 21 who is one of the major participants of the story and the one who creates the problem by stealing one of the
pieces of gold. The author uses =u/(=ō) ‘and’ to associate these chronological events together until the proposition in TJ 26 which sets the scene for
the whole story.
(5.3)
TJ 21-26: sequences of =u/(=ō)
duzzit=u
steal.PST.3SG=and
He stole (it) and
pīramard murt=u
old.man die.PST.3SG=and
the old man died and
zāg
ēš-ā
kabr
kurt-ant=ō
child DEM-OBJ grave do.PST-3PL=and
the children buried him and
marg=u
xarǰ=ay
ki
gipt-ant
death=and expenses=OBJ.PC.3SG SUB take.PST-3PL
when they performed the mourning ceremonies with all its expenses,
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
he said:
b-raw-an
annūn piss-ay
dunyā-ā
SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL now
father-GEN world-OBL
Now let’s go for the father’s wealth.
In (5.4), which is divided into three separate parts75, we can see that the narrator uses =u ‘and’ in sequences of the same subject, i.e. Ganiba, to dramatize this passage in order to reach the main question of the story in GG 14-15
on which the story is built. It can be seen that no =u has been omitted in
clause sequences. This is a method used intentionally by the narrator for
dramatizing the narrative for important events in the story.76
(5.4)
GG 1-15
ganība
guš-īt
Ganiba say.PRS-3SG
It is said, (that) Ganiba
75
76
Part 1: 1-4, part 2: 5-10, and part 3: 11-15. Part 2 is the detailed expansion of part 1.
The same method is used in Persian narrative, see Roberts 2009:203.
164
ki
ar=ē
dāšt=u
SUB donkey=IND have.PST.3SG=and
had a donkey and
wat-ī
ar-ā
zurt=u
RFL-GEN donkey-OBJ seize.PST.3SG=and
he took his donkey and
šut
kō-ā
pa
pista-(y)ay
čitin-ā
go.PST.3SG mountain-OBL for pistachio-GEN pick.INF-OBL
went to the mountain for picking pistachio.
ar-ā
swār
būt=u
donkey-OBJ mounted become.PST.3SG=and
He mounted on the donkey and
šut
kō-ā=u
go.PST.3SG mountain-OBL=and
went to the mountain and
kō-ay
sarā
bālā būt=u
mountain-GEN on
climbed the mountain and
up
ar-ā
ǰālag-ā=u
bast
become.PST.3SG=and
donkey-OBJ tie.PST.3SG down-OBL=and
(he) tied the donkey down the (mountain) and
gwālag-ā
zurt=u
gunny sack-OBJ seize.PST.3SG=and
(he) took the sack and
bālā bū
kō-ay
sarā
up
become.PST.3SG mountain-GEN on
climbed the mountain.
pista
čit=u
pistachio pick.PST.3SG=and
He picked pistachio and
gwālag-ā
purr=ē
kurt=u
gunny sack-OBJ full=PC.3SG do.PST.3SG=and
(he) filled the sack (with pistachio) and
gwālag-ā
š=am=ā
kō-ay
sar-ā
gunny sack-OBJ from=EMPH=OBL mountain-GEN head-OBL
ḍēl=ē
dāt
rolling=PC.3SG give.PST.3SG
rolled the sack from the very top of the mountain:
165
ki
gwālag
ta
bārēn
dēm-ā
raw-ay
SUB gunny.sack you.2SG whether face-OBL go.PRS-2SG
ǰālag-ā
down-OBL
that (oh) sack let’s see who goes down sooner, you
yā
man
or I
or me?
wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’ as simple coordination
5.1.1.2
wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’ may be used to associate clauses that do not describe
events in chronological sequence. In the following examples there is a continuity of topic plus some other aspect. Consider example (5.5), which is the
introduction part of the TJ text. TJ 2-3 and TJ 4-5 with the same subject and
different predicates are connected by the clitic (=ō) ‘and’ without any temporal relation. In (5.6) the woman wants to show that she is not an ordinary
person and the coordinating conjunction wa in full form along with its intonation boundary appears after a pause to introduce a distinct assertion that is
not in a chronological relation with the previous one.
(5.5)
TJ 2-5
yakk pīramard=ē dāšt
say
one old.man=IND have.PST.3SG three
A certain old man had three sons.
say
zāg
son
zāg dāšt=ō
three son have.PST.3SG=and
He had three sons and
ī
pīramard say
tilā sarmāya dāšt
DEM old.man three gold capital have.PST.3SG
this old man had three (pieces of) gold (as his) wealth,
yag
ǰā=(y)ē
kurm=at-ant
one place=IND pit=COP.PST-3PL
(which) were buried in a certain place.
(5.6)
THMJ 45-47:
gu
say.PST.3SG
(She) said:
166
yāra man misr-ī
zargar-ay
ǰinikk=un
truly I
Egypt-GEN goldsmith-GEN daughter=COP.PRS.1SG
Truly I am the Egyptian goldsmith’s daughter
wa ind-ay
pulān taǰǰār-ay
ǰinēn=un
and India-GEN such merchant-GEN woman=COP.PRS.1SG
and such and such Indian merchant’s wife.
wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’ with result orientation
5.1.1.3
We also noted that there are examples in which it seems that =u ‘and’ associates propositions that are in a reason-result relationship.77 In (5.7) there is
no doubt that the fact that vesicles and blisters appear under Pirakk’s feet
were a result of his feet burning due to dancing on live embers. Example
(5.8) also illustrates =u used to associate two clauses that are in a reasonresult relationship, i.e. XM 40-41. XM 40 is in the present perfect about
what has happened to the dragon while XM 41 is in the present about the
present situation of the dragon on the timeline of the story. Therefore, the
dragon’s situation of being short of breath is the result of the mountain
goat’s horns getting stuck in its throat.
(5.7)
KH 42-43
pād=ay
sōt-ant=u
foot=PC.3SG
burn.PST-3PL=and
His feet were burnt and
pād-ān-ī
dil=ay
ē
rang
puxluk=u
foot-PL-GEN heart=PC.3SG DEM manner vesicle=and
paṭōsk būt-ant
blister become.PST-3PL
and on the soles of his feet vesicles and blisters of this kind appeared.
(5.8)
XM 40-41
am=ē
šāx=ay
EMPH=DEM horn=PC.3SG
ēš-ī
guṭṭ-ā
gīr
DEM-GEN throat-OBL captive
kurt-ag=ant=u
do.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL=and
its horns have got stuck in its (the mother’s) throat and
77
The causal relation is implicit in the given sentences. For example, to make the causal
relationship explicit, XM 40-41 in (5.8) could be paraphrased as:
It (dragon’s mother) is short of breath because (the mountain goat’s) horns have got stuck in
its throat.
167
napastank=int
short.of.breath =COP.PRS.3SG
it is short of breath,
Sometimes =u can associate clauses in a reason-result relationship, where
the result is unexpected. Consider the relationship between clauses 162 and
163 in example (5.9); because the lamb had no mother, the shepherd made it
suckle a donkey. It is an inappropriate and thus contraexpectational activity
for a shepherd to make a lamb suckle a donkey. 78
(5.9)
TJ 161-163
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
ān
sāib
ēš
saγīr=ē=at=u
yes master DEM orphan=IND=COP.PST.3SG=and
Yes sir, this (lamb) didn’t have a mother and
man ēš-ā
I
činka
waxt bi ar-ā
DEM-OBJ so.many time
to donkey-OBL
mēčēnt-a=un
suckle.PST-CAUS-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I made it suckle a donkey for some time.
wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’ in adversative contexts
5.1.1.4
The uses of wa/=u ‘and’ illustrated in (5.10) and (5.11) show that it can also
associate propositions that are in contrast with each other. In (5.10) from
KH, the first two instances of =u ‘and’ function as simple coordination to
conjoin clauses 11-13, but the clitic =u at the end of KH 13 co-occurs with
both the change of subject and the contrast between KH 11-13 on the one
hand, and KH 14 on the other hand. In the conclusion of the story in (5.11),
wa ‘and’ as a heavier form also associates THMZJ 243 and 244, which involve both a change of subject and contrast.
(5.10) KH 11-14: as simple coordination and adversative
amēša waxt pa sabzō līkō=a
gušt=u
always time for Sabzo sad.song=IMF say.PST.3SG=and
He always recited sad songs for Sabzo and
78
This is a Baloch socio-cultural situation according to which certain things such as making a
motherless lamb suckle another sheep, goat or cow, but it is not normally expected to make it
suckle a donkey, at least for religious reasons.
168
šayr=a
gušt=u
poem=IMF say.PST.3SG=and
recited poems and
all=a
ǰat=u
groan=IMF strike.PST.3SG=and
groaned but
sabzō-ī
piss
bi ēšī=a
Sabzo-GEN father to DEM.OBL=IMF
na-dāt=ē
NEG-give.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
Sabzo’s father did not marry her off to him.
(5.11) THMZJ 231-234
man gulāmzāda=(y)ē=at-un
I
offspring.of.a.slave=IND=COP.PST-1SG
I was a slave’s offspring,
ē
šāzāda=(y)ē=at
DEM prince=IND=COP.PST.3SG
she was a princess.
ē
ǰinikk-ā
man wat
DEM girl-OBJ I
kam-asl-ī-(y)ā
ša
wat-ī
RFL from RFL-GEN
čā-ay
tā prēnt-a
lower-origin-NOMZ-OBL well-GEN in throw.PST-PSTP
I have thrown this girl into the well because of my lowly origin
wa ta
ē
ǰā
pa(m)=man wapā=(y)ē
and until DEM place for=I
faithfulness=PC.3SG
kurt-a
do.PST-PSTP
but she has been faithful to me up to now.
5.1.2
Disjunctive conjunctions
Coordinate sentences can also be linked with the help of the disjunctive conjunctions yā ‘or’ which can also be repeated as yā … yā ‘either … or’, or na
… na ‘neither … nor’ which always occurs in correlative form (when it connects sentences) to express at the same time an opposition or separation inherent in the notions or thoughts.
169
5.1.2.1
Disjunctive conjunctions yā ‘or’ and yā … yā ‘either … or’
Typically, when the verbs of both sentences are the same, the verb of the
second sentence in a yā compound sentence is gapped. In both (5.12) and
(5.13) the separation between conjuncts is expressed by a single yā. It is
more emphatic to repeat ā gētir=int ‘is he better?’ in MA 22, the last clause
of (5.13), than to omit it. In (5.12) from GG, the yā ‘or’ implies the expectation that only one of the propositions will happen.
(5.12) GG 13-15
gwālag-ā
š=am=ā
gunny sack-OBJ
from=EMPH=OBL mountain-GEN on
kō-ay
sarā
ḍēl=ē
dāt
rolling=PC.3SG give.PST.3SG
and rolled the sack from the very top of that mountain:
ki
gwālag
ta
bārēn
dēm-ā
raw-ay
SUB gunny.sack you.SG whether face-OBL go.PRS-2SG
ǰālag-ā
down-OBL
that (oh) sack let’s see who goes down sooner, you
yā man
or I
or me?
(5.13) MA 14-22
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
mūsā
ābid=ē
ki
islām=ē
bīt
Moses pious=IND SUB muslim=IND be.PRS.3SG
Moses if there is a pious man,
ǰind=ī
islām=ē=am
bīt
self=PC.SG muslim=IND=also be.PRS.3SG
he himself is also a muslim,
ābid=ē=am
bīt
pious=IND=also be.PRS.3SG
(he) is also a pious man,
dil-ay
tay
rām
ma-bīt
heart-GEN on.PC.SG mercy PROH-be.PRS.3SG
(but) in his heart there is no mercy,
170
ā
gētir=int
DEM good.CMP=COP.PRS.3SG
is he better
yā kāpir=ē
ki
dil-ay
tay
rām
bīt
or infidel=IND SUB heart-GEN on.PC.SG mercy be.PRS.3SG
or an infidel who mercy is in heart,
dil=i
rām
dāšt-a
bī
heart=IZ mercy have.PST-PSTP be.PRS.SG
(who) had mercy in his heart,
ā
gētir=int
DEM good.CMP=COP.PRS.3SG
is he better?
Clauses 210-211 in example (5.14) below actually mean “If you don’t tell
the truth, you will be killed” or “If you lie, you will be killed.” It can be considered as conditional threat. In other words, yā ‘or’ is equivalent to an
asymmetric or one sided ‘if-then’ or ‘lest/otherwise’ conjunction. In the situation related to this sentence, the speaker strongly expects the alternative
expressed by clause 210 to be the one that takes place in the real world. If a
conditional clause had been used, then the most important clause would have
been 211, not 210. So, although theoretically, yā ‘or’ is equivalent to an
asymmetric or one sided ‘if-then’ or ‘lest/otherwise’ conjunction, in fact it
functions differently from an ‘if’.
(5.14) THMZJ 209-211
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
wassū
ta=am
rāst-ēn-ā
b-gu
mother-in-law you.SG=also truth-ATTR-OBJ SUBJ-say.PRS
mother-in-law, you also tell the truth,
yā
marg=int
or death=COP.PRS.3SG
else it will be death.
ē
ǰinikk kī
tōm=int
DEM girl
whose seed=COP.PRS.3SG
whose offspring is this girl?
When more than two clauses are being coordinated by yā, one coordinator is
needed for each extra clause and at least one of the propositions, if they are
171
in the subjunctive mood, should be accepted by the addressee as in (5.15).
This example expresses the exclusive dimension of contrast for yā ‘or’.
(5.15) ŠX 14-17
yag
rōč=ē
rōšan-ā
gipt
one day=IND Rōšan-OBJ seize.PST.3SG
One day he seized Roshan:
ki
yā
mnī
wām-ā
b-day
SUB or I.GEN loan-OBJ SUBJ-give.PRS
Either pay back my money (loan)
yā
wat-ī
duxtar-ā
b-day
or RFL-GEN daughter-OBJ SUBJ-give.PRS
or give me your daughter
yā ša
dīn-ā
xatā
bay
or from religion-OBL mistake SUBJ.become.PRS
or apostatize (become a heretic).
Although there are three interrogative sentences in the following discourse
(5.16), only the last one is connected by yā ‘or’ and the conjunction between
the first and the second clauses is omitted. Here the girl deliberately proposes three alternatives expecting each of them to be selected by one of the
merchant’s three sons.
(5.16) TJ 288-290
ayā taǰǰār
ǰwān-ēn
kār=ē
kurt
Did merchant good-ATTR work=IND do.PST.3SG
Did the merchant do a good deed?
bādšā ǰwān-ēn
kār=ē
kurt
king good-ATTR work=IND do.PST.3SG
Did the king do a good deed?
yā duzz ǰwān-ēn
kār=ē
kurt-ant
or thief good-ATTR work=IND do.PST-3PL
Or did the thieves do a good deed?
5.1.2.2
Disjunctive conjunction na … na ‘neither … nor’
The na … na ‘neither … nor’ conjunction is used to negate both sentences
being conjoined. Note that the verb in both sentences is in the affirmative.
When the predicates of both sentences are the same, gapping is possible. In
(5.17) both the subjects and the verbs are different and the use of na occurs
initially to negate the whole clause, but in (5.18) and (5.19) as both the sub-
172
jects and the predicates are the same the verbs of the second clauses in na
compound sentences are gapped. In these sentences na occurs before the
constituent which is negated.
(5.17) SR 338-339
na pīruk=ay
gō
man širkatt
dār-īt
no grandfather=PC.3SG with I
partnership have.PRS-3SG
Neither is his grandfather my partner,
na mnī
nākōzāk=int
no I.GEN cousin=COP.PRS.3SG
nor is he my cousin.
(5.18) MM 77-78
malang na āp
wārt=u
dervish no water eat.PST.3SG=and
The dervish consumed neither water
na
tām=ē
no food=IND
nor food.
(5.19) GA 93-94
āyi-rā
na
zām=ē
ǰat-ag=a
DEM-OBJ NEG sword=IND strike.PST-PSTP=IMF
kan-ant=u
do.PRS-3PL=and
they can strike her neither with a sword
na
tūpakk=ē
NEG rifle=IND
nor with a rifle,
5.1.3
The additive conjunction ham/(=)am/=um ‘also,
too’
The additive conjunction ham,79 realized most of the time as the clitic
(=)am/=um, is widely used in Balochi and usually glossed ‘also, too’.
=um cannot occur clause initially but ham and am can occur both clause
initially and after the associative conjunction wa/=u ‘and’ as a clause connector. After examining the occurrences of ham, we came to the conclusion
that ham has several functions. It can function as a logical connector in the
form of correlative conjunction ham … ham ‘both …and’ or single ham
79
The phoneme /h/ does not exist in BS except in loan words and even in loan words it is
usually dropped.
173
‘also, too’ to conjoin sentences or clauses. The adjoined clauses may also be
in a causal relation, which leads to translations into English linking them
with ‘therefore’, ‘so’ or ‘so that’. In other words, the relation signalled in BS
is that of addition, whereas English prefers to signal the causal relation. In
addition to its additive function, ham functions as an additive topicalizer.
The added term plus ham is most often fronted and commonly has the intonation centre of the clause. Now we will examine the functions of the connective ham/(=)am/=um.
Since the oral narrative text Pīramarday say zāg u taǰǰāray ǰinikk, (TJ), is a
good example of a text which shows different functions of =am/=um, we
will discuss examples (5.20)-(5.25) from TJ in which the additive conjunction =am/=um occurs clitically. (5.20) is an example of parallelism where
the connected propositions have different subjects but similar predicates.
The subject of the second clause is ammā ‘we’ and the subject of the third
clause is ta ‘you’, and the predicates of the two clauses, though with different verbs, imply one concept ‘going to the judge’. The =am in the second
clause is attached to the topicalized pronoun ammā ‘we’ which is followed
by a comment about the new topic ‘we’. In the third clause, in contrast, it is
attached to the pronoun ta ‘you’, which is focal.
(5.20) TJ 76-78: parallel addition with different subject and similar
predicates
b-raw-an
čār-umī-(y)ēn
ta
SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL four-ORD-ATTR you.SG
Let’s go, you (are) the fourth one,
ammā=am
raw-an
pa šarīat-(t)ā
we.PL.EXCL=also go.PRS-1PL for religious.law-OBL
As for us, we are going (to the judge) for (arbitration) according to
religious law,
ta=um
b(y)-ā
you.SG=also SUBJ-come.PRS
you, come, too.
(5.21) is also a parallelism between propositions with the same predicate and
different subjects. TJ 281 and 285, as reciprocal acts, are in a causal and
coordinating relationship with TJ 261 and 281, respectively.
(5.21) TJ 261, 281-286: a long distance parallel addition
trā=m
man bi(t)=tī
you.SG.OBJ=also I
baxšāt
padā
bestow.PST.3SG back
I give you back to your husband, too.
174
mard-ā
to=you.SG.GEN man-OBL
……………………………………..
bādšā=um mnā padā bi mnī
mard-ā
baxšāt
king=also I.OBJ back to I.GEN man-OBL bestow.PST.3SG
The king also gave me back to my husband.
nūn man šumay
dam-ā
kapt-a
now I
you.PL.GEN breath-OBL fall.PST-PSTP
Now, I have fallen into your hands.
duzz gušt-ant
thief say.PST-3PL
The thieves said:
ammay
rōzī-(y)ā=u
xudā dant
we.EXCL.GEN ration-OBJ=TOP God give.PRS.3SG
God will certainly give our daily bread,
ammā=am
trā
bi(t)=tī
mard-ā
we.PL.EXCL=also you.SG.OBJ to=you.SG.GEN man-OBL
baxšāt-ag=an
bestow.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1PL
we also give you (back) to your husband,
b-ra
sālim
SUBJ-go.PRS safe.and.sound
go safe and sound.
(5.22) is also a parallelism between propositions with the same subject and
different predicates. In this case the first proposition, TJ 50-78, which is a
conversation between the old man’s sons and the camel owner, begins about
50 clauses before the marked clause with =um in (5.22). The second proposition, (83-101), is a conversation between the old man’s son and the people
who were looking for their female servant. This shows that, as a normal phenomenon in BS, ham can link propositions over a distance in a text. A causal
relationship can also be found between the two sentences in (5.22). In fact,
this is what the owner of the camel says to the people looking for their female servant and it can be interpreted as ‘Oh uncle, (I am sure) these are
crazy, because they have told me the same sort of thing (which they are now
telling you)’.
(5.22) TJ 104-105: parallel addition and causal relationship
nākō
ē
ganōk=ant
uncle.VOC DEM mad=COP.PRS.3PL
Uncle, these are crazy.
175
ē
mnā=um
am=ē
rang
DEM I.OBJ=also EMPH=DEM manner
gušt-ag=ant
say.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL
These (guys) have also told me the same sort of thing.
The connective clitic =am connects the incomplete clause 259 and clause
260 in (5.23). TJ 260 is the conclusion that the king came to because of what
the woman had said before (in TJ 253-256) and the king summarizes it in
258-259. ta ‘you’ in 260 is topicalized and new information added to it. TJ
261, as a reciprocal act, signals parallelism with TJ 256 which refers back to
what the woman’s husband said in TJ 236-239.
(5.23) TJ 255-262: =am/=um adding result
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (my husband) said:
man āšix-ā
bi āšix-ā
baxšāt-a=un
I
lover-OBJ to lover-OBL bestow.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I give the beloved to the lover.
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the king) said:
tī
mard ki
you.SG.GEN man
inka
mērabān
SUB this.much kind
būt-a=u
become.PST-PSTP=and
Now that your husband has been so kind and
inka
mardānag-ī-(y)ēn …
this.much manly-ADVZ-ATTR
(has done) such a magnanimous (thing),
ta=am
mnī
mās=u
gwār=ay
you.SG=also I.GEN mother=and sister=COP.PRS.2SG
you are also (like) my mother and sister.
trā=um
man bi(t)=tī
you.SG.OBJ=also I
baxšāt
to=you.SG.GEN man-OBL
padā
bestow.PST.3SG back
I give you back to your husband, too,
176
mard-ā
b-ra
sālimā
SUBJ-go.PRS safe.and.sound
go back safe and sound.
In the following continued conversation (5.24), there is a parallelism between the speech of the third son in clause 298, and the speech of the second
son in clause 295 which again have the same predicate and different subjects. In TJ 298, =am as additive topicalizer adds the topic duzz ‘thieves’ to
the previous topic bādšā ‘king’ while in TJ 300 and 301, the constituents to
which =am is attached are topical, i.e. duzz and tilā ‘gold’. tī piss-ay ‘your
father’s’ is a kind of clarification for the main possessor of the gold. ta ‘you’
in both clauses is focus.
(5.24) TJ 294-301
du-(y)umī-(y)ēn gu
two-ORD-ATTR say.PST.3SG
The second one said:
ki
bādšā ǰwān-ēn
kār=ē
ku
SUB king good-ATTR work=IND do.PST.3SG
The king did a good deed
ki
padā ǰan-ā
bi mard-ā
baxšāt
SUB back woman-OBJ to man-OBL bestow.PST.3SG
who gave the woman back to her husband.
say-umī-(y)ēn
gu
three-ORD-ATTR say.PST.3SG
The third one said,
ki
duzz=am ǰwān-ēn
kār=ē
SUB thief=also good-ATTR work=IND
kurt-ag=ant
do.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL
The thieves have also done a good deed.
gušt
say.PST.3SG
She (the girl) said:
ki
duzz=am ta=(w)ay
SUB thief=also you.SG=COP.PRS.2SG
You are certainly the thief,
tilā=am tī
piss-ay
gō
ta=int
gold=also you.SG.GEN father-GEN with you.SG=COP.PRS.3SG
as for the (piece of) gold, your father’s (gold), you have it.
177
TJ 303 in (5.25) is the narrator’s comment to refresh the hearers’ mind on
the young man’s extraordinary ability described in TJ 20. It functions as
additive and gives this information again to add it to the same information
about the girl. =am in TJ 305 functions as an additive topicalizer. It gives
new information about ta ‘you’.
(5.25) TJ 303-307: =um/=am as additive topicalizer
ā=um
sāib=i
āl=ē=at
DEM=also owner=IZ condition=IND=COP.PST.3SG
He also had miracle working powers.
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
ta=am
ǰinēnzāg=ē=(w)ay
you.SG=also woman=IND=COP.PRS.2SG
As for you, you are a woman,
ǰinikk=ē=(w)ay
girl=IND=COP.PRS.2SG
you are a girl,
mardēnzāg=ē na-(w)ay
man=IND
NEG-COP.PRS.2SG
(and) you are not a man.
In the following example =am signals an additive relation between BP
240 and 241. The causal relationship between the adjoined clauses in
(5.26) may be deduced. Beating the man hard is the reason for the remedy of
the king’s headache.
(5.26) BP 239-241: =am adding result
čalāpt-ant
seize.PST-3PL
They seized him
zabr ēš-ā
waš
marg=iš
ku
good DEM-OBJ good death=PC.3PL do.PST.3SG
and they beat him near to death,
bādišā-ay
sar-ay
dard=am kapt
king-GEN head-GEN pain=also
the king’s headache also stopped.
fall.PST.3SG
In (5.27) =am follows the discourse connective bāz when God wanted to
ask Moses a question for the second time. The first time, Moses points out to
178
God that He knows everything and he does not need to ask Moses or anybody else anything. So, the second time the author uses bāz=am ‘anyway,
in any case, if you would like’ in order to make God ask his question.
bāz=am may also be thought of as confirmatory (see D&L 2001:92). (5.28)
consists of two conditional sentences which are parallel, but without the
conditional conjunction agar ‘if’. The conditional relationship between the
clauses is just shown by a pause between them and the function of am in SR
66 in (5.28) is the same as in MA 13 in (5.27), but the discourse connective
bāz ‘again’ has been omitted and the stress is on =am.
(5.27) MA 9-13: =am follows the discourse connective bāz
gušt
say.PST.3SG
(He) said:
man=a lōṭ-īn
I=IMF
I want
ki
want.PRS-1SG
ša(t)=ta
yag sōǰ=ē
kan-īn
SUB from=DUB-you.SG one question=IND SUBJ.do.PRS-1SG
to ask you a question.
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
(He) said:
bāz=am
sōǰ
ka
again=also question SUBJ.do.PRS
anyway ask.
(5.28) SR 63-66: am without discourse connective bāz
marg=a
lōṭ-ay
death=IMF want.PRS-2SG
(If) you want death,
ī
man=u ta
DEM I=and you.SG
it is (between) me and you.
dunyā=a
lōṭ-ay
wealth=IMF want.PRS-2SG
(If) you want wealth,
am
ī
man=u ta
also DEM I=and you.SG
this is also (between) me and you.
179
(5.29) is also a parallelism between propositions with the same predicate and
different subjects, but in this case the first proposition, i.e. MM 1-3, is found
56 clauses before the second proposition. am ‘also’ occurs clause initially
while the subject malang ‘dervish’ is dropped. That is because malang has
been mentioned in MM 56 and MM 57 but not in MM 58. The associative
clitic conjunction =u ‘and’ in MM 58 indicates the continuation of the same
subject in MM 59. Therefore, it is not necessary to have a subject pronoun
before am.
(5.29) MM 56-59: a long-distance parallel addition and emphasis marker
malang=ē
ša
kō-ā
y-ēr
kapt
dervish=IND from mountain-OBL HI-down fall.PST.3SG
A dervish came down from the mountain.
malang=ē
ančēn ki
xudā-ay
āšiγ=at
dervish=IND such SUB God-GEN lover=COP.PST.3SG
Such a dervish who was a lover of God.
ša
kō-ā
āt=u
from mountain-OBL come.PST.3SG=and
He came from the mountain and
am am=idā
mēmān būt
also EMPH=here guest
also became a guest here.
become.PST.3SG
As a logical connector in the form of a correlative conjunction, ham … ham
‘both … and’ conjoins sentences or clauses. (5.30) and (5.31) are examples
of this function of (=)am … (=)am.
(5.30) SR 246: parallelism with the same subject and different predicates
am asp-ān=ay
xizmat=(t)ay
kan-ay
also horse-PL=GEN service=OBJ.PC.3SG do.PRS-2SG
You serve both their horses
am
uštir-ān=ay
also camel-PL=GEN
and, also their camels.
(5.31) MA 14-17: parallelism with the same subject and different predicates
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
(He) said:
180
mūsā
ābid=ē
ki
islām=ē
bīt
Moses pious=IND SUB muslim=IND SUBJ.be.PRS.3SG
Moses, if there were a pious man who was a muslim,
ǰind=ī
islām=ē=am
bīt
self=PC.SG muslim=IND=also be.PRS.3SG
he himself would be both a muslim,
ābid=ē=am
bīt
pious=IND=also be.PRS.3SG
(and) also a pious man,
In (5.32) (=)am/=um functions as an additive topicalizer attached to irāt-ī
but it applies to the whole phrase irāt-ī kāzī and adds additional information
about this topic introduced in the previous clause. GG 118 was also used to
confirm what was said in GG 83. In (5.33) =um functions as an additive
topicalizer attached to pādišā ‘king’ introduced in the previous clause. This
adds more information about the king.
(5.32) GG 83, 118-120: =am as an additive topicalizer
irāt-ī
kāzī
at
rišwatxōr-ēn
Herat-ATTR judge COP.PST.3SG bribe.taker-ATTR
The judge of Hirat was a bribe-taker.
..........................................................
ganība
āt
Ganiba come.PST.3SG
Ganiba came
ta
irāt
maǰlis=int=a80
MIR Herat assembly=COP.PRS.3SG=IMF
behold there is a meeting in Hirat,
kāzī-(y)ay ēšk=u
āškā
judge-GEN this.side=and that side
all around the judge.
irāt-ī=am
kāzī
rišwatxōr=ē=at
Herat-ATTR=also judge bribe.taker=IND=be.PST.3SG
The judge of Herat also was indeed a bribe taker.
80
See Axenov (2006:174), however, further studies may reveal another explanation for this
morpheme.
181
(5.33) MA 151-152: =um as an additive topicalizer
mūsā=u
malang āt-ant
pādašā-ayā
Moses=and dervish come.PST-3PL king-LOC
Moses and the dervish came to the king.
pādišā=um yaūd=ē
king=also jew=IND
The king (is) a jew,
In (5.34) =am also expresses the notion of ‘even’ in a long-distance parallelism between the time of the Prophet Mohammad and the present time
(about 1400 years). The narrator stops telling the story and addresses the
audience to connect the present time and situation with the adverbial temporal expression nūn ‘now’ plus =am to the time of the story proposed in
KJ 81-84. In KJ 81-84 the prophet, in a crucial situation, gave his companion
the permission to eat any kind of animals they could find in the desert.
(5.34) KJ 85-87: additive =am following an adverbial temporal expression
gind-ay
see.PRS-2SG
You see
arab nūn=am
rōbā-ān-ā
war-ant=u
Arab now=also fox-PL-OBJ.IMF eat.PRS-3PL=and
even now the Arab eat foxes and
am=ē
klēṛuk=u
EMPH=DEM lizard=and
čīz-ān=a
war-ant
buzmēč=u ančin
lizard=and
such.ATTR
buzčūš-ān-ā
thing-PL-OBJ eat.PRS-3PL lizard-PL-OBJ
they eat different kinds of lizards and such things.
Another example where =am expresses the notion of ‘even’, i.e. confirmation by adding the least likely possibility, is (5.35).
(5.35) TJ 116-119: additive =am for the least likely possibility
γayr
ša
mās=ay=u
piss=ay
ki
except from mother=PC.3SG=and father=PC.3SG SUB
zānt
understand.PST.3SG
except her mother and father who knew
ki
ē
ǰinikk=ē
SUB DEM girl=IND
that this was a girl,
182
amsāyag=am=a
na-zānt-ant
neighbour=also=IMF NEG-know.PST-3PL
even the neighbours didn’t know
ki
ē
ǰinikk=ē
SUB DEM girl=IND
that this was a girl.
In examples (5.36) and (5.37) below, the additive ham ‘also, too’ follows the
subject NP. In each example the subjects of the two clauses are different, but
the predicates are the same. As seen, the NP referents in both examples are
focal. For example, clause 58 from SŠ in (5.36) gives the general information that all the people were aware of Alexander’s horns, but Alexander
himself preceding =am in clause 59 is the focal constituent. Since he is the
major participant of the story, the result of his knowing the news makes the
narrative ongoing.
(5.36) SŠ 58-59: different subject and the same predicate
tamām=i dunyā sī
būt
all=IZ
world informed become.PST.3SG
The whole world (all people) were informed (knew that),
sakandar=am
sī
būt
Alexander=also informed become.PST.3SG
Alexander heard it, too.
(5.37) THMZJ 50-52: different subject and the same predicate
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
She said:
yāra
am=idā
truely
EMPH=here SUB you.PL.GEN caravan
ki
šumay
kāpila
prēnt=at
throw.PST=COP.PST.3SG
oh friend in this very place where your caravan had pitched camp,
ammay
kāpila=am
prēnt
we.EXCL.GEN caravan=also throw.PST.3SG
our caravan also pitched camp.
With these uses of ham established, we can briefly mention that the morpheme (h)am is also a formative which occurs in the following compounds:
am=ē ‘this same’, am=ā ‘that same’, am=idā ‘here’, am=ādā/am=ōdā
‘there’, am=ēša ‘always’, am-sāyag ‘neighbour’, ham-dil ‘intimate’, hamkār ‘colleague’, ham-rā(h) ‘companion’, an-čō ‘as, like’, an-čēn ‘such’,
183
am=ē rang ‘in this way’, am=ā rang ‘in that way’, ham-birāh ‘companion,
fellow-traveller’, ham-sang ‘equal, level’, ham-dam ‘companion, friend’,
ham-īngu ‘hither’, ham-āngu ‘thither’, ham-gōnag ‘resemblance, resembling’, ham-bal ‘sweetheart, companion’, ham-pall ‘neighbours, neighbouring’, ham-šīrak ‘a child still suckling when mother becomes pregnant again;
breast-brother’, ham-tang ‘weighed, balanced’, ham-zānā ‘knee to knee’,
ham-zāmās ‘husbands of two sisters’, ham-tab ‘closest friend’.
5.2
Adversatives
In this section we will look at the discourse function of the adversative connectives which have the basic meaning ‘contrary to expectation’. The source
of expectation may be found in what the presupposed sentence is about, or in
the communication process, the current speaker-hearer configuration. The
following three connectives introduce adversative material in the analyzed
texts.81
wa/=u/(=)ō associative ‘and’ (see §5.1.1.4)
amā ‘but’
walē ‘but’ and its free variations, i.e. wali, balē/bali
maga ‘only, just’
However, the most way to introduce adversative material is without any
connective. This is illustrated by (5.38). MG 18 is in adversative relation to
the previous clause, but no connective is used. The same is true of MG 21
and 22.
(5.38) MG 17-22
tī
humr bāz=int
you.SG.GEN life
your life is long,
much=COP.PRS.3SG
81
The general subordinator ki is used to introduce adverbial clauses that are in an adversative
relationship to the main clause, as in MG 73-74 (p. 299):
šapī
marg
na(y)-āt
tonight death NEG-come.PST.3SG
Death did not come (to him) that night,
ki
gušn
padā
āt
SUB hunger back come PST.3SG
although hunger returned.
184
tī
rōzī
kamm=int
you.SG.GEN ration little=COP.PRS.3SG
(but) your ration is small.
man digar-ay
I
rōzī=(y)ā
bi=(t)ta
other-GEN ration=OBJ to=you.SG
dātag=a
na-kan-īn
give.PST-PSTP=IMF NEG-do.PRS-1SG
I cannot give you anyone else’s ration.
tī
rōzī
kamm=int
you.SG.GEN ration little=COP.PRS.3SG
Your daily ration is small,
am=ē
kamm-ēn
rōzī-(y)ā
bi(t)=tī
umr-ā
EMPH=DEM little-ATTR ration-OBJ in=you.SG.GEN life-OBL
kapāp=a
kan-īn
sufficiency=IMF do.PRS-1SG
(and) I provide this small daily ration for your (long) life.
ta
sēr=a
na-ba-ay
you full=IMF NEG-become.PRS-2SG
You will not be satisfied.
Roberts (2009:217) concluded that, when ammā is used in Persian, “the plot
or situation is not moved on or developed, but when vali … is used there is
typically a development”. Although amā and walē are never found in the
same text in the Balochi corpus, they do appear to be used in the same way
as in Persian. In other words, amā indicates that what follows does not represent a new development in the argument, whereas walē signals a new development.
5.2.1
The countering amā ‘but’
In all of our texts there are ten occurrences of amā ‘but’ and all of them occurred in direct speech. amā is a countering connective82 which introduces
material that does not move the plot or situation on.
5.2.1.1
amā as contrast
One of the major uses of amā is to indicate contrast between two propositions. This is typically accompanied by extensive use of syntactic parallelism
and lexical overlap.
82
When two propositions are connected by a connective which signals an opposition of the
second proposition to the first one, that connective is a countering connective.
185
In (5.39a) the two assertions are of equal importance and the countering
relation is left implicit (without amā). In (5.39b) the main assertion is God's
promise, ‘I will provide this small ration for all of your life’ (MG 28) and the
countering relationship between the preceding clauses is marked with amā,
since ‘but your ration is little’ does not represent a new development in the
argument.
(5.39) a. MG 17-18
tī
humr bāz=int
you.SG.GEN life
your life is long,
tī
rōzī
much=COP.PRS.3SG
kamm=int
you.SG.GEN ration little=COP.PRS.3SG
(but) your ration is small.
b. MG 26-28
tī
umr bāz=int
you.SG.GEN life
your life is long,
much=COP.PRS.3SG
amā tī
rōzī
kamm=int
but you.SG.GEN ration little=COP.PRS.3SG
but your ration is little.
man gu=m=ē
I
kamm-ēn
rōzī-(y)ā
with=EMPH=DEM little-ATTR ration-OBL
tī
umr-ay
kapāp-ā
kan-īn
you.2SG.GEN life-GEN sufficiency-OBJ do.PRS-1SG
I will provide this small ration for (all of) your life.
Prior to SR 142-144, the addressee (an Afghan woman) has refused to give
the speaker food and has called him a dog. The main point of his reply is that
he is Rahmat Baloch, a very important person. He concludes his speech by
contrasting himself with the woman, who has shown herself to be the real
dog. However, this is not the main point of the speech, so this contrasting
material is introduced with amā.
(5.40) SR 142-144: nondeveloping amā as contrast and conclusion
man rāmat=(t)i balōč=un
I
Rahmat=IZ baloch=COP.PRS.1SG
I am Rahmat Baloch.
186
amā kučakk asl-ī-ēn
tī
but
you.SG.GEN
dog
origin-ADJZ-ATTR
mās=int
mother=COP.PRS.3SG
But the real dog is your mother
ki
trā
am=ē
rang-ēn
SUB you.SG.OBJ EMPH=DEM manner-ATTR
šīr=ē
milk=IND
dāt-a
give.PST-PSTP
who has given you such milk.
MA 208-214 in (5.41) is the concluding speech of a story. amā links what
Moses had previously said with what he subsequently experienced. This
contrast does not represent a new development because it is only
a reiteration of what he now knows.
(5.41) MA 207-214: nondeveloping amā as contrast and conclusion
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said,
ta=a
gušt-ay
you.SG=IMF say.PST-2SG
you were saying
ki
ābid=ē
ki
musulmān=ē bīt
SUB pious.man=IND SUB muslim=IND be.PRS.3SG
that a pious man, that is a muslim
dil=i
rām
dāšt-a
ma-bī
heart=IZ mercy have.PST-PSTP PROH-be.PRS.3SG
who has not had a merciful heart,
gētir=int
good.CMP=COP.PRS.3SG
(he) is better.
amā kāpir=ē
bī
but infidel=IND be.PRS.SG
But (if he) is an infidel
dil=i
rām
dāšt-a
bī
heart=IZ mercy have.PST-PSTP be.PRS.SG
(and) who has had a merciful heart,
ša=m=ā
ābid-ā
gētir=int
from=EMPH=OBL pious man-OBL good.CMP=COP.PRS.3SG
(he) is better from that pious man.
187
amā as contraexpectation
There are more examples of countering amā ‘but’ in direct speech. The result
5.2.1.2
is contraexpectational from the hearer’s side and expected from the speaker’s side. In (5.42), the man has already given the keys of the box and safe
and warehouse to his second wife who is a thief. When the woman asks him
“Why do you give me the keys?” the answer is, “Let the keys be with you in
order not to search for the keys because I know you will commit theft.” The
result is that the second wife promises not to commit theft again.
(5.42) GA 50-53: nondeveloping amā
man=a zān-īn
I=IMF
I know
ki
know.PRS-1SG
ta
wat-ī
duzzī-(y)ān-ā=a
kan-ay
SUB you.SG RFL-GEN theft-PL-OBJ=IMF do.PRS-2SG
that you will commit (your) theft,
amā pa
kilī=(y)ē
ma-gard-ay
but for key=PC.3SG PROH-search.PRS-2SG
but do not (bother yourself) search(ing) for the keys.
kilī gō
ta
bay-ant
key with you.SG become.PRS-3PL
(let) the keys be with you.
In (5.43), the developmental connective gurā ‘then’ (sec. 5.4.2) precedes
amā ‘but’.83 gurā is a very abbreviated way of saying, ‘Then act!’ This is
followed by the warning, ‘But I get used to coiling around girls’ necks’,
which is introduced with amā, as it does not represent a new development
within the speech.
(5.43) GA 103-108: nondeveloping amā with developing connective guṛā
ā
wat
say=a
kan-t
DEM RFL try=IMF do.PRS-3SG
He (the king) himself will try (ask you)
ki
ta
dar=a
kan-ay
SUB you.SG out=IMF SUBJ.do.PRS-2SG
that you take (the snake)
ō
ǰinikk-ā
trā
dant
and girl-OBJ you.SG.OBJ.IMF give.PRS.3SG
and give you the girl.
83
Like wa/=u amā ‘and but’, we have only guṛā amā ‘then but’ in our texts and not amā guṛā
‘but then’.
188
guṛā amā man ēl=a
then but
I
kan-īn
ǰinikk-ay gardin-ay
habit=IMF do.PRS-1SG girl-GEN neck-GEN
pētin-ā
twist.INF-OBJ
But, then I get used to coiling around girls’ necks,
aždīyā
gu
dragon say.PST.3SG
the dragon said,
ta
duwārag
mnī-(y)ā
you.SG again
I.GEN-LOC
don’t come to me again,
5.2.2
ma(y)-ā-(y)ay
PROH-come.PRS-2SG
The countering walē/wali/balē
The countering walē and its variants wali and balē ‘but’ occur ten times in
the corpus, nine of which are in direct speech and only one is in indirect
speech. The oral text BU84 contains five of these occurrences of walē. Our
analysis reveals three functions for walē.
The adversative walē contains within itself the element ‘and’ as one of its
meaning components, whereas amā does not. This is exactly the case with
‘but’ and ‘yet’ in English in that ‘but’ contains the logical meaning of ‘and’,
and ‘yet’ does not (Halliday & Hasan 1976:237, 250). In BS the combination
of wa/=u and amā, i.e. wa/=u amā ‘and but’ exists, but wa/u walē ‘and but’
is not found.85
5.2.2.1
walē as contraexpectation
It seems that the main use of walē is to indicate contraexpectation. In other
words, the difference between amā and walē is such that whereas amā counters or opposes plot development, walē develops the plot, but in an unexpected direction. In (5.44), it indicates a contraexpectational relationship
between BU 97-99 and BU 100-103. One may expect a better reaction in
response to good behaviour of the camel. So, one cannot expect the rein of
the camel to be tied to the tail of a crop-tailed donkey that is culturally considered as a stupid and mean animal. At the same time, the plot or situation
moves on, in other words, walē here functions as a developing connective,
too.
84
This story was related by an educated person.
Perhaps it is because the first syllable of walē is the same as wa and the pronouciation of
this sequence needs more effort.
85
189
(5.44) BU 97-103
ki
ta
mnā bi ē
mnī
ǰussa-ā
bi ē
SUB you.SG I.OBJ in DEM I.GEN body-OBL in DEM
that you ... me (having) such a body, (having) such clean milk
šīrpākī-(y)ā
bi ē
rāstkārī-(y)ān
mnī
mahār-ā
clean.milk-OBL in DEM honesty-OBL.PL I.GEN camel.rein-OBJ
(being) so honest, my rein …
man wat-rā
mahār kurt-un
bi ē
ṭū-ī-(y)ā
I
RFL-OBJ rein
do.PST-1SG to DEM large-NOMZ-OBL
I allowed myself to be reined (in spite of having) such a large body
u
wat-rā
bi(t)=tī
dast-ā
dāt-un
and RFL-OBJ to=you.SG.GEN hand-OBL
and gave up myself into your hands.
walē ta
mnī
mahār-ā
ki
man bi tī
but you.SG I.GEN rein-OBJ SUB I
dast-ā
give.PST-1SG
to you.SG.GEN
dāt-un
hand-OBL give.PST-1SG
but my rein which I gave into your hand
wa tī
amān=u
farmān-ā
and you.SG.GEN safety=and command-OBL
and (I was) in your command and security,
ta
mnī
mahār-ā
you.SG I.GEN rein-OBJ
dumm-ā
bi lanḍī-(y)ēn
ar-ay
to croptailed-ATTR donkey-GEN
bast-ay=u
tail-OBL tie.PST-2SG=and
you tied my rein to the tail of a crop-tailed donkey and
ar-ā
mnī
pēšimām kurt-ay=u
donkey-OBJ I.GEN leader do.PST-2SG=and
made the donkey my leader and …
Example (5.45) can be also classified as contraexpectation since the woman
does not expect a beggar to be her husband as her husband was a rich Indian
merchant.
(5.45) THMZJ 126-129
ǰinikkō-ay dēm bāl āt
girl-GEN face up come.PST.3SG
The girl raised her head
190
ta
ēš
kačkōl=ē
guṭṭ=ay=int
MIR DEM begging.bowl=IND throat=PC.3SG=COP.PRS.3SG
behold he has a begging bowl on his neck,
gadā=(y)ē
beggar=IND
(he) is a beggar,
wali mnī
mard-ay
čērag-ā
dār-īt
but I.GEN man-GEN face-OBJ have.PRS-3SG
but (he) is like my husband in appearance.
In (5.46), there is clearly a contraexpectational relationship between the
clauses. It is, in fact highlighted by three adjectives rāst ‘right’, rāstkār ‘honest’, and ǰwān ‘good, nice’ in SK 11-12. With this the reader is left in no
doubt that there was no reason to expect any fault or defect in the slave such
as being a talebearer as explained in SK 13-15.
(5.46) SK 11-15: contraexpectation
man gūlām=ē
bāz
ǰwān-ēn
dār-īn
I
male.slave=IND very good-ATTR
I have a very nice slave,
bāz
rāst-ēn=ē
rāstkār=ē
have.PRS-1SG
ǰwān-ēn=ē
very right-ATTR=IND honest=IND good-ATTR=IND
(he) is a very righteous (one) an honest and good one,
balē yakk ayb=ē
dār-īt
but one fault=IND have.PRS-3SG
but he has a fault,
suxančīn=ē
talebearer=IND
he is a talebearer,
suxančīn-ī=a
kan-t
talebearer-NOMZ=IMF do.PRS-3SG
he gossips.
walē as contrast
5.2.2.2
Another important use of walē ‘but’ is to indicate contrast between two
propositions when the second proposition is more important than the first. In
other words, the contrasting proposition represents a significant development
in relation to the first. The use of syntactic parallelism and lexical overlap is
a characteristic feature of such contrast as in (5.47) and (5.48).
191
(5.47) BU 61-63
walē ē
but
ki
šmā-rā
xudā bagg
DEM SUB you.PL-OBJ God camel herd
dāt-a=u
give.PST-PSTP=and
But this fact that God has given you a camel herd and
aγl
na-dāt-a
wisdom NEG-give.PST-PSTP
has not given you wisdom
ki
mnā
kā=u
kadīm b-day-it
SUB I.OBL straw=and barley SUBJ-give.PRS-2PL
to give me straw and barley
(5.48) BU 79-82: walē as contrast
har
kār=ē
gō
man kurt-ag=ay
every work=IND with I
do.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.2SG
Whatever you have done to me,
man=a baxšā-(y)īn
I=IMF forgive.PRS-1SG
I will forgive,
walē yag
čīz-ā
na-baxšā-(y)īn
but one thing-OBJ NEG-forgive.PRS-1SG
but I will not forgive one thing,
ta
hašarāt-ay
rōč-ā
na-baxšā-(y)īn
you.SG doomsday-GEN day-OBL NEG-forgive.PRS-1SG
I will not forgive that until doomsday
walē with contrafactual statements
5.2.2.3
In our text walē is sometimes used to introduce countrafactual statements.
Only two instances of walē in this sense were found and although this usage
of walē seems quite logical, more data is needed to be sure that this phenomenon is applicable in different texts.
In (5.49) aga ‘if’ comes with wali ‘but’ as a contrafactual statement to suggest an alternative way of proceeding with the story line. In HJ 235-236 the
major participant of the narrative describes the situation in which he is, and
in HJ 237-238 he presents an alternative situation in which he wants to be.
(5.49) HJ 234-238
gušt-un
say.PST-1SG
I said:
192
nūn
ki
bast-a=un
now SUB tie.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
now that I am tied
na-un
NEG-COP.PRS.1SG
I am not,
wali aga pāč
būt-ēn-un
but if
open be.PST-PSUBJ-1SG
but if I were free
mardēnzāg=ē=at-un
man=IND=COP.PST-1SG
I would be a man.
In the following example, the camel had worked willingly for the old man
and it expected to receive straw and barley on time, but the old man had not
given the camel enough food.
(5.50) BU 58-60
wa man lōṭit-a=un
and I
want.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
and it has been my will
ki
šmay
baḍḍ-ān-ā
bar-īn
SUB you.PL.GEN load.and.baggage-PL-OBJ SUBJ.take.PRS-1SG
to carry your loads and baggage
walē šmā
but
mnā pa ǰā
kā=u
kadīm
you.PL I.OBJ at.the.right.time straw=and barley
b-day-it
bi waxt=ay
SUBJ-give.PRS-2PL in time=OBL.PC.3SG
but you should have given me straw and barley on time.
5.2.3
The limiting particle maga
There are ten occurrences of maga in our analyzed texts, all in direct speech.
The investigation of maga in our texts shows that it is always a limiting particle with countering overtones. In this section the use of mage in different
contexts is investigated.
Three times maga ‘only, just’ occurs in our texts to indicate an event that is
counter to expectations. Here the second proposition, preceded by maga,
presents an unexpected event. In example (5.51), what comes after maga is a
193
statement that is unexpected within the context of the story although this
outcome is foreshadowed by what has just happened.
(5.51) KH 62-67
sabzō-ay
piss-ā
ē
Sabzo-GEN father-OBJ DEM
He said to Sabzo’s father:
marg=a
gušt
say.PST.3SG
lōṭ-ay
death=IMF want.PRS-2SG
(If) you want death,
ī
man=u ta
DEM I=and you.SG
it is (between) me and you.
dunyā=a
lōṭ-ay
wealth=IMF want.PRS-2SG
(If) you want wealth,
am
ī
man=u ta
also DEM I=and
you.SG
this is also (between) me and you.
maga šapī
man tī
only tonight I
sabzō-ī-(y)ā
ǰinikk-ay
nikī-(y)ā
you.SG.GEN daughter-GEN marriage-OBJ
gō
tī
zamās-ā
Sabzo-GEN-OBJ with you.SG.GEN son.in.law-OBL.IMF
na(y)-l-īn
NEG-leave.PRS-1SG
Only tonight, I will not allow your daughter’s marriage, that of Sabzo with your son-in-law.
In GG 82 (5.52), the context indicates that the addressee was looking for
both the pistachios and the donkey, so the speaker uses maga to introduce
the part of the expectation that is different (the exception to his expectation).
(5.52) GG 80-82
gušt=ē
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
wāǰa tī
pista=(w)u
ham=idā=ant
sir you.SG.GEN pistachio=TOP EMPH=here=COP.PRS.3PL
sir, your pistachio are certainly here
194
maga ar
bi irāt
kāzī=(y)in(t)
only donkey in Herat judge=COP.PRS.3SG
only the donkey is a judge in Herat.
In the following example maga signals an unexpected and surprising new
proposition compared to what has happened before.
(5.53) GG 203-207
gušt=ē
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
ān
lāla
ē
yes brother DEM
am=ēnkas-ēn
rīš=ē
EMPH=amount-ATTR beard=IND
dāšt
have.PST.3SG
yes brother, he had such a long beard,
irāt
kāzī=at
Herat judge=COP.PST.3SG
he was judge in Herat,
maga p=am=ā
kadīm-ān
ki
ā=xt-ā
only for-EMPH=DEM
barley-PL.OBL SUB DEM=time-PL
wārt-at=ē
eat.PST-COP.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
yāt
come.PST.3SG
He came only for that barley which he had eaten in those days.
The limiting particle maga can restrict the fulfilment of its following proposition to its immediately preceding word. In (5.54) the dispute would only be
solved by the merchant am=āddā ‘there’, i.e. at the merchant’s place and
only by that certain merchant. In (5.55) the dragon would be unrolled only
by miracles and nothing else, and in (5.56) the only one who is able to make
the man a person like the prophet Solomon is God and not even the prophet
Solomon himself.
(5.54) TJ 42-44
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the one who had stolen) said:
195
b-raw-an
mašmā
SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL
Let’s go
we.INCL
ki
abar-ā
mašmay
am=āddā
maga paysala
SUB we.INCL.GEN speech-OBJ EMPH=there only arbitration
kan-t
SUBJ.do.PRS-3SG
because it is only there that our dispute may be solved.
(5.55) GA 90-95
gu
say.PST.3SG
It (the dragon) said:
man
šapī=(y)a
ra=(y)īn
I
tonight=IMF go.PRS-1SG
Tonight I will go
bi bādšā-ay
ǰinikk-ay
gardin-ā
wat-rā
wāb-ā
to king-GEN daughter-GEN neck-OBL RFL-OBJ sleep-OBL
pēč-īn
twist.PRS-1SG
(and) I coil myself around the neck of the king’s daughter when she
is asleep,
āyi-rā
na
zām=ē
ǰat-ag=a
DEM-OBJ NEG sword=IND strike.PST-PSTP=IMF
kan-ant=u
do.PRS-3PL=and
they can strike her neither with a sword
na
tūpakk=ē
NEG rifle=IND
nor with a rifle,
pa
karāmāt maga
man dar bay-īn
for
miracles only I
out become.PRS-1SG
(and) only by a miracle will I be unrolled.
(5.56) SS 97-99
ā
kass=ē=rā
ki
xudā sulaymān kan-t
DEM person=IND=OBJ SUB God Solomon SUBJ.do.PRS-3SG
That person whom God makes Solomon,
196
tī
kār=ē
na-int
you.SG.GEN work=IND NEG-COP.PRS.3SG
(that) is not your job (in your ability).
mnā
xudā
maga
sulaymān
I.OBJ God
only Solomon
Only God can make me Solomon.
kan-t
SUBJ.do.PRS-3SG
In the following examples, a question particle čī/čē occurs in each sentence,
so maga functions as a limiter to restrict the question element. (5.57) and
(5.60) are biased questions and the speaker expects non-affirmative answers
to such questions. It seems that maga always tends to come at the beginning
of the clause, except in (5.57) in which the subject is ammā mardum ‘we,
people’ has been separated by maga to be highlighted, otherwise it should be
maga ammā mardum not ammā maga mardum.
(5.57) BW 308-310: biased question with limiting particle maga
gušt
say.PST.3SG
She said:
ammā
maga
mardum čē=(w)an
we.EXCL only
people
what=COP.PRS.1PL
Just what kind of people (do you think) we are
ǰinēnzāg=an
woman=COP.PRS.1PL
are we women
šumā
sabzī
p=ammā
k-ār-it
you.PL vegetable for=we.EXCL IMFk-bring.PRS-2PL
that you bring us vegetables?
In (5.58) and (5.59), the speakers expect full answers to their questions and
not just short affirmative or non-affirmative answers.
(5.58) GG 157-158
gušt=ē
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
maga
man čī=(y)ē
būt-ag-un
only I
what=IND become.PST-PSTP-1SG
Just what have I been, (before)?
197
(5.59) HJ 77-79
š-ī
say.PRS-3SG
He says,
man gu
I
say.PST.3SG
I said:
maga
gō
ta
či
musībat=(t)ē būt-a
only with you.SG what hardship=IND become.PST-PSTP
Just what hardship have you encountered, really?
(5.60) is different, as čī/čē is not present, but the context could suggest that
Moses viewed the situation described in MM 101-102 as an exception to
what he claims God had previously said (98-99) and exceptions are often
handled with limiters.
(5.60) MM 100-102: biased question with limiting particle maga
man šut-a
I
go.PST-PSTP
I went to (his house),
āyī
gis
ša
awlād-ā
purr=int
DEM.GEN house from child-OBL full=COP.PRS.3SG
his house is full of children.
maga
awlād diga kass=ē
only
child
dāt-ag=a
γayr
ša(t)-ta
other person=IND except from-you.SG
kan-t
give.PST-PSTP=IMF do.PRS-3SG
Can anyone else except you give a child?
The disjunctive conjunction (ki/ta) bārēn
5.2.4
Here it is worth mentioning (ki/ta) bārēn ‘if/whether … or’ which proposes
two alternatives to be tested. In examples (5.61)-(5.63), the conjunction ki
‘that’ marks the clauses following (ta) bārēn as subordinate clauses to the
main clauses preceding ki.
(5.61) TJ 13-16
šut
go.PST.3SG
He went
198
say ku
view do.PST.3SG
(and) checked
ki
bārēn
piss
drōg=a ǰan-t
SUB whether father lie=IMF strike.PRS-3SG
whether the father was lying
yā rāst
or right
or (telling) the truth.
(5.62) BH 74-76
ēš-ān-ā
āzmāiš ku
DEM-PL-OBJ test
He tested them
ki
ta
bārēn
do.PST.3SG
rāst=int
SUB until whether right=COP.PRS.3SG
whether this is right
am=ē
wār drōγ=int
EMPH=DEM time lie=COP.PRS.3SG
or it is a lie.
(5.63) GA 64-67
ī
yag rōč=ē
gu
DEM one day=IND say.PST.3SG
The man one day said (to himself):
man b-ra-(y)īn=u
I
SUBJ-go.PRS-1SG=and
I go and
ganǰī-(y)ī
sōǰ-ā
b-gir-īn
Ganji-GEN news-OBJ SUBJ-take.PRS-1SG
inquire about Ganji
ki
bārēn
ganǰī
SUB whether Ganji
murt-a
die.PST-PSTP
zindag=int
alive=COP.PRS.3SG
whether Ganji has died or she is alive.
199
5.3
Purpose-reason-result connectives
In this section we will examine those connectives which are used in causal
contexts in order to distinguish their uses. The most common connective
with this use is ki and its compounds, e.g. pa ēšī ki ‘for, for the reason that’,
pačē ki ‘because, this is why’ which will be analyzed below. Another connective to be examined is čūn/čōn ‘because, since’.
The conjunction ki
5.3.1
ki is a ‘conjunction of general subordination’ (glossed SUB) and is used to
introduce complement clauses, relative clauses and a variety of adverbial
clauses.86 In this section, we discuss its use with post-nuclear adverbial
clauses, to introduce purposes and reasons (Reasons are usually realis,
whereas purposes are irrealis.).
ki plus subjunctive signifying a means-purpose relationship
5.3.1.1
Means is an intended cause to reach a purpose (= final clause). This construction is very frequent in BS and the use of ki is compulsory. In (5.64)(5.69), the purpose clauses, as it is seen in the examples below, always occur
in subjunctive mood. Note that in the means-purpose clauses carrying out the
cause situation may or may not achieve the purpose. Thus in (5.64), the
speaker did not marry the girl and in (5.66), Nurdeb did not bring the forest.
(5.64) BW 425-428
man diga
ǰinēnzāg=ē duzzit-un
ša
ǰā=ē
I
other woman=IND steal.PST-3SG from place=IND
I kidnapped a woman from somewhere
ki
b(y)-ār-īn
SUB SUBJ-bring.PRS-1SG
to bring
pa wat ǰan=ē
kan-īn
for RFL wife=IND SUBJ.do.PRS-1SG
(and) make her my wife,
āyi-rā
digar=ē ša(m)=man duzzit
DEM-OBJ other=IND from=I
steal.PST.3SG
(but) another one kidnapped her from me.
86
Clauses 15, and 58 from ‘Moses and the starving man’ (MG) are examples which represent
different functions for ki.
200
(5.65) BP 33-35
man=a ra-īn
I=IMF go.PRS-1SG
I am going
ki
wat-ī
baxt-ā
wadī
kan-īn=u
SUB RFL-GEN fate-OBJ found do.PRS-1SG=and
to find my fortune and
sōǰ
kan-īn
question do.PRS-1SG
and ask (it).
(5.66) ND 133-136
gušt=ē
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
kanḍ bay-it
šumā
gō
yakk muṭṭ=ē
pit SUBJ.be.PRS-2PL you.PL with one
Get lost with this one fist of load.
man yakk war-ā
ǰangal-ā
baḍḍ-ā
fist=IND load-OBJ
k-ār-īn
I
one time-OBL forest-OBJ IMFk-bring.PRS-1SG
I will bring the forest all at once
ki
abadulabad
SUB everlasting
duwārag mašmā
again
pa
dār-ā
we.INCL for tree-OBL
ma(r)-raw-an
PROH-go.PRS-1PL
in order not to go for trees ever again.
(5.67) SK 94-96
mardak
wat-ī
dast-ā
burrit=u
man
RFL-GEN hand-OBJ cut.PST.3SG=and
The man cut his hand and
wād
kurt
salt do.PST.3SG
poured salt on it
ki
wāb
ma(r)-rawt
SUB sleep PROH-go.PRS.3SG
in order not to go to sleep
201
(5.68) MA 34-38
mūsā
idā
āt=u
Moses here come.PST.3SG=and
Moses came here and
āddā
āt
there come.PST.3SG
and came there
ki
yakk ǰāy=ē
gis=ē
b-gind-īt=u
SUB one place=IND house=IND SUBJ-see.PRS-3SG=and
to see a place (or) a house and
garm
bīt
warm SUBJ.become.PRS.3SG
become warm,
na-dīst
NEG-see.PST.3SG
(he) did not see.
(5.69) THMZJ 37-39
dōl=ē=rā
šēwag kurt-ant
(y)ē taǰǰār
DEM merchant bucket=IND=OBJ sloping do.PST-3PL
This merchant threw a bucket
ki
āp
p-kašš-ant
SUB water SUBJ-pull.PRS-3PL
in order to draw water,
ǰinikk bi=m=ē
dōl-ay
band-ā
laččit
girl
to=EMPH=DEM bucket-GEN rope-OBL cling.PST.3SG
the girl clung to this bucket.
ki plus preterite/perfect signifying a result-reason
relationship
In result-reason relationships in BS, the ‘result’ does not automatically follow from the ‘reason’ (signalled by the ki/pa ēšī ki/pačē ki ‘because’ clause)
and a process of thinking and deciding is involved. The default order in BS,
as it is indicated in the following examples, is result-reason and the use of
the connector ki/pa ēšī ki/pačē ki87 is obligatory as in (5.70)-(5.72).
5.3.1.2
87
We could not find any occurrence of pačē ki in our data, but this causal connective is used
frequently in daily conversation. For this reason, we give an example from the BT dialect of
Balochi which is almost the same as BS. The example was taken from Axenov (2006:191):
202
(5.70) XM 109-110
nām=ay
guṛā galaw-ā
išt-ant
xarmizza
name=PC.3SG then melon-OBJ leave.PST-3PL xarmizza
Then they named the melon ‘xarmizza’,
ki
mizzag=ay
awal xar
burt
SUB taste=OBJ.PC.3SG first donkey take.PST.3SG
since it was the donkey that tasted it first.
(5.71) TJ 132-133:
man ē
nān-ān-ā
na-war-īn
I
DEM food-PL-OBJ NEG-eat.PRS-1SG
I do not eat this food
ki
am=ē
galla ša
murdag-ay aḍḍ-ay
tā sabz
SUB EMPH=DEM grain from dead-GEN bone-GEN in green
būt-ag=ant
become.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL
because this wheat has grown in (soil from) the dead’s bones.
Reason can also be used to justify speech acts such as commands, or requests as in (5.73).
(5.72) KJ 14-15
ta
p=ē
ashāb-ān
yakk āp=ē
you.SG in=DEM companion-OBL.PL one
water=IND
dar-gēǰ
PREV-find.PRS
You find some water for these companions
ki
ashāb
murt-ant
SUB companion die.PST-3PL
since the companions are dying.
ki may also introduce the result in a reason-result relationship, as in (5.73).
(526)
guḍān man yakk gis=ē
ǰōṛ
kurt-un
then
I
one house=IND built do.PST-1SG
Then I built a house,
pačē ki
āyōk-ēn
sāl-ā
mnī
zāg ša
γōšun-ā
why SUB next-ATTR year-OBJ I.GEN son from army-OBL
bir=a
gašt
PREV=IMF turn.PST.3SG
because my son was coming back from the army next year.
Although this example contains an irrealis reason, pačē ki gives prominence to the reason
(over against the result).
203
(5.73) PJ 61-62
aga na-būt-an
if NEG-become.PST-1PL
If we don’t,
ki
hičkas-ā
iččī
SUB nobody-OBJ nothing
Then nobody will get anything.
See also MG 61-62, PJ 4b-8 and KH 48-49.
5.3.1.3
pa ēšī ki introducing a reason
In (5.74), clause 76 is the reason for what occurs in the result clause 75. In
BU 74-76, the focus seems to be on the result, not the reason, as it had already been stated in BU 72. However, the use of the proximal demonstrative
suggests that some prominence is given to the reason, as well.
(5.74) BU 74-76
aga bār
girān-ēn
laḍḍit-ag=ay
if
load heavy-ATTR load.up.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.2SG
If you have loaded me up with heavy loads,
am
man=a baxšā-(y)īn
also I=IMF forgive.PRS-1SG
I will also forgive you,
pa ēšī
ki
mnī
wāund būt-ag=ay
for DEM SUB I.GEN owner be.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.2SG
precisely because you have been my owner,
The conjunction čūn/čōn
5.3.2
There is another causal connector, čōn/čūn ‘because’, which indicates resultreason relationship. In (5.75), čōn can be replaced by pa ēšī ki or pačē ki
‘because, since, for’. When čōn is present in a clause, the reason is focal,
whereas the result is established information, as in (5.75).
(5.75) ŠG 15-16
ēš-ān-ī
sarā
DEM-PL-GEN on
hičč darinda=(y)ē=a
no
beast.of.prey=IND=IMF
na-šut
NEG-go.PST.3SG
no beast of prey attacked them,
204
čūn
bi yag dil=u
bi yag niyat-(t)ā=at-ant
because in one heart=and in one intention-OBL=COP.PST-3PL
because they were one together and of one heart.
5.4
Connectives that constrain a developmental
interpretation
In addition to the connectives discussed before in this chapter, there are
some which, according to D&L (2001:93), “constrain the hearer to move on
to the next point” and which they call “developmental markers”. These connectives which represent a new development in the narrative typically involve “a change of spatiotemporal setting or circumstances, a change in the
underlying subject, or a change to or from a background comment” (Levinsohn 2000:72).
In this section we are going to discuss a number of connectives that can be
used to indicate a new development in BS narratives. Such particular connectives are:
āxir/āxar, āxirā/āxirā, bilaxara ‘finally, in the end, at last’
guṛā and bād ‘then, after that, next’
bass ‘just, just then, immediately after that’
xayr ‘well’
The developing connective āxir/āxar, āxirā/āxarā,
5.4.1
bilaxara
As a discourse connective, āxarā/āxar ‘finally, at last’ indicates a temporal
break with a lapse of time. In all its occurrences which is in first position in
the clause, this connective introduces a new development in the narrative
serving also as a sort of closing point for the episode at hand and a signal
that a new episode is immediately following.
In (5.76), from the oral text Musā ō gušnagēn bandag (MG) ‘Moses and the
Starving Man’, āxarā ‘finally’ is used to indicate the major participant’s
great achievement after a series of events and with this statement (5.76) and
two more repetitive clauses the penultimate episode comes to the end. After
that another major participant, ‘Moses’, is brought back again into the last
episode of the story.
(5.76) MG 94-95, 98
āxarā
ī
taǰǰār=i ǰahān
būt
finally DEM trader=IZ world become.PST.3SG
Finally, he became the (biggest) trader of the world,
205
kull
ǰahān-ay
taǰǰār būt
entire world-GEN trader become.PST.3SG
the trader of the entire world.
marg na-(y)āt
death NEG-come.PST.3SG
Death did not come
ki
taǰǰār būt
SUB trader become.PST.3SG
but he became a merchant.
azrat=i
mūsā
yakk rōč=ē
His.Holiness=IZ Moses one
laggit
day=IND meet.PST.3SG
gōn=ē
with=PC.3SG
One day, His Holiness Moses met him,
In (5.77), from the oral text Bādšāay zāg u wafādārēn ǰinikk (BW) ‘The
king’s son and the faithful girl’, āxar ‘finally’ is used to indicate that the
protagonist’s effort to find his wife has ended. A single conversation then
finishes this episode off.
(5.77) BW 140-141, 169
šut
ē
dar=u
ā
dar=u
ē
dar=u
go.PST.3SG DEM door=and DEM door=and DEM door=and
ā
dar
DEM door
He went (behind) this door and that door and this door and that door.
āxar
wadī ku
ǰanakk-ā
finally found do.PST.3SG woman-OBJ
Finally he found his wife.
wat-ī
RFL-GEN
…………………………………………………………
diga du
duzz āt-ant
am=idā
other two thief come.PST-3PL EMPH=here
Two other thieves came to this place.
In the examples (5.78) and (5.79), āxirā ‘finally, at last’ signals the end of an
episode and the beginning of a new episode with a proposition which develops the narrative.
206
(5.78) HJ 64-66
diga kāsid=ē
dēm dāt-un
other messenger=IND face
I sent another messenger,
give.PST-1SG
na(y)-āt
NEG-come.PST.3SG
he did not come.
āxirā
wat
šut-un
at.the.end RFL go.PST-1SG
At last, I went myself:
(5.79) SŠ 160
āxirā
yagga
ōš=ē
ku
at.last suddenly sense=PC.3SG
At last, suddenly she remembered.
do.PST.3SG
In (5.80), there are two developing connectives, i.e. bilaxara ‘finally’ and tā
(ē ki) ‘until that’. Both of them have a temporal meaning. In the first clause
bilaxara introduces a new development in the oral text Pīrēn balōch u uštir
(BU) ‘The old Baloch and the camel.’ The old Baloch used to load up the
camel any time of day or night and drag it everywhere without caring about
feeding it. At this point bilaxara ‘finally’ indicates a temporal break with a
lapse of time and the result of what the old man did follows bilaxara to the
next developing connective tā (ē ki) ‘until that’ which indicates the situation
of the camel in a certain black and cold winter to mark the end of this stage
in the story.
(5.80) BU 10-14
bilaxara marōčī bāndā
finally
today
marōčī bāndā
tomorrow today
ē
uštir lāgar
tomorrow DEM camel thin
būt=u
become.PST.3SG=and
Finally, today, tomorrow; today, tomorrow (passed and) this camel
became thin(ner) and
lāgar būt=u
thin become.PST.3SG=and
thin(ner) and
lāgar būt
thin become.PST.3SG
thin(ner)
207
tā
ē
ki
bi yakk siyā-(y)ēn
zimistān=ē ē
uštir
until DEM SUB in one black-ATTR winter=IND DEM camel
ša
pād-ā
kapt
from foot-OBL fall.PST.3SG
until it so happened that in a certain black and very cold winter this
camel became exhausted
wa gardin-ā wat-ī-(y)ā
pa marg-ā
tačk
and neck-OBJ REF-GEN-OBJ for death-OBL spread.out
kurt
do.PST.3SG
and laid down its neck to die.
The developing connectives guṛā/guṛān, bād
5.4.2
88
guṛā/guṛān and bād ‘then, afterwards, after that’ are used in our BS data to
express what happened next in the discourse. guṛā and bād have the same
meaning, but bād is a loan word from Arabic through Persian. The study of
these two connectives shows that the developmental function of bād is
stronger than guṛā.
Examples (5.81), (5.82) and (5.83) from different oral texts indicate the
function of guṛā as a sequential and developmental connective. In (5.81),
guṛā follows the associative conjunction =u ‘and’ advances the storyline as
bringing water from the well by the major participant of the story is crucial
for the companions who are dying of thirst.
(5.81) KJ 151-153
āyi-rā=um
islām=ē
kurt=u
DEM-OBJ=also muslim=PC.3SG
he made him a muslim and
guṛā ša
čā-ay
tā
do.PST.3SG=and
āp
then from well-GEN inside water
then brought out water from the well
pa suhāba-ān
dar-kurt=u
PREV-do.PST.3SG=and
āurt
for companion-OBL.PL bring.PST.3SG
brought it for the companions.
The default position of this connector is at the beginning of a clause, but
(5.82) is an exception and it functions as a spacer to topicalize nām=ay ‘its
name’ (also a referential PoD) which is clarified then as galaw ‘melon’.
88
guṛā and guṛān are free variants.
208
(5.82) XM 109-110
nām=ay
guṛā galaw-ā
išt-ant
xarmizza
name=PC.3SG
then melon-OBJ leave.PST-3PL xarmizza
Then they named the melon ‘xarmizza’ (which means donkey-taste),
ki
mizzag=ay
awal xar
burt
SUB taste=OBJ.PC.3SG first donkey take.PST.3SG
since it was the donkey that tasted it first.
In (5.83), bād signals the onset of a new discourse unit in the oral narrative
of Pīrēn baloch u uštir (BU) ‘The old Baloch and the camel’. Up to now, the
old Baloch man has been the main participant on the scene addressing the
camel. At this point, the scene changes to the camel which by the order and
command of God turns its head and starts talking to its owner. bād in (5.84)
also functions as a strong developing connective.
(5.83) BU 50-52
bād bi hukm=u farmān-ā
xudāwand=i mutaāl-ayā ē
then in order=and command-OBL God=IZ
uštir wat-ī
dēm-ā
exalted-LOC DEM
gardēnt=ō
camel RFL-GEN face-OBJ turn.PST.3SG=and
Then this camel, by the order of God the almighty, turned its face
and
bi ham=ē
hālat=i
in EMPH=DEM state=IZ
abar=ē
naz-ā
ē
bi
agony.of.death-OBL DEM to
āt=u
speech=IND come.PST.3SG=and
in this very agony of death, it began to speak and
wat-ī
wāund-ā
gušt=ī
RFL-GEN owner-OBJ say.PST=PC.3SG
it said to its owner:
(5.84) BU 26-27
bād dast=ē
am=ē
uštir-ay
sar-ā
kaššit
then hand=IND EMPH=DEM camel-GEN head-OBL pull.PST.3SG
Then he touched the head of the camel with his hand
ō
uštir-ā
gušt=ē
and camel-OBJ say.PST=PC.3SG
and told the camel:
209
The developing connective bass
5.4.3
As a time connective, bass occurs nearly always at the beginning of a new
clause to indicate a new development in BS narratives. The temporal meaning of bass can be interpreted as ‘just then, immediately after that’. New
propositions which come after bass are linked to the previous clauses without any temporal pause. In (5.85), the lion seized the black cow immediately
after the acceptance of its proposition by the other two cows and bass is used
as a developing connective.
(5.85) ŠG 52-54
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
it (one of the cows) said:
ǰwān
good
Ok!
bass
čalāpt
siyā-(y)ēn-ā
immediately seize.PST.3SG black-ATTR-OBJ
Immediately it seized the black (one).
In (5.86), the king sent the agents to arrest the thieves immediately after he
sat down on the throne and this is a major development in the story which is
introduced by the time connective bass.
(5.86) BH 119-124
sōbī
šut
in.the.morning go.PST.3SG
in the morning he went
bādšāī-(y)ā ništ
reign-OBL sit.PST.3SG
(and) sat down on the throne.
ništ=u
sit.PST.3SG=and
He sat down and
bass
māmūr-ān-ā
dēm dāt
immediately agent-PL-OBJ face give.PST.3SG
immediately sent the agents.
ki
ēš-ān-ā
b-gir-it=u
SUB DEM-PL-OBJ SUBJ-take.PRS-2PL=and
Arrest them and
210
b(y)-ār-it
SUBJ-bring.PRS-2PL
bring them.
The time connective bass in (5.87) introduces the next major development in
the story, when Moses angrily went to God to complain after he learnt that
God had given many children to the young couple. This sets the scene for
new events in the story as the storyline continues.
(5.87) MM 88-90
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
mnī=ant
I.GEN=COP.PRS.3PL
They are mine.
bass
mūsā
xašmī šut
pa xudā-ā
immediately Moses angry go.PST.3SG for God-OBL
Immediately Moses went to God in anger.
(5.88) and (5.89) are examples of bass occurring before the historical present
š-ī/īt. In fact, it introduces what happened in direct speech after the speech
verb.
(5.88) HJ 186-188
bass (187a)
immediately
š-ī (186)
say.PRS-3SG
“Immediately”, he says,
ammā-rā
činān
we.EXCL-OBJ such.a
“he hit us so much
ki
sabz=ē
laṭṭ=ē
ǰat (187b)
stick=IND strike.PST.3SG
gardēnt
SUB dark blue=IND turn.CAUS.PST.3SG
that made us dark blue (turned our colour to dark blue)”,
(5.89) HJ 296-298
bass (297a)
immediately
š-īt (296)
say.PRS-3SG
“Immediately”, he says,
211
ā
dēmā=at=u (297b)
DEM in.front=COP.PST.3SG=and
“she was ahead and
ammā
pada=ay
we.EXCL back=OBL.PC.3SG
and we were after her.”
The developing connective xayr
5.4.4
We also found another developing connective, i.e. xayr ‘well’, which may be
thought of as a ‘reoriention particle’ (Levinsohn 2007:33). It is widely used
in BS narratives. This connective signals the end of a stage in the discourse
and the beginning of a new development in the story. (5.90) to (5.93) are
examples of such developments which change time and location.89
(5.90) PJ 53-54
xayr dāt=ē=u
well give.PST.3SG=PC.3SG=and
Well, he (Omar) gave (the gold) and
pīr ǰangī āt
diga šap=ē
bi kabristān-ay
tā
Pir Jangi come.PST.3SG other night=IND to graveyard-GEN in
kōna kabr-ay
tā
old grave-GEN in
Pir Jangi came the next night into a graveyard, inside an old grave.
(5.91) TJ 109-111
xayr ēš
ǰitā
būt-ant=u
good DEM separated become.PST-3PL=and
Well, they were separated and
ē
āt-ant=u
DEM come.PST-3PL=and
these (three brothers) came and
bi=m=ē
taǰǰār-ay
awtāx-ā
ništ-ant
in=EMPH=DEM merchant-GEN room-OBL sit.PST-3PL
sat down in the merchant’s room.
(5.92) HJ 134-139
mnā
sōrukō=(y)ē
kurt=u
I.OBJ redish=PC.3SG do.PST.3SG=and
(and) he made me red and blue and
89
For the discourse analysis of the English interjection ‘well’, see Carlson 1984.
212
ǰanakk-ā
zurt=u
woman-OBJ seize.PST.3SG=and
took the woman and
šut
go.PST.3SG
went.
xayr (137a)
well
š-ī (137)
say.PRS-3SG
“well” he says:
man du
ar
wadī kurt-un=u (137b)
I
two donkey found do.PST-1SG=and
“I found two donkeys and
bi=m=ā
mulk-ā
azāraǰāt-ā
šut-un
to=EMPH=DEM region-OBL Hazarajat-OBL go.PST-1SG
to that land, I went to Hazarajat,”
(5.93) HK 77-79
xayr
bāndā
šut
well
tomorrow go.PST.3SG
well, the next day he went
ki
bādišā
lōṭit
SUB king
want.PST.3SG
because the king called (him)
ki
mnī
rīš-ā
b-trāš-īt
SUB I.GEN beard-OBJ SUBJ-shave.PRS-3SG
to shave his (lit. my) beard.
5.5
Summary
In this chapter we have examined four basic types of connectives: coordinating connectives, adversatives, purpose-reason-result connectives, and connectives that constrain a developmental interpretation. Coordinating connectives include the associative connective wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’, the disjunctive
connectives yā ‘or’, yā … yā ‘either … or’, na … na ‘neither … nor’, and
the additive connective (h)am/=am/=um ‘also, too’. Adversatives include
connectives such as amā ‘but’, walē ‘but’. maga ‘only, just’ is a limiting
particle. Purpose-reason-result connectives consist of ki ‘that’, čōn/čūn ‘because, since’. Developmental connectives include āxir/āxirā, bilaxara ‘final213
ly, at last’, guṛā and bād ‘then, after that, next’, bass ‘just then, immediately
after that’, and xayr ‘well’. We show that most of these connectives have a
wide range of discourse functions in BS oral narrative texts.
214
6.
Represented speech in narratives
6.1
Formal features of represented speech
In any kind of texts, oral or written, the narrator has to give information
about what people say or think. In order to do this, he can use one of these
basic ways: direct speech, indirect speech or semi-direct speech. D&L
(2001:98) give the following examples from English for each of these three
speech types:
Speaker
(6.1)
Addressee
Direct:
John said, “I can see you.”
1 person
2nd person
Indirect:
John said that he could see her. 3rd/LOG90
3rd person
Semi-direct: John said that he can see you.
st
3rd/LOG
2nd person
D&L (2001:97) also define some terms such as speech orienter and closed
conversation. A speech orienter, which may come before, in the middle or
after the reported speech, is a clause with the speech verb91 that identifies the
reported speaker and/or addressee. In BS the speech orienters mostly occur
before the reported speech, but there are some instances of their occurrence
in the middle and after the speech.
(6.2)
SR 318-320: Speech orienter before the speech
guṛā awγān
gušt-ant
then afghan say.PST-3PL
Then the Afghans said:
ta
kadī
ammā
idā m-nind-an
until when we.EXCL here SUBJ-sit.PRS-1PL
How long should we sit (stay/wait) here?
b(y)-ā
am=ēši-rā
b-ǰan-an
SUBJ-come.PRS EMPH=DEM-OBJ SUBJ-strike.PRS-1PL
Let’s beat her!
90
Logophoric pronoun which is used in indirect and semi-direct speech referring to the reported speaker.
91
Sometimes with verbs other than speech verbs.
215
(6.3)
ŠG 23-26, 33-34: Speech orienter before and after the speech
ē
šēr āt=u
DEM lion come.PST.3SG=and
This lion came and
ēš-ān-ā
drōg ǰat
DEM-PL-OBJ lie
lied to them
strike.PST.3SG
gō
drōg=ē ǰat
ēš-ān
with DEM-PL.OBL
he told them a lie:
lie=IND strike.PST.3SG
ki
ē
yāra
šumā
rang-ēn
rapēγ=it
SUB oh.friend you.PL DEM manner-ATTR friend=COP.PRS.2PL
Oh fellows, you are such (good) friends,
…………………………………………………..
man pa šumā
nigāwānī=(y)a
I
for you.PL guarding=IMF
I will watch over you,
day-īn
give.PRS-1SG
šēr gušt
lion say.PST.3SG
the lion said.
(6.4)
BW 261-263: Speech orienter within the speech clause acting as a
spacer (see 3.72)
bādšā-ay zāg=at
king-GEN child=COP.PST.3SG
He was the king’s son.
čill
šap (243a)
forty night
gušt (242)
say.PST.3SG
He said:
bād
man gis=a
kan-īn
gō
ēšī (243b)
after I
house=IMF do.PRS-1SG with DEM.OBL
After forty nights I will marry her.
(6.5)
GA 90 … 106-110: Speech orienter within the speech clause with
speaker as a full noun
gu
say.PST.3SG
(The dragon) said:
216
……………………………………………………
guṛā amā man ēl=a
then
but
I
kan-īn
ǰinikk-ay gardin-ay
habit=IMF do.PRS-1SG girl-GEN neck-GEN
pētin-ā
twist.INF-OBJ
Then, but I get used to coiling around the girls’ necks,
aždīyā
gu
dragon say.PST.3SG
the dragon said,
ta
duwārag
mnīyā
ma(y)-ā-(y)ay
you.SG again
I.LOC PROH-come.PRS-2SG
(but) you don’t come to me again,
aga āt-ay
if
come.PST-2SG
if you come,
man
trā
dam-ā=a
kan-īn
I
you.SG.OBJ breath-OBJ=IMF
I will sting you.
do.PRS-1SG
There is even one instance of a quote embedding in which its orienter occurs
within the speech clause. In (6.6) the speech begins with ki na man and then
there is a speech orienter, b-gu, after that and then the rest of the quote continues.
(6.6)
MG 29-31: Speech orienter within the embedded speech clause
yē
gušt
DEM say.PST.3SG
He (the man) said:
ki
na man
SUB no I
allā-ā
b-gu
God-OBJ SUBJ-say.PRS
tell God:
ē
umr-ā
bāz-ēn-ā
na-lōṭ-īn
DEM life-OBJ long-ATTR-OBJ NEG-want.PRS-1SG
No, I do not want such a long life,
217
The most frequent and favoured speech orienter is the verb guštin ‘to say’,
accounting for roughly 90% of the instances of speech in BS narrative.92
About 6% of the speech orienters are verbs such as sōǰ kurtin ‘to ask’, tawār
ǰatin ‘to call out’, amr kurtin ‘to order, to command’, pikr kurtin ‘to think’,
kissa kurtin ‘to talk, to tell a story’, was kurtin ‘to plead’, sōga kurtin ‘to
recommend, to advise’, drōg ǰatin ‘to lie’, paγām dātin ‘to send a message’,
dīstin ‘to see, to know’ introduce speech. The rest, less than 4% of the
speech acts, are identified only by their place in the sequence of dialogue
without any introducer.
There are insufficient instances of speech orienters occurring in the middle
or after the speech to determine whether the narrator uses this construction to
show a special function such as highlighting either the speaker or the addressee. However, the repetition in (6.3) feels like an instance of slowing
down the discourse in expectation of a significant new development though,
in this particular instance, the actual development doesn’t come till ŠG 44. It
also seems that (6.5) is an instance of the repetition of a speech orienter,
which “marks the introduction of a new point within the same reported
speech” (Levinsohn 2007 sec.7.8). An orienter in the middle of a sentence,
as in (6.4) sometimes acts as a spacer (see 3.72). There are, however, many
instances where there is no speech verb in the initial speech orienter or even
no initial speech orienter and still no speech orienter at the end.
Sometimes the orienters are completely omitted when the direct speeches are
narrated in a dramatic way by the narrator. The underlined clauses in (6.7)
below are the speeches of the addressee of the previous clause without orienters.
(6.7)
BH 139-150: without speech orienter
am=ā
gušt
EMPH=DEM say.PST.3SG
he said:
lāla
ē
am=ē
brother DEM
dōšī-ēn
EMPH=DEM last.night-ATTR
mardum=int
person=COP.PRS.3SG
Brother(s), this is the very man of last night.
xānaxarāb
ā
laγaṛī-ēn
pučč
nūn mardak
house.ruined DEM worn.out-ATTR clothes now man
92
375 out of 406 speeches in the first 13 texts. Sometimes this speech verb means ‘think’,
especially in monologue when one talks to oneself.
218
bādšā=ē
king=IND
Damn it, that man in worn out clothes, this man is a king now,
tāǰ=ē
dār-īt
ē
rang=u
ē
rang
crown=IND have.PRS-3SG DEM manner=and DEM manner
he has a crown (and) this and that.
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He said:
na yānē man drust=a
kan-īn
no as
I
recognised=IMF do.PRS-1SG
Well, as I recognize
ē
am=ā-ēn
mardum=ē
DEM EMPH=DEM-ATTR person=IND
this is that very man.
xōb ta
ki
ā
rang
drust=a
kan-ay
well you.SG SUB DEM manner recognized=IMF do.PRS-2SG
Well, if you recognize (him) in that way
am=ā=int
EMPH=DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
it is he,
ā
am=idā
ki
mušmay
ēdām-ī-ā
DEM EMPH=here SUB we.INCL.GEN execution-NOMZ-OBJ
sādir ku
issued do.PST.3SG
when he issues our death sentence here,
ta
guš
you.SG SUBJ.say.PRS
you say,
bādšā sāib
ta
wat-ī
rīš-ā
yakk wār
king master you.SG RFL-GEN beard-OBJ one
time
b-čanḍēn
SUBJ-shake. CAUS.PRS
Oh King, shake your beard once.
This is, of course, typical of spoken conversational storytelling. So, in order
to identify the speakers in oral texts, like (6.7) above, when there are no introducers, the narrator switches from portraying one participant’s words to
portraying another participant’s words. He takes on the voices of different
participants by shifts in pitch, amplitude, and voice quality.
219
Closed conversation is a term which refers to a reported conversation in
which the previous addressee becomes the new speaker and vice versa. In
other words, it occurs only between two speakers. TJ 247-262 (pp. 352-353)
and MG 99-117 (pp.309-310), as well as (6.7) above, are good examples of
closed conversations.
BP 222-238 is an example of a conversation that is not closed as the addressees of speech (most probably the guards) of 239 have not been involved
in the conversation up to that point.93 The conversation of BP 222-235 had
been between the king and the man who is the addressee of 237.
(6.8)
BP 236-238: change of addressee; not closed conversation
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the king) said:
ša(t)=ta
diga bē-akl
guǰ=int
from=you.SG other without-sense where=COP.PRS.3SG
where is a more ignorant than you?
b-gir-it=ē
SUBJ-seize.PRS-2PL=PC.3SG
Seize him!
In example (6.9) the speaker who should be the previous addressee, i.e. the
king in XM 94-99 changes to vizier in XM 100 as the new participant, but
the addressee, the king, does not change in XM 101-102
(6.9)
XM 93-102: change of speaker; vocative; not closed conversation
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the king) said:
ki
pīramard bābā ē
čē=(w)ant
SUB old.man father DEM what=COP.PRS.3PL
(Dear) old man what are these?
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the old man) said:
ē
bēxī
ǰwān-ēn
DEM entirely good-ATTR
These are very good things,
93
čīz=ant
thing=COP.PRS.3PL
The speaker does not change but the addressee changes.
220
man=um wārt-a
I=also
eat.PST-PSTP
I have also eaten (from them),
ē
ar-ā=um
dāt-a=un=ō
DEM donkey-OBJ=also give.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG=and
I have also given (them) to this donkey and
šumā=um
bōr-it
you.PL=also SUBJ.eat.PRS-2PL
you, too, (should) eat (it).
wazīr gu
vizier say.PST.3SG
The vizier said:
na dēmā
man=a war-īn
no before I=IMF eat.PRS-1SG
No, first I will eat,
ta
ay
bādšā ma-war
you.SG VOC king
don’t eat, oh king!
6.1.1
PROH-eat.PRS
Direct speech
Saying exactly what the original speaker has said without modification is
called direct speech. In direct speech, the speaker is referred to with a first
person pronoun and the addressee with a second person pronoun. “Since
direct speech requires the reporter-speaker to act out the role of the reported
speaker, it is a natural vehicle for vivid and dramatic presentation” (Li
1986:40). This is why many researchers (Tannen 1986:311) believe that the
narration is more vivid when speech is presented as first-person dialogue or
direct speech, rather than third-person report particularly in oral narratives,
because fiction and poetry are akin to conversation in workings and effects.
In BS oral texts nearly all reported speeches are direct which means that
direct speech is the default interpretation for reported speech in BS.
(6.10) XM 23-24: direct speech
yakk naǰǰār=ē
gu
one carpenter=IND say.PST.3SG
A carpenter said:
man=a zān-īn
I=IMF know.PRS-1SG
I know (what the dragon wants).
221
This is true even for all embedded quotes (second degree quotations) except
three, which were found indicating indirect and semi-direct speech embedded in direct quotes (see 6.12, 13 and 15).
(6.11) MG 10-13: direct speech embedded in another direct speech
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
yā
allā tī
ančēn
bandag=ē
pa=(t)ta
VOC God you.SG.GEN such.ATTR servant=IND for=you.SG
salām=ē
dēm dāt
greeting=IND face give.PST.3SG
Oh God, the servant so-and-so of yours sent his greeting(s) to you,
gušt
say.PST.3SG
(and) said:
am=ē
yakk rōč bi=m=ē
umr-ay
tā mnā ša
EMPH=DEM one day in=EMPH=DEM life-GEN in I.OBJ from
nān-ā
sēr ka
mnī
lāp-ā
bread-OBL full SUBJ.do.PRS I.GEN belly-OBJ
Fill me, my belly, with food even for one day in my life!
6.1.2
Indirect speech
Indirect speech refers to a sentence reporting what someone has said with
grammatical modification rather than as it might have been uttered by the
original speaker. In other words the references to the speaker and addressee
are indirect. Examples (6.12) and (6.13) are the only ones found in the corpus and the interesting thing is that they are embedded in direct speeches, i.e.
second degree quotations.94 In (6.12) the direct speech would be sabzō-ī
talāk-ān-ā b-day “Divorce Sabzo!”. It seems that, since indirect speech is so
rare, it relates to the use of the subjunctive (thereby treating the exhortation
as a recommendation, rather than a command).
(6.12) KH 86-92: Indirect speech embedded in direct speech
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
94
It does not mean that there is no indirect speech in BS narratives as it is usually heard in
daily language: alī gušt (ki) bāndā=a kayt ‘Ali said that he would come the day after tomorrow.’ Tense, time and spatial deictics do not change in indirect speech of BS.
222
ē
aptād
uštir
DEM seventy camel
Here (are your) seventy camels.
nūn wat-ī
zāmās-ā
gu
now RFL-GEN son.in.law-OBJ SUBJ.say.PRS
Now tell your son-in-law
sabzō-ī
talāk-ān-ā
b-dant
Sabzo-GEN divorce-PL-OBJ SUBJ-give.PRS.3SG
to divorce Sabzo.
dōl-ān-ā
xāmōš ma-ka
drum-PL-OBJ silent PROH-do.PRS
Do not make the drums silent,
dōl
b-ill=ī
drum SUBJ-leave=PC.3SG
leave the drum(s) (to play)
nūn pa pīrakk b-gard-ant
Now for Pirakk SUBJ-circle.PRS-3PL
now let them play (lit. turn) for Pirakk.
In (6.13) the direct would be ki man pačē ābād=a na-bay-īn “Why don’t I
become wealthy?”. The direct speech would in this case create confusion if
the addressee of BP 18-20 was to ask about himself or about the old man
who uttered BP 18-22.
(6.13) BP 17-22: Indirect speech embedded within direct speech
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He (the old man) said:
am=ingu
dūr=int
EMPH-this.side far=COP.PRS.3SG
it is far (in) this direction.
b-ra
SUBJ-go.PRS
Go
wat-ī
baxt-ā
wadī
kurt-ay
RFL-GEN fate-OBJ found do.PST-2SG
(when) you find your fortune,
guṛā ša
āyī
sōǰ
kan
then from DEM.OBL question SUBJ.do.PRS
then ask it
223
ki
ta
pačē ābād=a
na-bay-ay
SUB you.SG why wealthy=IMF NEG-become.PRS-2SG
why don’t you become wealthy?
6.1.3
Semi-direct speech
Coulmas (1986:6-7) gives a brief background of the study of a third kind of
represented speech known as semi-direct speech. Tobler in 1894 was the
first to describe a third kind of reporting which shows features of direct and
indirect speech. He defined it as “a peculiar mingling of direct and indirect
discourse”. He considered it as a variant of direct speech. Kalepky in 1899
coined the term “veiled speech” for this kind of reporting and treated it as a
completely autonomous style which covers the speaker, leaving it up to the
reader to determine whether the speaker of a given section of a narrative is
the hero or the author. Bally in 1912 coined the term “free indirect style”
thus classifying it as a kind of indirect speech.
Li (1986:41-42) cites an example by Polanyi of a form as “free indirect
speech which exhibits the features of both direct and indirect speech:
(6.14) And he was telling Dolly, I don’t want Dolly.”
Since the reported speaker ‘he’ and the first person pronoun ‘I’ in (6.14) are
coreferential, direct speech is indicated. But the presence of “Dolly” instead
of a second person pronoun “you” points to indirect speech. “Free indirect
speech, then, is a device which simultaneously presents the third person perspective of the reporter-speaker and the first person perspective of the reported speaker. Such a device sacrifices the distinction between direct and
indirect speech in terms of evidentiality.” (Ibid.)
In the same way D&L (2001:98) say “[I]n semidirect speech, one of the references is direct and one, indirect.” For example, it is common in languages
of West Africa for the reference to the addressee to be direct, but for the
reference to the speaker to use a logophoric pronoun (LOG), as in John said
LOG can see you.
BH 80-83 and HK 77-79 are the only instances of semi-direct speech found
in the analyzed data, which seems to indicate that semi-direct speech is rather rare in BS. In (6.15) the repetition of clause 82 in 83 and their high pitch
indicate direct speech, but the use of the first person pronoun mašmā ‘we/us’
instead of šumā ‘you’, a direct reference, indicates that it is semi-direct
speech.95
95
If we do not consider signals such as repetition and pitch, (6.15) is an indirect speech.
224
(6.15) BH 80-83: semi-direct speech embedded in a direct speech
ā
gušt
DEM say.PST.3SG
The first one said:
lāla
ē
kučakk=a guš-īt
brother DEM dog=IMF
Brother(s) this dog says,
say.PRS-3SG
bādšā gōn=int=u
king with=COP.PRS.3SG=and
the king is with (us) and
bādšā gōn=int
gō
mašmā
king with=COP.PRS.3SG with we.INCL
the king is with us.
The spatial deictic centre of this speech is the place of the orienter/reported
speaker of the direct quote (80), not the orienter of the semi-direct quote in
the embedded quote, the dog (81).
In (6.16), lōṭit ‘(the king) wanted’ in the second clause functions as a speech
introducer. However, in the speech clause the agreement on the verb is third
person singular which is indirect reference but the possessive pronoun is first
person singular which is direct reference. Thus the speech clause has properties of both direct and indirect speech and is therefore semi-direct speech.
(6.16) HK 77-79: non-embedded semi-direct speech
xayr
bāndā
šut
well
tomorrow go.PST.3SG
well, the next day he went
ki
bādišā
lōṭit
SUB king
want.PST.3SG
because the king called (him)
ki
mnī
rīš-ā
b-trāš-īt
SUB I.GEN beard-OBJ SUBJ-shave.PRS-3SG
to shave his (lit. my) beard.
6.2
Functions and usage of represented speech
As stated previously, direct speech is the default interpretation for almost all
reported speech in the analyzed oral texts in BS. The speech occurs as a
complement to the most common speech verb guštin ‘to say’, and follows
225
it.96 The subordinator ki ‘that’ may or may not occur with both direct and
indirect speech, but when the reported speech is marked with ki – especially
followed by vocative case, in interrogative sentences, and in sentences in
subjunctive mood in spoken texts – it indicates the importance of the marked
speech to the development of the narrative and its significant consequence.
In fact, since ki is often optional, it is not just marking the subordination.
Levinsohn (2000:218) says that “in many narratives, what is important is not
so much the individual speeches themselves, but rather the result of the conversation, which may be expressed either in the final speech or in an action
that occurs in response to the conversation.”
6.2.1
Direct speech marked with ki
In the first 13 BS oral texts 54 direct speeches are marked with ki of which
19 speeches are interrogative/vocative, 12 speeches are subjunctive / imperative, and the rest are declarative. There are also 33 embedded quotes inside
direct quotes97 14 of which are marked with ki. The following four tables in
this section indicate the speeches from four texts which are marked with ki.
In Xarmizza ‘melon’ all the 14 speeches are direct. Only 3 of these speeches
are marked with ki, see Table 6.1.
In the first speech marked with ki, XM 12, the king sends someone to see
what/who is shaking the light post. The envoy comes back and informs the
king of the dragon which no one expects. The king does not know the language of the dragon, so as a consequence he wonders what to do and if anyone can bring the dragon’s petition to him. A knowledgeable carpenter
claims he can do it.
The second speech marked with ki, XM 25, is where the king offers the carpenter a reward if he brings the dragon’s petition. The consequence of this
speech is that the carpenter takes his carpentry tools and follows the dragon
into the mountain and solves its problem. He is rewarded with jewels and a
strange seed. He comes back to the king and tells the story which raises a big
question about the seed, i.e. what it is and what to do with it. Then they take
council and decide to sow the seed. A melon plant grows up with many melons, but nobody dares to eat them. They take the seeds and the king orders
that a large melon-bed be sown and makes an old man the gardener. The
melon-bed grows a lot of melons and the old man gives melons first to his
donkey and then he eats them himself.
96
There are different views on the syntactic status of the direct speech. “Reported speeches
may be viewed as the complements of speech verbs, and are embedded in the overall structure
of the narrative, rather than being part of the narrative structure itself” (Levinsohn 2007:45).
97
Two of which are indirect (KH 89 and BP 22) and one is semi-direct (BH 82-83).
226
This brings us to the third speech marked with ki. One day the king comes to
the melon-bed and asks the old man a question, which this time is marked
with both ki and the vocative pīramard bābā ‘Oh dear old man’ in direct
speech, XM 93 in (6.17).
(6.17) XM 93-94: direct speech marked with ki and vocative
gušt=ī
say.PST.3SG
He (the king) said:
ki
pīramard bābā ē
čē=(w)ant
SUB old.man father DEM what=COP.PRS.3PL
(Dear) old man, what are these?
When a question is answered, the answer is usually more important than the
question, which is why the effect of marking a question with ki is to highlight the answer. The answer to XM 93-94 is in fact the climax of the story
as the old man reveals the nature of the melon as a good thing. After eating
some melons, they decide to give it a name and since a donkey, according to
the story, is the first one that eats a melon, they name the melon xarmizza98.
Table 6.1. Speeches from Xarmizza that are marked with ki 99
PRE-SPEECH
ORIENTER
(12) bādšā dēm
ki
REPORTED SPEECH
COMMENT
ki
(13) ē čī=(y)ē
“What is this?”
ki
(26-28) zān-ay, ēš-ī arz-ā
āwurt-ay man trā inka
xalāit=(t)a day-īn “If you
CONSEQUENCE:
The envoys go and come
back and tell the king that
it is a dragon.
CONSEQUENCE:
The carpenter follows the
dragon and solves its problem and recieves jewels
and a strange seed as reward.
dāt yak=ē=rā
The king sent a
person,
(25) gušt=ī
He (the king)
said,
know, (and if) you bring
its petition, I will give you
this much reward.”
(93) gušt=ī
He (the king)
said,
ki
(94) pīramard bābā ē
čē=(w)ant
“(Dear) old man, what are
these?”
CONSEQUENCE:
The old man explains to
the king what a good thing
that fruit is. He persuades
the king to eat the fruit and
after that they decide to
give it a name, namely,
‘Xarmizza’.
98
xar ‘donkey’ + mizza ‘taste’, a borrowing from Persian and it literally means ‘tasted by
donkey’.
99
Balochi texts in tables of this chapter have not been interlinearized. The interlinearized texts
are found in Appendix 2.
227
There are 13 direct speeches charted in the oral text Pīr Jangī (PJ). Table 6.2
consists of two direct speeches which are marked with ki (PJ 31 and 60).
According to what Omar says in (18-20), Pir Jangi has no choice except to
leave the city and go to a desert. Pir Jangi plays the rebeck for God and then
sleeps. Then God responds to the sincerity of PJ by giving Omar a command. The cataphoric use of the demonstrative ē has the effect of highlighting God’s command to Omar (32-33). In turn, the effect of marking the
speech with ki is to highlight the consequences of that command: Omar taking some gold, searching for PJ and giving him the gold.
The use of the pluperfect (‘had decided’) in the orienter of 60 has the effect
of backgrounding the speech in 61-62 with respect to the consequences. In
turn, the presence of ki has the effect of highlighting those consequences. In
(65-69), which is the continuation of (61-62), the thieves propose an important provision if they are successful in the stealing.
Table 6.2. Speeches from Pīr Jangī that are marked with ki
PRE-SPEECH
ORIENTER
(31) amr ilā-
ki
REPORTED SPEECH
COMMENT
ki
(32-33) pa mnī dōst-ā ša bay-
God’s ordering to
Omar through the
angel Gabriel
(y)ēn ē būt bi
azrat ǰibraīl=i
amīn-ay sarā
The order of
God through
His Holiness,
Gabriel the
honest, (to
Omar) was this,
(60) say duzz
tulmāl-ā tilā=a zūr-ay wat paday=a bar-ay
“You should take gold from the
treasury for my friend (and you)
yourself should take it to him!”
ki
(61-62) b-raw-an bādšā-ay xa-
irāda kurt-at-ant
zānag-ā b-ǰanan
Three thieves
had decided,
“Let’s go (and) steal from the
king’s treasury!”
CONSEQUENCE:
Omar takes some
gold and begins to
search for Pir Jangi
The thieves talking
to themselves
CONSEQUENCE:
The thieves are successful in stealing
the king’s treasury.
They bring some
gold and poor it
inside the old grave
in which Pir Jangi is.
It leaves a deep
impression on Pir
Jangi.
In Khudānizar Khān all the 16 speeches are direct and one embedded quote
is indirect (89). Four of the speeches are marked with ki. In (59-61) Khudanizar Khan, who carries the functional title Khan, takes an oath, a religious
one, which can never ever be broken in that society. The marking of that
228
oath with ki has the effect of highlighting the consequences. As a result,
Sabzo’s father has no choice but to accept Khan’s suggestions. Speech (113114) is not a real speech in the discourse and it even seems to be the narrator’s comment. ki may well mark it as hypothetical in nature and one that
‘was not said on a particular occasion’ (Levinsohn 2007:115).100 Speeches
(128) and (130-131), which are also marked with ki, give the gist of what
Pirakk used to say. ki signals that they do not report the actual words that he
said on any particular occasion.101 Finally, he dies too, because of his constant remembrance of the Khan and the great sorrow and depression he felt
after his death.
Table 6.3. Speeches from Khudānizar Khān that are marked with ki
PRE-SPEECH
ORIENTER
(58) xudānazar
ki
REPORTED SPEECH
COMMENT
ki
(59-61) mnā kasam bi
xudā=(y)int ki šapī sabzō-ay
nikī-(y)ā gō ta=i pīrakk band-īn
bi har xarīd=ē bīt
An important oath is
taken by Khudanizar
Khan.
xān kasam wā
Khudanizar
Khan took an
oath:
(111-112) ki
yānē sabzō maguš-īt, wat-ī dilay tā pikr makant
In order for
Sabzo not to
say, not to think
in her heart,
(127) bass ša
xudānizar
kissa=a kurt
Just he talked so
much about
Khudanizar
Khan,
100
“I swear by God that tonight I
will marry Sabzō to you, Pirakk,
at any price it may cost.
ki
(113-114) xudānizar xān mnā bi
xwār-ēn mard=ē dāt nādār=ē
nizgār=ē dāt
CONSEQUENCE:
As a title holder,
Khudanizar Khan
threatens and forces
Sabzo’s father to
marry Sabzo to Pirakk.
Hypothetical (not
said on a particular
occasion).
“Khudanizar Khan marry me off
to a lowly man, he marry (me off
to) a poor (and) destitute one!”
ki
(128) xudānizar pa(m)=man ē
rang kurt…
Not said on a particular occasion.
“Khudanizar Khan did this kind
(of thing) for me …”
Negativity of the speech verbs in some other examples is also a reason for the presence of
ki.
101
This is because these speeches are something that Pirakk used to say (IMF) and are the gist
of what he used to say. Notice that ‘this kind (of thing)’ is a generic way of referring to what
he actually said.
229
(129) u guṛā
dēmā=a
gardēnt
ki
(130-131) sabzō xudānizar
am=ē rang kurt yā na-kurt
And then he
turned his face
(to Sabzo and
said),
Not said on a particular occasion.
“Sabzo, Khudanizar did this kind
(of thing), didn’t he?”
In the oral text Baxtay padā (BP) ‘Seeking the fortune’ there are 64 reported
speeches. ki is used before four of the speeches (11, 78, 188, and 214). Eight
of the speeches (18-22, 86-91, 125-128, 130-135, 137-143, 153-155, and
233-235) also consist of embedded quotes, seven of which are marked with
ki, only (144-148) is unmarked. All the speeches except one are direct. The
indirect one is the embedded quote in (18-22).
Table 6.4A. Speeches from Baxtay padā that are marked with ki
PRE-SPEECH
ORIENTER
(10) āxirā
ki
REPORTED SPEECH
COMMENT
ki
(11) man pačē ābād=a na-bay-
CONSEQUENCE:
He is told that, if he
goes and seeks his
fortune, he will find
out why he has not
become wealthy.
CONSEQUENCE:
The farmer tells him
that he also has a
problem.
CONSEQUENCE:
The man reveals the
answer to her question.
CONSEQUENCE:
The man rejects her
offer and leaves.
yakk=ē=rā
gušt
īn
“Why do I not become
wealthy?”
At last he asked
some people:
(77) gušt=ī
He said,
ki
(187) ǰinikk gušt
The girl said,
ki
(213) harčī
ki
was=ē ku
(78-79) ra-īn wat-ī baxt-ā sōǰ
kan-īn, wadī kan-īn
“I go to ask my fortune, to find
(my fortune).”
(188) dīst-ay watī baxt-ā
“Did you see your fortune?”
(214) mnā gir!
“Marry me!”
However much
she pleaded
Table 6.4B. Embedded Speeches from Baxtay padā that are marked with ki
PRE-SPEECH
ORIENTER
(17) gušt
He (the old
man) said,
ki
REPORTED SPEECH
COMMENT
(18-22) am=ingu dūr=int b-ra
watī baxt-ā wadī kurt-ay guṛā ša
āyī sōǰ kan ki (22) ta pačē
ābād=a na-bay-ay
Not reporting what
was said on a particular occasion because the speech is
indirect.
“It is far (in) this direction. Go,
(when/if) you find your fortune,
then ask him why do you not
become wealthy.”
230
(85) gu
He (the land
owner) said,
(124) gušt=ī
He said,
(86-91) ta wat-ī baxt-ā dīst-ay
ša(m)=man sōǰ ka ki (88) man
harčī kār=a kan-īn, zāmat=(t)a
kašš-īn ābād=a na-bay-īn ēšī
illat čī=int
“(If) you saw your fortune, ask
about me that however much I
work, I toil, I do not become
wealthy. What is the reason for
that?”
(125-128) ā zamīndār gu ki
(126) man harčī zāmat=(t)a
kašš-īn sēr=a na-bay-īn āyī
ǰawāb čī=int
(129) gušt=ī
He said,
“That landowner said, however
much I toil, I do not become
satisfied. What is his answer?”
(130-135) āyi=rā b-guš, ki
(131) zamīn ṭū=int ta š=ā
sar-ay ki ǰam=a kan-ay
ā sar-ay=a mān-īt ta pa wat
šarīk=ē b-gir ta sēr=a bay-ay
(136) gušt=ī
He said,
“Tell him, that the land is huge,
when you gather from that beginning (of the land), that end of
it remains (untouched). When
you get a partner for yourself,
you will be satisfied!”
(137-143) ǰwān=int ā ǰinikk
bādšā=ē=int ki gušt ki (140)
man mard=ē na-dār-īn u
bādšā=um=ast-un mnī ukm
rā=a na(r)-raw-t
(152) gušt=ī
He said,
“It is good. That woman (who) is
a king (Queen) that, (she) said,
that I do not have a husband and
I am also the king (queen), (but)
my order is not obeyed.”
(153-155) bādšā-ā b-guš ki
(154) bē-akl=ē=rā zabr laṭ dē
tī sar-ay dard=a kap-īt
(232) gušt=ī
He said,
“Tell the king: beat (with a stick)
an ignorant (person) well, (then)
your headache will stop.”
(233-235) gušt-a ki (234)
bē-akl=ē=rā zabr sēr laṭ ka tī
sar-ay dard=a kap-īt
“He has said: beat an ignorant
person with a stick very hard,
(then) your headache will stop.”
Not reporting what
was said on a particular occasion because the speech is
irrealis.
Not reporting what
was said on a particular occasion because the speech is
reporting the gist of
what someone else
had said.
Not reporting what
was said on a particular occasion because the speech is
irrealis.
Not reporting what
was said on a particular occasion because the speech is
reporting the gist of
what someone else
had said.
Not reporting what
was said on a particular occasion because the speech is
irrealis.
Not reporting what
was said on a particular occasion because the speech is
reporting the gist of
what someone else
had said.
231
There is no ki after the speech orienter where an embedded speech, which is
frequently marked with ki, is found in the main speech clause. (6.18) is another example of embedded direct quote which is marked with ki while the
main quote, i.e. clause 208, is not. The reason that ki introduces the embedded quote is because the content is the gist of what the other person had
said.102 Thus, the ki, as it is optional, has a highlighting function for both the
matrix quote and the embedded quote and does not just mark subordination.
(6.18) MA 207-214: direct embedded quote marked with ki
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
(He) said:
ta=a
gušt-ay
you.SG=IMF say.PST-2SG
you were saying
ki
ābid=ē
ki
musulmān=ē bīt
SUB pious.man=IND SUB muslim=IND be.PRS.3SG
that a pious man, that is a muslim
dil=i
rām
dāšt-a
ma-bī
heart=IZ mercy have.PST-PSTP PROH-be.PRS.3SG
who has no mercy in his heart,
gētir=int
good.CMP=COP.PRS.3SG
(he) is better.
amā kāpir=ē
bī
but infidel=IND SUBJ.be.PRS.SG
But (if he) is an infidel
dil=i
rām
dāšt-a
bī
heart=IZ mercy have.PST-PP SUBJ.be.PRS.SG
who has had a merciful heart,
ša=m=ā
ābid-ā
gē-tir=int
from=EMPH=OBL pious man-OBL good-CMP=COP.PRS.3SG
(he) is better from that pious man.
Example (6.19) is the one of rare instances that both the matrix and embedded quote are not marked with ki. It is the author’s discretion whether he
marks embedded speeches with ki or not. In this case, the presence of the
pronoun ta ‘you’ at the beginning of the embedded quote suggests that the
102
If ki were to introduce the main quote, the effect would be quite different: to highlight the
consequences of the speech as a whole.
232
the intention is that the addressee is to reproduce the instruction verbatim,
rather than simply conveying its gist.
(6.19) BP 143-148: unmarked direct embedded quote
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
āyi-rā
b-gu
DEM-OBJ SUBJ-say.PRS
tell her,
ta
mard=ē b-gir
you.SG man=IND SUBJ-take.PRS
you get a husband
tī
ukm rā=a
raw-t
you.SG.GEN order road=IMF go.PRS-3SG
(and) your order runs.
ta
pa wat mard=ē
b-gir
you.SG for RFL man=IND SUBJ-take.PRS
you get a husband for yourself,
tī
hukm=a
čal-īt
you.SG.GEN order=IND run.PRS-3SG
your order will run.
In summary, when ki introduces a reported speech in a story, the effect is
typically to highlight the consequences of that speech. In contrast, embedded
speeches are in most cases marked with ki because the words in the speech
were not said on a particular occasion, but represent the gist of what someone else said, is to say or could have said.
6.2.2
Patterns of speech encoding
In order to see how the status of conversations within the texts are indicated,
first the speech orienter clauses for XM, PJ, KH, BP are given in Tables 6.5,
6.7, 6.9 and 6.11, respectively, and then the analysis of speech encoding for
each of them will be given in Tables 6.6, 6.8, 6.10 and 6.12 after each related
table. The speech orienter clauses are grouped in conversational exchanges
with spacing. All the initial speeches of the conversations are marked with N
subject either just before the speech or with a PN/PC/Ø subject coreferential
with a N subject in some earlier clauses.103 In other words, N subject for the
initial speech is the default pattern. Keeping this in mind, it is not necessary
103
The reason for the few instances which do not follow the default pattern will be explained
where one occurs.
233
to mention them in tables for patterns of speech encoding. The numbers (1)
and (2) in Table 6.5 correspond to the conversational categories given in
Table 6.6.
Table 6.5. Speech orienter clauses in Xarmizza
Initiator
Respondent
15
23
29
Ø gušt
yakk naǰǰār=ē gu (1)
Ø gu
17
25
Ø gu
Ø gušt=ī ki (2)
56
65
bādšā gu
Ø gušt=ī
58
Ø gušt=ī
68-69
ē … guštant
92-93
100
107
bādšā … gušt=ī ki (2)
wazīr gu (1)
Ø guštant
95
Ø gušt=ī
The numbers (1)-(2) in Table 6.5 correspond to the conversational categories
given in Table 6.6.
Table 6.6. Patterns of speech encoding in Xarmizza
Participants in XM conversations: bādšā ‘king’ [K], naǰǰār ‘carpenter’ [C], wazīr
‘vizier’ [V], pīramard ‘old man’ [O], yakk=ē ‘someone/a guard’ [S], bādša + naǰǰār
+ … ‘the king +carpenter + … [K + C + …].
Within the conversations of the text the following dialogue patterns are observed:
(1) Conversations in which one nonfinal speech is marked with N subject:
12-30 [K + S + C]
23 has N (C) to introduce the new speaker
(the conversation is not closed).
Content: The carpenter claims he knows what the dragon says and agrees to
bring its petition.
92-107 [K + O + V]
100 has N (V) to introduce the new speaker
(the conversation is not closed).
Content: The king goes and asks the old man about the strange fruit (the melon)
and the old man asks him to eat it but the vizier forbids him from eating it unless he himself eats it first.
Note: In these conversations the nonfinal speech marked with N subject is a counter
to what has preceded. These conversations are counter to the plot building.
(2) Speeches marked with ki.
See Table 6.1 in §6.2.1
234
13
26-28
94
This speech raises a question which leads to the setting for the first
and the second episodes of the story.
Content: The king asks about the creature that is shaking the light
post.
[Part of a closed conversation]
This speech is the proposition bādišā ‘king’ makes to naǰǰār
‘carpenter’.
Content: The king will give the carpenter reward if he knows the
dragon’s petition and brings it.
[Part of a closed conversation.]
This speech raises a question which leads to the setting of the last
episode of the story.
Content: The king asks about strange plant (fruit).
[Part of a closed conversation.]
The status of the conversations in XM is indicated in the speech orienter
clause preceding the speech clause. The final speech of all speeches which
are marked with PN/Ø/PC subject indicates that the conversation is plotbuilding. Nonfinal speeches that are marked with N subject introduce new
participants to the conversation. In this oral narrative text, the speeches that
are marked by ki highlight the consequences that follow.
Now we will do the same process for PJ text to see how the narrator indicates the status of conversation within the text. As has been mentioned before, there is only one dialogue in this text and the other six speeches are
multiple monologues.
Table 6.7. Speech orienter clauses in Pīr ǰangī
Initiator
16-17
umar … gušt=ī
21-25
pīr ǰangī …gušt=ī
31
amr ilāyēn ē būt ki (1)
34-39
42
46
umar … gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī (1)
Ø gušt=ī
54-55
pīr ǰangī … gušt=ī
60
say duzz irāda kurtatant ki (2)
64
70-75
Ø guštant
ē … guštant
82-84
pīr ǰangī …gušt=ī
Respondent
44
49
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
235
The numbers (1)-(2) in Table 6.7 correspond to the conversational categories
given in Table 6.8.
Table 6.8. Patterns of speech encoding in Pīr Jangī
Participants in PJ conversations: ‘Omar’ [O], ‘Pir Jangi [PJ], say duzz ‘three
thieves’ SD, ilā ‘Ilah/Allah’ [A].
Within the conversations of the text the following dialogue patterns are observed:
(1) Conversations in which one initial speech is marked with PC subject:
42-52 [PJ]
42 has PC (PJ) with no reference, just from the
context and the contents of following speech one
knows that PC refers to PJ as the Ø subject of the
previous clause.
(2) Speeches marked with ki
See Table 6.2 in §6.2.1
32-33
This speech has an understood speech orienter, i.e. Allah/God and
it shows the reflection of God to what Pir Jangi did for the sake of
God. It develops the story line.
Content: God’s command to Omar through Gabriel to go and find
Pir Jangi and give him gold.
61-62
This backgrounded speech is the proposition the thieves make to
each other.
Content: The intention of the thieves to steal the king’s treasury.
[Multiple monologue]
In Table 6.9 below we will see how the statuses of the conversations in the
KH (Khudanizar Khan) oral text are indicated.
Table 6.9. Speech orienter clauses in Khudānizar Khān
Initiator
Respondent
46-47
54
58
xudānizar xān … gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
xudānazar xān kasam wā ki (3, 5)
50
56
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
62
… ē gušt (2)
(75-77)
78
(mardak …)
80
Ø gušt=ī
86
Ø gušt=ī
101
103
105
107
Ø gu (4)
Ø gu
Ø gu
Ø gu
111112
sabzō … pikr ma-kant ki (5)
236
Ø gušt=ī
127
129
Ø kissa=a kurt ki (5)
Ø dēmā=a gardēnt ki (5)
132
ā=(w)a gu (1)
The numbers (1)-(5) in Table 6.9 correspond to the conversational categories
given in Table 6.10.
Table 6.10. Patterns of speech encoding in Khudānizar Khān
Participants in KH conversations: xudānizar xān ‘Khudanizar Khan’ [KH], pīrakk
‘Pirakk’ [PK], sabzō ‘Sabzo’ [SZ], mardak ‘man/fellow = Sabzo’s father’ [SZF].
Within the conversations of the text the following dialogue patterns are observed:
(1) Conversation in which one final speech is marked with PN:
120-132 [PK + SZ]
132 has PN (SZ). The reference of PN in the previous
clause is also the addressee, i.e. SZ in full noun.104
This conversation is also closed because SZ responds
to the question asked by PK.
Content: Sabzo’s confirmation of what Pirakk says.
(2) Conversation in which the initial speech marked with PN:
62-86 [KH]
62 has PN (KH) in the preverbal focal position, which
marks the importance of the speaker.
Note: Addressee changes but the speaker, i.e. KH is still centre-stage and he is
also the subject of the previous clause.
(3) Conversation in which one final speech is marked with N subject:
47-58 [KH + PK]
58 has N (KH) and marks an important statement in
the context of the story. It is also part of a closed- conversation.
Outcome: Khudanizar Khan intimidates Sabzo’s father and does not allow Sabzo’s marriage with the rich man.
In this conversation the final speech marked with N subject is a counter to what
has happened before.
(4) Conversation in which the initial speech marked with Ø:
101-102 [KH]
101 has Ø (KH) with no exact reference, just from the
previous context and the contents of the following
speech one knows that PC refers to PJ as the Ø subject
of the previous clause.
(5) All the seventeen reported speeches are in direct speech and four speeches are
marked with ki.
See Table 6.3 in §6.2.1
56-61 [KH]
104
This speech leads to the setting for the rest of the story.
Content: Khudanizar Khan swears by God to marry Sabzo
off to Pirakk on that very night at any price it may cost.
[Part of a closed conversation]
This is the response in a closed-conversation.
237
113-114
This hypothetical speech causes Khudanizar Khan to obtain whatever wealth he can for Pirakk
Content: In order for SZ not to say, not to think in her heart, “Khudanizar Khan married me off to a lowly man, he married (me off to)
a poor (and) destitute one.”
[Actually the narrator’s comment]
128
This speech gives the gist of what Pirakk used to say.
Content: Pirakk just talks so much about what Khudanizar Khan had
done for him.
[Not a closed conversation]
130-131
This speech gives the gist of what Pirakk used to say.
Content: Pirakk asks Sabzo’s approval of what he says about Khudanizar Khan.
[Part of a closed conversation]
Table 6.11. Speech orienter clauses in Baxtay padā
Initiator
Respondent
5-10
15
yak kass=ē … gušt ki (4)
Ø gušt=ī
12
17
yag pīramard=ē gu (1)
Ø gušt
27-30
36
42
bādišā … gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
32
40
46
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt
Ø gušt=ī
52-57
63
… bādišā/ǰinikk … ē … gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
59
70
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
73-75
81
85
… zamīndār … ē … Ø gušt=ī (2)
Ø gušt=ī
gu
77
83
92
Ø gušt=ī ki (4)
Ø gušt
Ø gušt=ī
99
104
110
114
120
124
136
149
Ø (pīramard) gušt=ī (3)
Ø gušt
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
101
108
112
116
122
129
143
152
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
159
163
167
172
181
Ø (zamīndār) gušt=ī (3)
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø was=ē ku
161
165
169
179
182
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
187
191
195
ǰinikk gušt ki (4)
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt
189
193
197
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt
238
201202
206
213
217
ī ǰinikkō pikr ku, gu (1)
Ø gušt=ī yāra
Ø was=ē ku ki (4)
Ø gušt=ī
222
226
230
236
bādišā gu
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
211
215
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gu
224
228
232
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
Ø gušt=ī
The numbers (1)-(4) in Table 6.11 correspond to the conversational categories given in Table 6.12.
Table 6.12. Patterns of speech encoding in Baxtay padā
Participants in BP conversations: yakk kass ‘a person’ [P], pīramard ‘Old man’ [O1],
bādišā ‘king’ [K], ǰinikk ‘girl’ [K/Q], zamīndār ‘landlord’ [L], pīramard ‘old man’ [O2].
Within the conversations of the text the following dialogue patterns are observed:
(1) Conversations in which one non-final speech is marked with N subject:
10 - 22 [O1 + P]
12 has N (O1) to introduce the new speaker
(the conversation is not closed).
Note: pīramard ‘an old man’ is not the exact addressee of the previous clause,
rather he is a new participant who has an instructive function. This is also the
only time the respondent is marked with N. In all other speeches in the story
the respondent is Ø/PC marked.
188-220 [K/Q]
202 has N (K/Q)
Outcome: She offers the man a proposition to marry her.
(2) Conversation in which one initial speech is marked with PN subject:
74-94 [L]
74 has PN subject as the postposed subject which
marks the importance of speech content addressed
to the object (occurring before the subject).
Note: There is a potential ambiguity concerning the reference of the PN subject ē
‘he/she’ in 74 (which is also the reference of the PC subject in 75), that is, whether
the referent is (L) or (P). Unlike 27-30 and 52-57, where the referents were unambigous, the use of pronouns only in 73 creates ambiguity. Two things help the audience to identify its referent. First, if we look at the two previous stages of the story,
(P) is a traveller in search of his fortune; he is a stranger to the places he is passing
through. On the other hand, the other two participants (K) and (K/Q) are established
members of the community. This is indicated in their functional titles. Second, the
speech content also provides hints as to who the referent is.
(3) Conversation in which one initial speech is marked with Ø/PC subject:
99-155 [O2]
99 has Ø/PC subject
159-185 [L]
159 has Ø/PC subject
Note: The same pattern of speech encoding as the ones in the previous dialogue
pattern can be applied to the above two initial speeches, i.e. the chronological
239
order of events, as the participants come on the stage in turn, plus the content
of the speeches make it possible to recognize the speakers and addressees.
(4) Twelve of thirteen reported speeches are in direct speech and one, (22) in an
embedded quote, is in indirect speech and all of them are reported in the
present tense. Four speeches are marked with ki before the matrix quote. With
one exception, embedded quotes are introduced with ki.
See Table 6.4 in §6.2.1
11
This speech raises a question which leads to the setting for the
whole story.
Content: The fortune seeker asks someone why he does not become
wealthy.
[Part of a closed conversation]
78-80
This speech causes the landowner to tell his problem to the man
and wants him to ask his fortune for a solution.
Content: The man reveals his intention of seeking his fortune to the
land owner.
[Part of a closed conversation]
188
This speech is a question which advances the story line.
Content: The girl (Q/K) asks the man if he has found his fortune.
[Part of a closed conversation]
214
This speech contains an important proposition by the Q/K, which is
denied by the man.
Content: The girl (K/Q ) pleaded the man to marry her.
[Part of a closed conversation]
6.3
Summary
Direct speech is the default interpretation for reported speech in the studied
BS oral texts. Only two instances of indirect and two of semi-direct speech
were observed in the corpus. The two indirect and one of semi-direct speech
which occur as a second degree of quote embedding, are embedded in other
direct speeches but there is no syntactic difference between them. However,
in BS both in direct and indirect speech the tense is the same as originally
stated. The majority of reported speeches lead up to and point forward to
later speeches or non-speech events that form the theme line of the narrative.
The use of ki with direct speeches is optional. When it is used, it highlights
the consequences of the speech concerned. When used in an embedded
quote, however, ki indicates that the words in the speech were not said on a
particular occasion, but represent the gist of what someone else said, is to
say or could have said. When a new speaker intervenes in what was previously a closed conversation, N subject is used to identify him or her.
240
7.
Participants in Narratives
7.1
Activation status of referents
Lambrecht (1994:93f) summarizes Chafe’s discussion (1987:22ff) on activation states of referents as follows: A very small amount of the whole
knowledge or information which our minds contain can be focused on, or be
‘active’ at any time. Then he argues that a particular “concept” may be in
any one of three ACTIVATION STATES, which he calls ACTIVE, SEMIACTIVE (or ACCESSIBLE) and INACTIVE. An ACTIVE concept is one
“that is currently lit up, a concept in a person’s focus of consciousness at a
particular moment.” An ACCESSIBLE/SEMI-ACTIVE concept is one “that
is in a person’s peripheral consciousness, a concept of which a person has a
background awareness, but one that is not being directly focused on.” An
INACTIVE concept is one “that is currently in a person’s long-term
memory, neither focally nor peripherally active.”
D&L (2001:56) define three kinds of accessible concepts:
• Firstly, a concept may be accessible “through deactivation from an earlier state, typically by having been active at an earlier point in the discourse.” (Lambrecht 1994:99).
• Secondly, a concept may be accessible because it “belongs to the set of
expectations associated with a schema” (Chafe 1987:29).
• Finally, there are concepts “whose accessible status is due to their presence in the text-external world” (Lambrecht 1994:99).
They also consider activation as an example of the cognitive status of concepts and explain three processes through which the above three activation
states (active, accessible, inactive) are typically manifested, i.e. activation
(including reactivation), deactivation, and maintenance in an active state.
In ACTIVATION, a concept goes from inactive or accessible to active status.
• The activation of a concept from inactive status, resulting in “new information”, “evidently exacts a greater cost in terms of cognitive effort
241
than any other kind” (Chafe 1987:31). It is only accomplished by expanding weighty coding resources (e.g. heavy stress).
• The activation of a concept that was previously only accessible generally does not require heavy coding. It does, however, require a mention
of the concept and, if the language has the means to do so, it requires a
signal of its former accessible status, such as the definite article in English.
In DEACTIVATION a concept goes from the active to the semi-active state
and it “probably exacts no cost at all” (Chafe 1987:31), since the state of a
concept can be easily changed from active to accessible.
MAINTENANCE refers to keeping a concept in an active status, and is an
in-between process as regards coding resources. Maintaining a concept in
active status requires a minimum of coding resources, provided there is no
ambiguity. Hence, “given concepts are spoken with an attenuated pronunciation”, are often pronominalized, and sometimes undergo ellipsis (Chafe
1987:26).
According to these processes, then, D&L (2001:57) point out that “the
amount of coding material required varies directly with the cognitive effort
required. In particular, heavier coding is used where the cognitive status
undergoes more change”.
7.2
Introduction/Activation of participants
In a discourse any human beings or personified non-human objects that are
volitionally involved in actions are called participants, and the non-active
humans as well as inanimate objects are called props. Participants play an
essential role in the plot of all narratives because they do various actions,
play different roles and their qualities or characters are described in the story. In the discourse study of participants, first, it is necessary to distinguish
between different participants, i.e. major and minor participants and props,
on the one hand, and participants and roles, on the other hand. Then it is
important to study how these elements are introduced into a story, how they
are dismissed from it and how they are identified in relation to each other
throughout the story.
7.2.1
Major participant introduction
All the BS texts we studied were third person narrative texts. It seems that
there is a clear distinction between major and minor participant introduction in
these texts. Major participants, who are active for a large part of the narrative
242
and play important roles in the story, usually are introduced formally into the
story in the very beginning of a narrative by referring to them by a nominal,
usually a proper name, or a functional title. “They are the participants that
have global or discourse level roles (those of hero, victim, villain or discourse
initiator, discourse reactor, etc.)” (Lowe unpublished MS:35). Major participants are mostly introduced in a non-topic, non-interactive role.
Since most of the Balochi stories of our corpus have no titles by origin,105 introductions in connection with the establishment of a new mental representation are most often in a non-event clause. The introduction or, as it is often
called the introductory clause, has three functions. First, it is used to introduce
the major participant in a non-verbal predication. Second, it opens the story
and usually sets the time and the place for the action. Third, the introductory
clause marks any text that comes afterwards as fiction or indirect report. Usually, one or more clauses are added to the introductory formula in order to
provide background information about the main actor, his deeds, and his intentions. These additional clauses partially foreshadow the contents of the story.
The presentational clause in most of the stories begins with the present form
of the verb ‘to say’106 in the third person singular:
(7.1)
guš-īt / š-īt / š-ī
say.PRS-3SG
It is said/they say …
Less frequently, there are also the following formulae which precede the
above expression before the presentational clause: ‘Sir’ (7.2); ‘Brothers’
(7.3); ‘Listen brothers (I am going to tell you a story, the story is this)’ (7.4).
(7.2)
ŠG 1-2
wāǰa
guš-īt
sir.VOC say.PRSp3SG
Sir it says (it is said)
ki
say
gōk=at-ant
that three cow=COP.PST-3PL
that there were three cows.
(7.3)
GA 1-2
brās-ān
guš-īt
brother-PL.VOC say.PRS-3SG
Brothers, they say
105
The titles are given by the author.
By using the speech verb ‘say’ at the beginning of the story, the narrator has two purposes,
first to imply that the story has been said over and over by the past generations; second, to
draw the hearer into the story from the beginning.
106
243
du
amsāyag=at-ant
two neighbour=COP.PST-3PL
there were two neighbours.
(7.4)
BP 1-4
gōš
kašš-it
brās-ān
ear SUBJ.pull.PRS-2PL brother-PL.VOC
Listen brothers
pa
šumā
yakk kissa=ē
kan-īn
for you.PL one story=IND.IMF do.PRS-1SG
I am going to tell you a story.
kissa
ēš=int
story DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
The story is this,
ki
š-ī
SUB say.PRS-3SG
that they say
yakk
kass=ē =at
one
person=IND=COP.PST.3SG
there was a certain person
The past form of the copula verb in third person singular is used with the
semantic meaning “to exist”. Double marking of indefiniteness (cardinal
number yakk “one” and the clitic =ē for indefiniteness) is a common way of
introducing the major participants. They can also be introduced only with the
=ē of indefiniteness. The presence of yakk may well indicate that the referent concerned is salient to the development of the story (see Levinsohn 2007
sec. 8.1.3 and Hopper & Thompson 1984:719). So, in (7.5), the use of yakk
in connection with the introduction of the Khan informs the hearers that the
Khan will have a significant part to play in the story.
A specific characteristic of real-based stories107 is that the participants have
names and the narrator introduces them by their titles Sardār ‘Tribal Chief’,
Khān, Shāh/Bādšā ‘King’, Hazrat ‘His Holiness’ which imply certain roles,
responsibilities and privileges the title holders have, but which other people
do not have. Then, their names are introduced. Historical and religious stories can also be classified in this category.
107
Real-based stories can be either an eyewitness account or based on secondary information.
244
(7.5)
KH 2-5
š-īt
say.PRS-3SG
They say
yakk xān=ē=at
one Khan=IND=COP.PST.3SG
(there) was a certain Khan
nām=ay
xudānazar xān=at
name=PC.3SG Khudanizar Khan=COP.PST.3SG
(whose) name was Khudanizar Khan.
ē
nākōzāk=ē dāšt
DEM cousin=IND have.PST.3SG
He had a cousin
nākōzāk=ē
nām=ay
pīrakk=at
cousin=GEN
name=PC.3SG Pirakk=COP.PST.3SG
(whose) name was Pirakk.
In some folktale narratives only one of the main participants, who is the centre of attention throughout the narrative or a major section of it, is introduced
by a proper noun, and in some, the main participants are introduced by other
titles, mostly their professions or another generic head noun such as mardum
or kas ‘person’ with double marking of indefiniteness.
(7.6)
GG 1-2
ganība
guš-īt
Ganiba say.PRS-3SG
Ganiba, they say
ki
ar=ē
SUB donkey=IND
(he) had a donkey.
(7.7)
dāšt
have.PST.3SG
TM 1-3
guš-īt
say.PRS-3SG
They say
yakk taǰǰār=ē=at
one merchant=IND=COP.PST.3SG
there was a certain merchant,
yakk
muzdūr=ē
dāšt
one
paid.servant=IND have.PST.3SG
he had a certain paid servant.
245
(7.8)
MG 1
yakk mardum=ē=at
one
bi
man=IND=COP.PST.3SG in
azrat=i
mūsā
allā
zamāna=(y)i
era=IZ
nabī-ay
waxt-ā
His.Holiness=IZ Moses God prophet-GEN time-OBL
There was a certain man in the time of His Holiness the prophet Moses, the prophet of God.
Mentioning female characters with proper names is very rare. In a collection of more than fifty stories, only in two of them, a folktale (7.10) and a
real-based story (7.9), are female names mentioned and in one other realbased story the girl is called after her tribe ‘Hazara’ (7.11).
(7.9)
KH 7
pīrakk
āšix
būt-at
Pirakk
lover
become.PST-COP.PST.3SG
bi sabzō-ī
sarā
to Sabzo-GEN on
Pirakk had fallen in love with Sabzo.
(7.10) GA 56
am=ā
zubānbāz-ay
nām
ganǰī=at
EMPH=DEM talkative-GEN name Ganji=COP.PST.3SG
The name of that talkative one was Ganji.
(7.11) HJ 17-20
š-ī
say.PRS-3SG
They say
ē
p=ammā
gurānḍ=ē
kušt=u
DEM for=we.EXCL young.ram=IND kill.PST.3SG=and
he slaughtered a young ram for us and
am=ē
wat-ī
ǰinēn-ā
tawār=a ku
EMPH=DEM RFL-GEN woman-OBJ call=IMF do.PST.3SG
and he called his wife
ki
azārag-ī
ǰān-ā
idā
b(y)-ā
SUB Hazara-ATTR dear-VOC here SUBJ-come.PRS
dear Hazara come here.
Any female participant that is put in a relation to a male participant can
easily be identified as a major participant of a story whenever that is her
status. In almost all stories female characters are referred to by kin-terms,
246
i.e. ‘girl, daughter, woman, wife, sister, or mother’ of one of the male participants, because the male characters whom they have a kinship relation
with, are usually introduced first. Participants who have a more culturally
accessible role – for example, male, older, more socially prominent, etc. –
are commonly introduced first, and others are then introduced in relation to
them.
(7.12) TJ 112
taǰǰār
bi wat-ī
sarmāya-ā
merchant in REF-GEN assets-OBL
yakk ǰinikk=ē
one
girl=IND
dāšt
have.PST.3SG
The merchant had a girl among his assets.
(7.13) TJ 246
āǰizag
āt
bi bādšā-ayā
woman come.PST.3SG to king-LOC
The woman came to the king.
(7.14) TH 6-9
būt=u
be.PST.3SG=and
It so happened and
yakk waxt=ē
ē
āt
bi misr=u
one time=IND DEM come.PST.3SG to Egypt=and
he came to Egypt once and
misr-ī
zargar-ay
ǰinikk-ay sarā
Egypt-ADJZ goldsmith-GEN girl-GEN on
āšix
būt
lover become.PST.3SG
he fell in love with the daughter of an Egyptian goldsmith.
7.2.2
Minor participant introduction
Minor participants, by contrast to the major ones, do not get any formal introduction and they are not introduced in the beginning of the story. Minor
participants are active for only part of the narrative where they are needed
and then they simply do not play any further role in the story and lapse into a
inactive status without being formally dismissed. They are mentioned as
object or subject in a verbal predication and introduced in two ways. If not
accessible they can be modified by the indefinite clitic =ē or, if salient to
the development of the story, the numeral ‘one’. If accessible they are introduced without the indefinite clitic or numeral.
247
7.2.2.1
Non-accessible minor participants
a) In non-subject position (frequent)
The NP either carries the clitic for indefinitenes =ē (=IND) or, if salient to
the development of the story, is modified by the cardinal number yakk ‘one’.
Often they are introduced by being referred to by a non-subject constituent
of a clause, i.e. direct (7.16, 7.17) or indirect object (7.15).
(7.15) KH 15-16
yakk waxt=ē
būt=u
one time=IND become.PST.3SG=and
At a certain time, and
sabzō-ī
piss
sabzō-ā
bi sarmāyadār=ē dāt
Sabzo-GEN father Sabzo-OBJ to rich.man=IND give.PST.3SG
Sabzo’s father gave Sabzo to a rich man.
(7.16) KH. 22
tamām maxlūk-ā
all
lōṭit-at
ārōs-ā
people-OBJ want.PST-COP.PST.3SG wedding-OBL
wat-ī
ǰinikk-ayā
RFL-GEN daughter-LOC
(He) invited all people to the wedding, to his daughter’s (wedding).
(7.17) BP 95-98
šut
go.PST.3SG
He went,
yag
ǰāy=ē
āt
one place=IND come.PST.3SG
(and) came (to) a place,
pīramard=ē=rā
dī
old.man=IND=OBJ see.PST.3SG
he saw an old man,
ta
am=idā
pīramard=ē
ništ-a
MIR EMPH=here old.man=IND sit.PST-PSTP
behold (in) this very place an old man was sitting.
b) In subject position (less frequent)
There is no obvious rule as to when the subject or object function is used. It
doesn’t seem to indicate the importance of the participant and doesn’t relate
to accessibility. It just indicates whether a participant comes on stage as an
248
agent or as a patient. However, when a minor participant whose intervention is salient to the development of the story is introduced in subject position (or subject in complement clause), the double marking (number ‘one’
and indefinite clitic =ē) is applied as in the introduction of major participants (7.18)108 or a noun with numerals other than ‘one’ which does not
take the indefinite clitic since it is a plural noun phrase (7.19).
(7.18) BP 12-14
yag
pīramard=ē gu
one old.man=IND say.PST.3SG
An old man said
ta
b-ra
you.SG SUBJ-go.PRS
you go
wat-ī
baxt-ā
sōǰ
ka
RFL-GEN fate-OBJ question SUBJ.do.PRS
and seek your fortune.
(7.19) PJ 60-62
say
duzz
irāda
kurt-at-ant
three thief determination do.PST-COP.PST-3PL
Three thieves had decided:
ki
b-raw-an
SUB SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL
Let’s go
bādišā-ay
xazānag-ā
b-ǰan-an
king-GEN treasury-OBJ SUBJ-strike.PRS-1PL
(and) steal from the king’s treasury.
7.2.2.2
Accessible minor participants
Minor participants are introduced according to their activation status (see
§7.1). If they are already accessible through a concept which is activated,
they are introduced as definite nouns. In (7.20), Sabzo’s father (his first occurrence on stage) is accessible because of the existence of Sabzo who
should have a father. In (7.21) the deictic noun phrase ē mardum ‘these people’ refers to tamām maxlūk-ā ‘all people’ who were introduced in KH 22
and are now activated.
108
The presence of yakk/yag relates to the salisence of the participant at the point in the story.
Though the old man is a minor participant, he has a very significant part to play in the story at
this point.
249
(7.20) KH 14
sabzō-ī
piss
bi ēšī=a
Sabzo-GEN father to DEM.OBL=IMF
na-dāt=ē
NEG-give.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
and Sabzo’s father did not marry her off to him.
(7.21) KH 32
ē
mardum čōn
kurt-ant
DEM people
how do.PST-3PL
What did these people do?
7.2.3
Props
Non-human or human entities which are less prominent or inanimate participants around the scenery of the story and which do not interact in any way
with the other participants are called props.
7.2.3.1
Non-marked prop introduction
Inanimate props are typically introduced in non-subject position with the
numeral ‘one’ (if salient to the development of the story) and the indefinite
clitic =ē or by one of them separately. Props with numerals other than ‘one’
(7.26), collective ones (7.24) are introduced without the indefinite clitic =ē.
Props have only a passive role in the story; they never do anything significant. Animate characters (7.25) that have no active roles are also found in
some stories.
(7.22) XM 3
ē
bādišā
DEM king
wasat-(t)ā
bi=m=ē
wat-ī
šār-ay
in=EMPH=DEM RFL-GEN town-GEN
yakk tīr=i
barγ=ē
dāšt
middle-OBL one pole=IZ electricity=IND have.PST.3SG
This king had a light post in the centre of his town, …
(7.23) MA 39-40
dīst
see.PST.3SG
(He) saw
am=ē
ḍigār-ay
tā
čērzamīnī=(y)ē
EMPH=DEM earth-GEN in cave=IND
(there is) a cave inside the ground,
250
(7.24) KH 31-32
ē
mardum čōn kurt-ant
DEM people
how do.PST-3PL
What did these people do,
ša
kasd-ā
pīrakk-ī
from intention-OBL Pirakk-GEN
tāγazz-ay
iškar
kawš-ān-ī
tā
shoe-PL-GEN in
rēt-ant
tamarisk-GEN live embers pour.PST-3PL
they intentionally poured tamarisk embers into Pirak’s shoes.
(7.25) 170-173
āt-ant
ēškā
come.PST-3PL this.way
(and) came this way.
diga šwānag=ē
dīst
other shepherd=IND see.PST.3SG
He saw another shepherd
pas=ē
zīt=u
sheep=IND buy.PST.3SG=and
(and) he bought a sheep and …
(7.26) HJ 292-293
du
tūpak zurt
two gun
seize.PST.3SG
she took two guns,
du
urǰīn
pašang
zurt
two sack cartridge seize.PST.3SG
she (also) took two sacks of cartridge,
7.2.3.2
Marked prop introduction
When inanimate props are introduced as an object but in the clause initial
position, i.e. preceding the subject of the clause (7.27 MA 29)109, then this
special prop acts in a marked situation. Therefore, it could be called a
marked prop or prominent prop (Werner and Werner 2007: 29).
(7.27) MA 29-33
yaxband-ā
am=ē
čapōn-ā
frost-OBJ
EMPH=DEM intense.cold-OBJ
sarā
amr
God=IZ
order do.PST.3SG ice-GEN on
clean
ku
yax-ay
allā=(y)i pāk
the Holy God ordered the frost, this very intense cold, the ice
109
Because of what it is going to do in MA 32-33.
251
ki
mūsā-ā
bāz
yax kan-ay
SUB Moses-OBJ very ice
to severely freeze Moses,
bāz
pa azāb=ē
SUBJ.do.PRS-2SG
ka
very for pain=PC.3SG SUBJ.do.PRS
put him in extreme pain.
yax yāt
ice come.PST.3SG
The ice came,
zurt
mūsā-ā
yaxband
seize.PST.3SG Moses-OBJ frost
frost seized Moses.
7.3
Reference of activated participants and
reactivation
D&L (2001:111-135) explain in detail the basic notions of reference, such as
a viable system of reference,110 strategies of reference, i.e. sequential (lookback) strategies and VIP strategies (ch.16),111 and then provide a description
of systems of reference (ch.17), and a step by step methodology for analyzing participant reference (ch.18).112 The methodology we follow here for
analyzing reference patterns is that proposed by D&L (2001:127-135). The
detailed eight steps of this method are defined in (7.28).
(7.28) Steps for analyzing participant reference:
1. Draw up an inventory of ways of encoding references to participants.
2. Prepare a chart of participant encoding in a text.
3. Track the participants by allocating a number to each participant
that is referred to more than once in the text.
4. Identify the context in which each reference to a participant occurs:
S1
S2
110
the subject is the same as in the previous clause or sentence
the subject was the addressee of speech reported in the
previous sentence (in a closed conversation)
It should accomplish three kinds of tasks: semantic, discourse-pragmatic, and processing.
Global VIPs and local VIPs (very important participants)
112
These three short chapters were also summarized by Roberts (2009:91-95).
111
252
S3
the subject was involved in the previous sentence in a nonsubject role other than in a closed conversation
other changes of subject than those covered by S2 and S3
S4
5. Propose default encodings for each context based on either statistical count or an inspection of the data, e.g.
S1
S2
S3
S4
Ø (with verb agreement)
PN
NP
NP
6. Inspect the text for other than default encoding to see whether
the amount is less than or more than the default encoding.
When encoding material is less than the default rules predict, the referent is
usually a major participant, i.e. “there is only one major participant on stage,
or a cycle of events is being repeated” D&L (2001:133). Levinsohn
(2007:125-126) gives the following reasons for when more coding material
is used than the default rules predict:
a)
to mark the beginning of a narrative unit
or
b)
to highlight the action or speech concerned
7. Incorporate any modifications to the proposals in 5.
8. Generalize the motivations for deviances from the default encoding.
The above described methodology will be applied step by step to the Balochi
sample texts. Givón (1983:18) gives the following list of four categories of
coding material as a scale of coding weight for referring expressions which
can also be applied to BS texts.
(7.29) more continuous/accessible topics
zero anaphora
unstressed/bound pronouns (‘agreement’)
stressed/independent pronouns
full NP’s
more discontinuous/inaccessible topics
Givón’s Iconicity Principle not only reflects the three tasks of a scheme of
reference mentioned in fn. 111, but also is an attempt to predict how participants in a narrative will be referred to. It simply implies that “[T]he more
253
disruptive, surprising, discontinuous or hard to process a topic is, the more
coding material must be assigned to it” (ibid. 1983:18).
Roberts (2009:337) finds that the scale of coding weight for referring expressions in Persian is full NP > stressed/independent pronouns > unstressed/
cliticized pronouns > pro-drop + verb agreement (zero anaphora). He also
says that this full scale of coding weight only applies to the object function
in Persian. However, in BS this full scale of coding weight applies to both
the subject and object function as the subject can be marked on the verb by
cliticized pronouns as well as the object. Pronouns can also cliticize to nouns
(agent, object and possessor functions), prepositions (object and oblique
functions), and interrogative pronouns (complement function). In (7.30abc)
the three 3SG/PL pronouns ē, ā, ēš are independent pronouns with subject
reference.
(7.30) a. KH 5-6: independent pronouns which refer to Khudanizar Khan
ē
nākōzāk=ē dāšt
DEM cousin-IND have.PST.3SG
He had a cousin.
nākōzāk=ē
nām=ay
cousin=GEN
name=PC.3SG
His cousin’s name was Pirakk.
pīrakk=at
Pirakk=COP.PST.3SG
b. KH 132: independent pronoun which refers to Sabzo
ā=(w)a
gu
DEM=IMF say.PST.3SG
She would say:
c. XM 72-73: independent pronoun which refers to melon plant
wall=ē
sabz kurt=u
mellon.plant=IND green do.PST.3SG=and
a melon plant grew up and
ēš
činkas
galaw ku
DEM so.many melom do.PST.3SG
it gave so many melons.
Examples in (7.31abc) show the usage of the above pronouns as 3PL. Since
these pronouns are used for both 3SG and 3PL, they do not by themselves
determine the form of the verb. The singular or plural nominal reference of
254
the subject in the previous clause remains on these pronouns or the nominal
zero anaphora form.113
(7.31) a. XM 77: independent pronoun which refers to the melons mentioned in clauses 73 and 74
ē
činka
tōm
kurt-ant
DEM so.many seed do.PST-3PL
These (melons) produced so many seeds
b. ŠG 55: independent pronoun which refers to the light-brown and
white cows mentioned in clause 44
ā
kumak
na-kurt-ant
DEM help
NEG-do.PST-3PL
They didn’t help.
c. BW 359: independent pronoun which refers to the women
ēš
gušt-ant
DEM say.PST-3PL
They (these women) said:
There are three pronominal clitics in BS which are available both to the subject114 and object functions. =ē or =ī is singular and =iš is plural. There are
some examples in (7.32) when these unstressed/bound pronouns cliticize to
verbs.
(7.32) a. KH 47: pronominal clitic =ī /=ē as subject function
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
b. PJ 29-30: pronominal clitic =ē as subject function
žappit=ē
rabāb-ā
shake.out.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
rebeck-OBJ
He played rebeck with utmost skill,
113
For example Khudanizar Khan is the centre of attention from 46 and he was mentioned by
an NP form, then it changes to a pronominal clitic attached to the verb until clause 87. Then
the referential form goes from a pronominal clitic to zero anaphora until 98 where the scene
changes and the referential form became a pronominal clitic in 99. From 101 to 107, the
referential form is zero anaphora which again changes to a pronominal clitic in 109 and 110.
114
What is here called subject function is actually the agent clitic of the ergative construction,
which is retained even if BS has changed into being mainly a nominative-accusative language.
255
āxirā
wāb
šut
finally sleep go.PST.3SG
(and) at the end he went to sleep.
c. TJ 96: pronominal clitic =ē as object function
ammā
na-dīst-ag=an=ē
we.EXCL NEG-see.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1PL=PC.3SG
We haven’t seen her.
d. BP 239-240: pronominal clitic =iš as subject function115
čalāpt-ant
seize.PST-3PL
They seized (him)
zabr ēš-ā
waš
marg=iš
ku
good DEM-OBJ good death=PC.3PL do.PST.3SG
(and) they beat him nearly to death.
e. BW 343: pronominal clitic =iš as object function
ān
bar-īn=iš
yes take.PRS-1SG=PC3PL
(The vizier said:) Yeah, I will take them (to the sea).
The pronominal clitics and the merged OBL/OBJ + PC.3SG =ay (<ā + ī)116
can also cliticize to nouns. Examples in (7.33) show different functions of
these pronominal clitics when they cliticize to a noun.
(7.33) a. KH 83-85: pronominal clitics =ē and the contracted form of
OBL case ending and PC.3SG (=ay) in subject and possessor functions, respectively.
aptād
uštir
āpus-ēn
seventy camel pregnant-ATTR
ǰitā=ē
separated=PC.3SG
kurt=u
do.PST.3SG=and
He separated out seventy pregnant camels and
dēm=ē
dāt
face=PC.3SG give.PST.3SG
sent (them) forth,
dast=ay
dāt
hand=OBL.PC.3SG give.PST.3SG
(and) gave to him (lit. in his hand).
115
116
This is an ergative construction.
See the discussion on formation of cases in Axenov (2006:70-83).
256
b. BW 265-266: separated plural OBL case ending –ān and pronominal clitic =ī in possessor functions together.
ē
čōn
ku
DEM how do.PST.3SG
What did he do?
am=ē
ǰan-ān=ī
gušt
EMPH=DEM woman-OBL.PL=PC.3SG say.PST.3SG
She told his wives:
c. ŠX 24: the contracted form of object case ending and PC.3SG
(=ay) in possessor function.
wām=ay=am
dātag=a
na-ku
loan=OBJ.PC.3SG=also give.INF=IMF NEG-do.PST.3SG
He couldn’t also pay his money (loan) back, either.
Pronominal clitics can cliticize to prepositions with subject, object and
oblique functions as the examples in (7.34) indicate.
(7.34) a. PJ 77-80: pronominal clitics =ay in (78) and =ē in (80) as
oblique and subject functions, respectively.
yakk inǰ=ē
tilā
yakk=ē
zurt=u
one lap=IND gold one=IND seize.PST.3SG=and
One (of them) picked up a lapful of gold and
am=ē
kabr=ē
kōna kabr=ē
EMPH=DEM grave=IND old
bi
ki
pīr ǰangī
grave=IND SUB Pir Jangi
tay=int
to inside.OBL.PC.3SG=COP.PRS.3SG
to this very grave, the old grave in which Pir Jangi is,
āwu
bring.PST.3SG
he brought it inside it (the grave)
am=ēš-ī
tā
bass inǰ-ā
šēwag=ē
EMPH=DEM-GEN inside just lap-OBJ down.ward=PC.3SG
ku
do.PST.3SG
(and) he poured down the lap (of gold),
b. BW 90: pronominal clitic =ay as partitive genitive function
marōčī šut
nāmǰīn=ay
today
go.PST.3SG middle =OBL.PC.3SG
That day he went to its centre (centre of the town).
257
c. GA 85: pronominal clitic =ī as agent function
aždīyā-ā
dar=ī
ku
dragon-OBJ out=PC.3SG
do.PST.3SG
He pulled the dragon out (of the well).
d. ND 7-8: pronominal clitic =ē as oblique function
aga ǰinēn gōn=ē
ma-šut-ēn
if
wife with=PC.3SG PROH-go.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
If (his) wife hadn’t gone with him,
ki
na-šut
SUB NEG-go.PST.3SG
he wouldn’t have gone.
Pronominal clitics (only in subject function) may cliticize to an interrogative
pronoun only with subject function (7.35). This is a different type of cliticization to what we have seen so far. In the cliticized forms above the cliticized pronoun has a grammatical relationship with the item it is cliticized to,
but in (7.35) the cliticized pronoun does not have grammatical relationship
with the interrogative pronoun čī ‘what’.
(7.35) BP 168, 196 and 231: pronominal clitic =ē as subject function
čī=ē
gu
what=PC.3SG say.PST.3SG
What did he say?
7.3.1 Participant identification and tracking in Khudānizar
Khān
The Khudanizar Khan story begins from the third clause introducing the xān
for the first time by using a presentational clause with a copula, i.e. yakk
xān=ē=at ‘there was a khan’. The xān is mentioned as a title noun with the
preceding numeral yakk ‘one’ plus IND (=ē). The title implies certain roles,
responsibilities, privileges which the title holder has, but which other people
do not have. In clause 4, we have xān referred to by name plus the title Khudanizar Khan. In KH 5, the Khan previously introduced in KH 3 is now
mentioned using the free pronoun ē ‘he’ which enables the hearer to establish the link back to the first mention in KH 3. The new participant, the
cousin, is first introduced using a kin-term nākōzāk ‘cousin’ plus IND (=ē)
in this clause. The cousin is the object of the verb dāšt ‘had’ indicating that
the subject is more important than the object. Pirakk is given as the name of
the cousin in KH 6. This naming takes its importance in terms of the perspective of the story teller in order to introduce a major participant to the
258
story. In KH 7, Pirakk is mentioned using his name rather than using DEM ē
‘he’ because the hearers could get confused, thinking it was the Khan. In this
clause Sabzo is also introduced for the first time using her name inside an
adpositional phrase.117 Now we have three major participants in the story:
Khudanizar Khan, Pirakk, and Sabzo with Pirakk being the main participant
overall. Here the participant hierarchy of importance in terms of the perspective of the narrator is clear as he introduces the major participants one after
another by name. In KH 8-9, Sabzo as the subject has become centre-stage.
KH 6 is a recapitulation of KH 4 where Pirakk is the subject. So, we know
that Pirakk is the subject in KH 6 and KH 11-13 as the narrator uses zero for
the subject but the subject referent is Pirakk. The narrator assumes that the
hearer’s attention is already directed towards Pirakk, i.e. that the hearer already has Pirakk in mind so that using nouns or pronouns or demonstratives
would be redundant. What is more important to the narrator at this point is to
refer to the actions and relationships that Pirakk was involved in. Sabzo’s
father is introduced in KH 14 by using a kin-term118, sabzō-ī piss bi ēšī=a
na-dāt=ē ‘(but) Sabzo’s father did not marry her off to him’. We can see in
KH 14 that the ēšī is a proximal demonstrative showing that Pirakk is still
close to centre-stage and the imperfect aspect shows that the negation relationship is an ongoing relationship over time.
KH 15, yakk waxt=ē būt ‘at a certain time’ is a thetic sentence119, which
says that we are now in a specific new situation. This is why in KH 16, Sabzo’s father is referred to with a full-kin term. Sabzo is referred to by name
while she is not referred to by name in KH 14. The rich man is referred to in
KH 16 by a descriptive term sarmāyadār ‘rich man’ plus IND (=ē) and he
never gets a name since he is not as important as the others. Repetition in
KH 17 is a way to describe the function of the sarmāyadār. In KH 18, the
rich man is referred to by a general noun mardak ‘(that) man’, and we know
from the social situation that mardak must refer to the rich man, and not to
Sabzo’s father. We should keep in mind that here the proximal demonstrative is something close to the speaker either physically or psychologically
and the distal demonstrative is something far from the speaker either physically or psychologically, which means something you do not like or which is
117
All the mainline events of the story revolve around Pirakk. The others are either minor
participants if they actually do something or props if they don’t do anything. At first glance, it
seems that Khudanizar Khan is introduced at the beginning as though the story is about him:
“(there) was a Khan (whose) name was Khudanizar Khan.” and at the end it says: “This is the
story of Khudanizar Khan, the Balochi-Brahui one.” But the story is actually about Pirakk and
his desire for Sabzo. As it is a real-based story, the narrator cannot change the course of the
story, but it is clear that he tries to present Khudanizar Khan as an ideal chief in a tribal society.
118
His name and title are not given.
119
A thetic sentence is one that introduces a new element (be it an entity or an event) into a
text without linking its introduction to an established topic or to some presupposed proposition (Levinsohn 2007:23).
259
described in derogatory terms. KH 19-21 are thetic sentences introducing a
situation, i.e. a wedding ceremony. In KH 22-23 the subject is zero Ø, but
the subject referent is Sabzo’s father. We can identify the subject by means
of the genitive in KH 22, wat-ī ǰinikk-ayā ‘to his daughter’s (wedding)’, the
place where his daughter’s wedding took place. Now, at this time we have
several men on stage, therefore the best way to distinguish them is by using
name nouns. For this reason in KH 24 the story needs a name noun for the
mention of the subject which is Pirakk. We can also guess from the situation
that Pirakk was not personally invited to the wedding. KH 26-30 is a stretch
of discourse in which every verb is imperfect. In KH 26 and 27 Pirakk and
Sabzo are subjects and are mentioned using names, respectively. In KH 2830 Sabzo is the subject and mentioned using zero while Pirakk is the object
in 29 and mentioned using a name. In this whole stretch both Sabzo and
Pirakk are on centre-stage, and there is a relationship between them that is
important. The use of names here rather than pronouns is due, first, to there
being no gender distinction (male vs. female) in either zeros or pronouns in
Balochi, and second, in order to enhance the idea of an interaction, the name
must be mentioned explicitly.
ē mardum ‘these people’ in KH 32 refers back to the tamām maxlūk ‘all the
people’ mentioned in KH 22. The independent pronoun ē by itself would be
confusing, as it could be understood by the reader to refer to one single person. KH 34 is a tail-head linkage using zero subject from KH 33 and signalling a new development in the story, but it is disrupted by speaker-hearer
interaction in KH 35-37. Then the narrator recapitulates KH 34 in KH 38.
These clauses report the people as on centre-stage and iškar ‘live embers’ as
a prop that is repeatedly mentioned in three clauses. From KH 39 to KH 45
the centre-stage changes to Pirakk. In KH 45 Khudanizar Khan is activated
after being introduced in KH 3 to play his role as his title, Khan, implies. In
KH 47 the speech orienter has a speech verb gušt ‘said’ with the pronominal
clitic =ī which refers to the subject, i.e. Khudanizar Khan. It introduces the
beginning of the Khan’s conversation with Pirakk to KH 61 where it ends. In
KH 58 the compound verb kasam wā ‘took an oath’ acts as a speech verb
and KH 59-61 is the content of the oath. The change of the speech verb and
its importance explains the use of the full NP in KH 58. In KH 62 the object
and the speech orienter change but the subject is still Khudanizar Khan who
is mentioned using the pronoun ē, sabzō-ay piss-ā ē gušt. We know that this
refers to the Khan, because the Khan is centre-stage from 58. The speech
verb is gušt ‘said’ and the object is the kin-term Sabzo’s father. KH 63-74 is
the content of the Khan’s talk as 1SG with Sabzo’s father as 2SG. The function of mardak120 as the subject of KH 75 is somehow the same as mardak in
KH 18, but here mardak dī ‘the man saw’ is the addressee of a speech re120
It is a degrading noun and shows the lower position of its referent compared with Khudanizar Khan.
260
ported in the previous clause, i.e. Sabzo’s father who mentally perceived the
contents of KH 76-77 rather than physically. KH 78 is the continuation of
KH 75-77, therefore the pronominal clitic =ī in KH 78 is the subject of the
speech verb and it refers to mardak in KH 75. In KH 80, the referential context of the subject, Khan, is S2 as he is the addressee of a speech reported in
the previous clause. Khudanizar Khan is still centre-stage showing his authority. In KH 86 the speech verb gušt ‘said’ with the pronominal clitic =ī
still refers to the subject, i.e. Khudanizar Khan and he continues to be the
subject down to 108 using zero for subject reference. However, from 97 the
new situation begins as the report of the wedding ended in 95. The Khan
takes Pirakk (and Sabzo) from the wedding place and goes to his tribe and
then from 100 to 110 he fulfils another duty of his as a tribal chief. He orders
his people to provide sheep, camels and whatever else they are able to give
to Pirakk and this actually makes sense, because it was important for the
Khan that Sabzo did not think that the Khan had married her off to a poor
man (in 113-114).
One year after Pirakk and Sabzo’s marriage, Sabzo gives birth to a boy, and
as it seems, shortly after that Khudanizar Khan passes away. Pirakk is centre-stage again from 120, where he is mentioned by his proper name, down
to his death in 136, a year after Khudanizar Khan’s death. In 120 Pirakk is
reactivated again with a full NP and the referential context of his being the
subject is S4. From 121 to 124 he is the subject (S1) with zero anaphora.
Clauses 125 to 134 establish a new situation and time in which another new
participant or even a prop, i.e. mardum=ē ‘a person, anyone’ is introduced
to the story to act just as a listener to Pirakk. In KH 132, Sabzo as the addressee in 130-131 is now mentioned using the pronoun ā (S2) which enables the hearer to establish the link back to Sabzo mentioned previously in
130. At first glance it seems that clause 127 is ambiguous. In other words,
the subject, as it is zero, could refer to either mardum=ē (S4), as the subject
of the previous clause, or Pirakk (N4). However, from Pirakk still being
centre-stage and the direct speech in 128, we know that the subject in 127, as
well as in 129), is Pirakk. In KH 134 the subject is zero Ø, but the subject
referent is the addressee of KH 133, i.e. Pirakk finishing the current discourse unit. KH 135 is the beginning of a new discourse unit which leads to
the dramatic event in the next clause, i.e. Pirakk’s death. Both clauses have a
subject NP. KH 137 as a tail-head linkage with the same NP as in the two
previous clauses signals the last episode of the story which is about the situation of the heirs of the deceased. They, Pirakk’s son and wife, are referred to
with full subject NPs in KH 138 and 140, respectively.
261
Chart 1 for the KH text has seven separate columns to show how references
to subjects and non-subjects are encoded.121 Following the first column
which gives the number of the clause in the text (No.) is an optional column
which notes whatever occurs in front of the subject. The third column indicates the encoding of the subject reference, i.e. N (noun/NP), PN (pronoun),
PC (pronominal clitic), Ø (zero anaphora), and the identity of the referent
listed in abbreviated form in Chart 1. Column four gives the referential context using the categories in (7.28:4, pp. 252-253). The fifth and the sixth are
the same as columns three and four but for non-subjects and the final column
provides a free translation of the clause. The content of the speeches are not
included in the analysis, although in some cases they encode the referential
tracking in the narrative texts (see KH 129-132 and BP 236-240).
Chart 7.1: Reference tracking chart of participants within the narrative of
Khudanizar Khan
Participants: INT: introduction of participant; PK: Pirakk (the major character of the story); KH: Khudanizar Khan (the major character of the story);
SZ: Sabzo; SZF: Sabzo’s father; M2: the man=SZF; S: the rich man; M1:
the man=S; P1: people; P2: person; Z: child
Grammatical coding: Ø: zero or pronominal clitic on the verb; pn: pronoun;
dem: demonstrative; gen: generic singular/plural; N: noun; poss: possessive,
PoD: point of departure, OBJ: object, LOC: locative, OBL: oblique
Subject tracking:
S1: the subject is the same as in the previous clause or sentence
S2: the subject is the addressee of a speech reported in the previous sentence
(in a closed conversation)
S3: the subject is involved in the previous sentence in a non-subject role
other than in a closed conversation
S4: other changes of subject than those covered by S2 and S3
No
1
2
3
4
121
Pre-S
PoD
Subject
CX
Non-subject
CX
pa=(t)ta yak
kissa=(y)ē
kanīn bayrūz
ǰān
N (yakk
xān=ē)
N (name)
PC (KH)
INT
S4
N (KH)
INT
Summary content
Dear Behrooz, I
tell you a story
They say
there was a khan,
his name was
KH.
D&L (2001:128) give a chart with five columns. Our analysis is based on a chart with
seven columns which Roberts (2009:492) used for his analysis.
262
S3
S4
N (NZ)
N (PK)
INT
INT
7
PN (ē) (KH)
N (name)
PC (PK)
N (PK)
S3
bi N (SZ)
sarā
INT
8
9
10
N (SZ)
Ø (SZ)
Ø (PK)
S3
S1
S4
N (SZ) sarā
N3
Ø (PK)
S1
pa N (SZ)
N1
12
13
14
Ø (PK)
Ø (PK)
N (SZF)
S1
S1
S4
bi PN (ēšī)
OBL (PK)
N4
N3
15
16
N (SZF)
S1
17
Ø (SZF)
S1
N-ā (OBJ)
bi N=ē (S)
Ø (SZ)
bi N=ē (S)
N1
INT
N1
N1
18
N (M1=S)
S3
19
N (drum)
INT
20
INT
21
22
N (drumming)
N (dance)
Ø (SZF)
23
Ø (SZF)
S1
24
25
26
27
N (PK)
S4
N (PK)
N (SZ)
S1
S4
28
29
Ø (SZ)
Ø (SZ)
S1
S1
30
Ø (SZ)
S1
31
N (SZ)
S1
32
N ē mardum
(P1 generic)
Ø (P1)
S4
5
6
11
33
amēša
waxt
INT
S4
S1
mazanēn
dunyā=(y)
ē
N (generic)
INT
N (KH)-ā
OBJ
N4
ša N-ā OBL
N4
N (PK)-ā
OBJ
Ø (PK)-ā
OBJ
N (PK)-ī
GEN
N (PK’s
shoes)
N ( embers)
N4
N1
N1
N4
N4
he had a cousin.
his cousin’s name
was Pirakk.
PK had fallen in
love with SZ.
SZ was a woman,
she was a girl.
PK was in love
with SZ.
He always recited
sad songs for SZ
and
recited poems and
groaned and
SZF did not marry her off to him.
at a certain time
SZF gave SZ to a
(S).
He gave (her) to a
(S) and
the M1 gave
(him) a lot of
money and
it was drum and
drumming and
it was drumming
and
it was dancing.
He (SZF) invited
P1 to the wedding
He had also invited KH.
PK was also there
they say
PK was dancing
and SZ went
going out from
the wedding tent
she was impatient
she was looking
at PK
she was watching
(him)
SZ was also in
love with PK
What did these P1
do
(They) poured
embers in PK’s
shoes
263
34
repetition
repetition
38
Ø (P1)
S1
39
N (PK)
S4
40
41
42
Ø (PK)
Ø (PK)
N (his feet)
PC (PK)
N (soles of
his feet)
PC (PK)
S1
S1
S4
44
45
Ø (PK)
Ø (PK)
S1
S1
46
47
4850
5154
55
56
57
58
5962
N (KH)
Ø (KH) PC
N (iškar)
N1
N (KH)
N4
S3
S1
Ø (KH)
N3
Ø (PK) PC
S2
Ø (KH)
N2
Ø (KH) PC
S2
Ø (KH)
N2
Ø (PK) PC
S2
Ø (KH)
N2
N (KH)
S2
Ø (KH)
PN (KH)
(Postposed)
S1
N (SZF)-ā
OBJ
N (M2=SZF)
Ø (SZF) PC
S2
S1
ki N (KH)
Ø (KH)
N2
Ø (KH) PC
S2
Ø (SZF)
N2
Ø (KH) PC
S1
aptād uštir
INT
84
Ø (KH) PC
S1
85
Ø (KH)
S1
N
PC (SZF)
N4
86
8793
Ø (KH) PC
S1
Ø (SZF)
N2
Ø (KH)
S1
N-ā (OBJ)
SZ’s divorce
N4
94
N (PK)
S4
43
6375
78
79
80
8183
264
S4
ki
N4
(They) poured
embers and
(They) poured
live embers (but)
PK did not feel
anything
(he) was a lover
(he) was dancing
His feet were
burnt and
vesicles and blisters appeared on
the soles of his
feet
He came
and sat down
beside KH
KH looked
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
KH took an oath
(quote)
He said to SZF …
(quote)
M2 saw
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
(KH) separated
out seventy
camels
and (he) sent
forth
(He) gave (them)
to him (the camels)
he said …
(quote)
He got SZ’s
divorce and
it became the
marriage of PK
95
repetition
repetition
97
Ø (KH)
S4
98
99
100
101
Ø (KH)
Ø (KH) PC
Ø (KH)
Ø (KH)
S1
S1
S1
S1
It became the
marriage of PK
(KH) took PK
from here and
went to his tribe
he said …
N (PK)-ā
OBJ
OBL
N3
N-ā
PN
N4
N4
he said …
N4
(quote)
he said …
N4
(quote)
he said …
N4
(quote)
he said …
N4
yakk=ē=rā
102
103
Ø (KH)
S1
PN
yakk=ē=rā
104
105
Ø (KH)
S1
PN
yakk=ē=rā
106
107
Ø (KH)
S1
PN
yakk=ē=rā
108
109
110
111
112
113
115
116
117
118
119
120
ki
ki
yakk
sāl
kudratt-ā
xudāī(y)ā
Ø (KH) PC
Ø (KH) PC
S1
S1
N (SZ)
S4
Ø (SZ)
S1
N (SZ & PK)
S1+
yakk N
(awlād)=ē
INT
N aǰal
Gen (KH)
N (KH)
N (KH)
N (PK)
S4
S1
S1
S4
N
ša N
Gen (KH)
OBL
121
122
123
Ø (PK)
Ø (PK)
Ø (PK)
S1
S1
S1
124
Ø (PK)
S1
125
PN-rā OBJ
N4
N3
(quote)
(KH) fixed almost 200 sheep
and 100 camels
for PK
in order for SZ
not to say
not to think
(quote)
For one year SZ
and PK lived
together.
By the power of
God, a child, a
boy was born and
KH’s days were
up and
KH died.
When KH died
PK became mad
out grief for KH.
(He) was mad and
(he) groaned and
(he) cried the
whole day to the
evening and
(he) lamented
himself
It so happened
that
265
N (P2)=ē
S4
N-ā OBL
Gen (PK)
N3
ki
u guṛā
Ø (PK)
S3
N (KH)
OBL
N4
ki
Ø (PK)
S1
N-ā OBJ
N4
PN (SZ)
S2
Ø (PK)
N2
Ø (PK)
S2
N (PK)
S1
ša KH pad
N4
N (PK)
N (PK)
S1
S1
u ša PK
N3
N yakk
zāg=ē
Ø (Z)
S4
N (SZ)
S4
Ø (SZ)
S1
126
bass
127
128
129
130
131
132
133
134
135
bass
yakk
sāl=i
diga
136
137
138
139
nūn
140
141
142
ki
S1
when someone
came to PK’s
house
Just (he) talked
about KH
(quote)
Then (he) turned
his face (to SZ)
(quote) SZ, KH
did this kind of
things, didn’t he?
she would say
(quote)
Then (he) would
faint.
Pk lived one year
more,
After KH,
PK died, too.
PK died and
and from PK
one child remained
(he) is in Pakistan
now and
SZ stayed just the
same way
as (she) stayed.
This is the story
of KH that of the
Baloch and
Brahui’s.
Table 7.1: Number of clauses and encoding references in each context (KH)
S1
S2
S3 S4 INT
No. of clauses
49
8
6
19
5
N
9
2
4
16
5
PN
1
1
1
PC
8
4
Ø
31
1
1
3
(7.36) Analysis of KH participant reference chart
S1:
Ø: default (31 instances)
PC: 47, 78, 83, 84, 86, 99, 109, 110
47: PC [KH]: (gušt=ī ‘he said’)
266
78: PC [M2 = SZF]: (gušt=ī ‘he said’)
83: PC [KH]: (ǰitā=ē kurt ‘he separated out’)
84: PC [KH]: (dēm=ē dāt ‘he sent forth’)
86: PC [KH]: (gušt=ī ‘he said’)
99: PC [KH]: (gušt=ī ‘he said’)
109: PC [KH]: (ǰōṛ=ē ku ‘he obtained’)
110: PC [KH] (ǰam=ē ku ‘he collected’)
It should be noted that all the instances of PC for S1 are with past
transitive verbs. It is therefore best to regard it as a remaining trace
of the ergative construction. In this text it is used for a main participant in seven out of eight cases. The instances of the PC with past
transitive verbs can also be described as a second default value for
S1.
N: 16, 26, 31, 115, 118, 119, 135, 136, 137
16: N [SZF]: (sabzō-ī piss sabzō-ā bi sarmāyadār=ē dāt ‘Sabzo’s
father gave Sabzo (in marriage) to a rich man) beginning of a new
narrative unit.
26: N [PK]: (pīrakk čāp=a kurt ‘Pirakk was dancing’) highlighting
the action concerned (Pirakk’s dancing and Sabzo’s response).
31: N [SZ]: (sabzō=am āšiγ=at pīrakk-ī ‘Sabzo was also in love
with Pirakk.’) highlighting the narrator’s comment on Sabzo.
115: N [SZ & PK], S1+: (yakk sāl sabzō=u pīrakk xānadārī kurt-
ant)
There is one instance where a singular subject participant becomes
part of a plural subject, S1+, in a following clause. In this case this
plural subject is coded as N, the same as S1 proper (As far as the
main clauses are concerned, since 111-114 is subordinated, the relation of 115 to 109-110 is S1+.).
118: N [KH], S1: (xudānizar xān murt ‘Khudanizar Khan died,’)
highlighting Khudanizar Khan’s death.
119: N [KH]: (xudānizar xān ki murt ‘When Khudanizar Khan
died,’) (tail-head linkage) highlights a significant development in the
story.
135: N [PK]: (yakk sāl=i diga pīrakk umr ku ‘Pirakk lived one
more year,’) highlights a significant development in the story.
267
136: N [PK]: (ša xudānizar pad pīrakk=am murt ‘after Khudanizar,
Pirakk died, too.’) highlights the event.
137: N [PK]: (pīrakk murt ‘Pīrakk died’) (tail-head linkage) marks
the beginning of the final narrative unit.
PN: 62
62: PN [KH]: (sabzō-ay piss-ā ē gušt ‘He said to Sabzo’s father’)
Here the new episode (or discourse unit) begins and the addressee
NP is in clause initial position as it is contrastive with the previous
addressee which is PK.
S2
PC: default (4 instances)
N: 58, 75
58: N [KH]: (xudānazar xān kasam wā ‘Khudānizar Khan took an
oath’) highlighting the speech which is the oath KH took to marry
SZ with PK
75: N [M2 = SZF]: (mardak dī ‘the poor fellow saw’) identifies the
addressee of the previous long direct speech. The over-encoding
probably marks the beginning of a narrator’s comment about the
man.
PN: 132
132: PN [SZ]: (ā=(w)a gu ‘She said’) a PC could be used here, but
a PN is used and this highlights the reply in 133
Ø: 134
134: Ø [PK]: (bass γiš=(š)a ku ‘then he fainted’) PK is the main
participant and he is still centre-stage.
S3
N: default (4 instances: 7, 8, 18, 46)
PN: 5
5: PN [KH]: (ē nākōzāk=ē dāšt ‘he had a cousin’) PN here as a
marked topic refers to KH who was introduced in the previous
clauses as a main participant. KH is the only participant on stage.
This is really S1, and the over-encoding highlights the introduction
of his cousin.
Ø: 127
127: Ø [PK]: (bass ša xudānizar kissa=a kurt ‘just he talked about
Khudanizar’) The referent (PK) is the major participant.
268
S4
N: default (16 instances: 4, 6, 14, 24, 27, 32, 39, 42, 43, 94, 111,
117, 120, 126, 138, 140)
Ø: 10, 22, 97
10: Ø [PK]: (āšix=at sabzō-ī sarā ‘He was in love with Sabzō’)
Clause 8 and 9 are the narrator’s comments on [SZ]. This is therefore equivalent to S1 as clause 7 contains the N [PK] reference.
22: Ø [SZF]: (tamām maxlūk-ā lōṭit-at ārōs-ā wat-ī ǰinikk-ayā ‘He
invited all people to the wedding, to his daughter’s (wedding)’) The
kin-term watī ǰinikk-ayā ‘to his daughter’s (wedding) at the end of
this clause identifies the subject reference Ø as [SZF].
97: Ø [KH]: (pīrakk-ā š=idā zurt ‘he took Pirakk from here’) The
referent is the major participant and he [KH] is still centre-stage.
(7.37) Summary analysis:
S1:
S2:
S3:
S4:
Ø:
PC:
N:
N:
default
default
default
default
7.3.2 Participant identification and tracking in Baxt-ay padā
In this story the ‘certain person’ is the main protagonist and is referred to
throughout the discourse. So he is the major participant of the story, although he has not got a name and all through the story he is referred to by
PN/PC or zero anaphora. The king and the queen and the farmer appear and
then disappear - but then they all reappear in the second half of the discourse. The first old man is a minor participant because he appears and then
soon disappears. But the second old man is referred to for an extended period and so is a major participant in that sense. However, both old men only
have speaking parts. They tell the ‘certain man’ what to do. They don’t actually participate in the events as the other participants do. So it might be possible to treat both the first and second old man as props rather than participants. They are like the framework or setting in which the story operates.
Chart 7.2: Reference tracking chart of participants within the narrative of
Baxt-ay padā
Participants: INT: introduction of participant; P: person (the main character
of the story); O1: old man (the first advisor); K: the king; K/Q: the queen;
L: the land owner; O2: old man (the fortune); G: guards (?)
Grammatical coding: Ø: zero or pronominal clitic on the verb; pn: pronoun;
dem: demonstrative; gen: generic singular/plural; N: noun; poss: possessive,
PoD: point of departure, OBJ: object, LOC: locative, OBL: oblique
269
Subject tracking:
S1: the subject is the same as in the previous clause or sentence
S2: the subject was the addressee of a speech reported in the previous sentence (in a closed conversation)
S3: the subject was involved in the previous sentence in a non-subject role
other than in a closed conversation
S4: other changes of subject than those covered by S2 and S3
No
1
Pre-S
harčī
9
10
Non-subject
CX
āxirā
Summary content
listen brothers,
I am going to tell
you a story.
ki
6
7
8
CX
gōš kašš-it
brāsān
pa šumā
yakk kissa=ē
kan-īn
kissa ēš=int
2
3
4
5
Subject
N (P)=ē IND
Ø (P)
Ø (P)
INT
Ø (P)
S1
Ø (P)
S1
Ø (P)
S1
S1
S1
PN
yakk=ē=rā
INT
the story is this
(that) they say
there was a
person
he toiled
he did not become wealthy at
all
whatever he
toiled (but)
he did not become wealthy
at last he asked
some people …
IND=OBJ
11
12
13
15
16
17
18
23
24
ki
N (O1)=ē
S4
Ø (P)
N2
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (O1)
N2
Ø (O1)
S2
Ø (P)
N2
PN (ē) (P)
Ø (P)
S2
S1
25
26
Ø (P)
S1
ta N (K)
INT
27
N (K)
S3
PN (P)=rā
OBJ
(N1)
28
29
Ø (K)
S1
270
(quote)
an old man said ...
(quote)
he said ...
(quote)
He said …
(quote)
he came
and went out
from this country
and in another
country
he saw
behold a king
have been out for
hunting
when the king
saw him,
he understood
that he is a person
30
31
32
Ø (K) PC
S1
Ø (P)
N2
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (K)
N2
36
Ø (K) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
40
Ø (P)
S2
Ø (K)
N2
42
Ø (K) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
46
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (K)
N2
48
49
Ø (P)
Ø (P)
S1
S1
PN (K)
50
51
52
Ø (P)
Ø (P)
S1
S1
ta N (K/Q)
INT
53
54
PN (ē) (K/Q)
S3
55
56
Ø (K/Q)
S1
57
58
59
Ø (K/Q) PC
S1
Ø (P)
N2
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (K/Q)
N2
63
Ø (K/Q) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
70
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (K/Q)
N2
72
Ø (P)
S1
PN (K/Q)
N3
73
ta N (L)
INT
74
PN (P) ēšīrā OBJ
N3
Ø (P)
N2
75
76
ki PN (P)
PN (ē) (L)
(postposed)
Ø (L) PC
from another
country
he said…
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he passed by
him,went to
another country
passed
saw
behold (it is)
another king, (it
is) a woman, (it
is) a girl (who is)
a king (queen),
(she) has been out
for hunting.
when she saw
(him),
she understood
that he is a person
from another
country
she said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
she said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he went a little
further from her
behold a farmer, a
landlord
he (landlord) saw
him
S3
S1
he said, …
(quote)
271
77
78
81
82
83
84
85
86
92
93
95
96
97
ki
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (L)
N2
Ø (L) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
Ø (P)
S2
Ø (L)
N2
Ø (L)
S2
Ø (P)
N2
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (L)
N2
Ø (P)
Ø (P)
Ø (P)
S1
S1
S1
N (O2)=ē
INT
=rā
IND=OBJ
ta N
(O2)=ē
98
99
100
101
Ø (O2) PC
S3
Ø (P)
N2
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (O2)
N2
104
Ø (O2)
S2
Ø (P)
N2
106
107
Ø (O2) PC
S1
PN (P) ē
N3
108
Ø (O2)
S1
Ø (P)
N3
110
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (O2)
N2
112
Ø (O2) PC
S2
114
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (O2)
N2
116
Ø (O2) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
120
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (O2)
N2
122
Ø (O2) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
124
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (O2)
N2
129
Ø (O2) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
136
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (O2)
N2
143
Ø (O2) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
272
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he went,
came to a place
and saw an old
man
behold an old
man has sat (in)
this very place
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he understood
that he
(that person)
is an ignorant
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
149
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (O2)
N2
152
Ø (O2) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
Ø (P)
Ø (P)
Ø (P)
S2
S1
S1
N4
159
Ø (L) PC
S3
N (L)-ayā
LOC
Ø (P)
161
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (L)
N2
163
Ø (L) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
165
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (L)
N2
167
Ø (L) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
169
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (L)
N2
172
Ø (L) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
179
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (L)
N2
181
Ø (L) PC
S2
182
Ø (P) PC
S2
184
N (L) zārī ku
S2
156
157
158
bass
ki
N3
N2
Ø (L)
N2
N2
zamīndār
185
(postposed)
Ø (P)
S2
186
Ø (P)
S1
N (K/Q)
189
He said, …
(quote)
he said, …
(quote)
so he returned
and came
when he came to
the landlord
he said, …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
However much
he (the landlord)
pleaded
he said …
(quote)
the landlord lamented
N2
he did not stay
with him
N4
S3
gō PN
(ēšī) OBL
(L)
N (K/Q)ayā LOC
Ø (P)
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (K/Q)
N2
191
Ø (K/Q) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
193
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (K/Q)
N2
195
Ø (K/Q)
S2
Ø (P)
N2
197
Ø (P)
S2
Ø (K/Q)
N2
he came to the
girl
the girl said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
she said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
she said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
187
N2
ki
273
201
202
N (K/Q)
Ø (K/Q)
S2
S1
206
Ø (K/Q) PC
S1
Ø (P)
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (K/Q)
N2
Ø (K/Q) PC
S2
215
Ø (P)
S2
Ø (K/Q)
N2
217
Ø (K/Q) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
220
Ø (P)
S2
N2
221
Ø (P)
S1
222
N (K)
S3
PN (ēšī)
OBL(K/Q)
N (K)-ayā
LOC
Ø (P)
224
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (K)
N2
226
Ø (K) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
228
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (K)
N2
230
Ø (K) PC
S2
Ø (P)
N2
232
Ø (P) PC
S2
Ø (K)
N2
236
238
239
240
Ø (K) PC
S2
Ø (generic)
S2
N2
INT
N1
N1
PC.3PL =iš
S1
Ø (P)
Ø (generic)
Ø (P)
PN (ēš)-ā
(OBJ)
N
S4
210
211
this girl thought
she said …
(quote)
she said …
(quote)
hān!
213
ki
241
N4
N3
he said …
(quote)
However much
she pleaded
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
she said …
(quote)
he passed from
her
he came to the
king
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
he said …
(quote)
they seized (him)
he was well beaten by them near
to death
the king’s headache stopped, too.
Table 7.2: Number of clauses and encoding references in each context (BP)
No. of clauses
N
PN
PC
Ø
274
S1
29
6
23
S2
60
2
1
45
12
S3
7
3
2
2
-
S4
2
2
-
INT
5
5
-
(7.38) Analysis of BP participant reference chart
S1:
Ø: default (23 instances)
PC: 30, 57, 75, 106, 206, 240
30: PC [K]: (gušt=ī ‘he said’)
57: PC [K/Q]: (zānt=ē ‘she understood’)
75: PC [L] (gušt=ī, ‘He said,’)
106: PC [P2]: (gušt=ī ‘he said’)
206: PC [K/Q]: (gušt=ī ‘she said’)
240: PC [G]: (zabr waš marg=iš ku ‘they (guards ?) beat him near
to death’)
Like in the previous text, here all the instances of PC for S1 are with
past transitive verbs, which can be seen as a remaining trace of the
ergative construction. In 240 it is actually not just a remaining trace
of the ergative construction, but a real ergative construction. The instances of the PC with past transitive verbs can also be described as
a second default value for S1.
S2:
PC: default (45 instances)
Ø: 17, 40, 83, 85, 104, 156, 185, 195, 197, 215, 220, 239
17: Ø [O1]: (gušt ‘he said’)
40: Ø [P]: (gušt ‘he said’)
83: Ø [L]: (gušt ‘he said’)
85: Ø [L]: (gu ‘he said’)
104: Ø [O2]: (gušt ‘he said’)
156: Ø [P]: (bass bir-gašt ‘just he returned’)
185: Ø [P]: (gō ēšī naništ ‘he didn’t stay with him’)
195: Ø [K/Q]: (gušt ‘she said’)
197: Ø [P]: (gušt ‘he said’)
215: Ø [L]: (gu ‘he said’)
220: Ø [L]: (ša ēšī gwast ‘he passed by her’)
239: Ø [G?]: (čalāptant ‘they seized him’)
275
It seems that for intransitive verbs, which have never employed the
ergative construction (156, 185, 220), Ø is the default. Further research is needed to determine when there is Ø with transitive verbs.
PN: 23
23: PN [P] (ē āt ‘He came …’) marks the beginning of a new narrative unit as the the major participant who has no name in the story.
N: 184, 201
184: N [L]: (zārī ku zamīndār ‘The landlord pleaded.’) highlights
the action concerned.
201: DEM-N [K/Q]: (ī ǰinikkō pikr ku ‘This girl thought.’) marks
the beginning of a new narrative unit and highlights the state of
thinking and its content.
S3:
N : default ( 3 instances: 27, 187, 222)
PN: 54, 74
54: PN [K/Q]: (ē ki dīst ‘when she saw’)
74: PN [L]: (ēšīrā ē dī ‘he, the land owner/farmer, saw him’)
There is no other explanation for the occurrence of PN as S4 in BP
54 and 74 than parallelism, because it could also refer to either [P]
or [L]. Just from the content of the following conversation we know
that ē in BP 54 refers to [K/Q] and ē in BP 74 refers to [L] (see also
comment on BP 159 above).
PC: 99, 159
99: PC [O2] (gušt=ī ‘He said,’)
159: PC [L] (gušt=ī ‘He said,’)
The only reasonable explanation for the occurrence of PC as S3 in
BP 99 and 159 is its parallelism with BP 23-31 and BP 54-58. It
could also have been [P] speaking in BP 99 and 159. Just from the
content of the following conversations we know that PC in BP 99
and 159 refers to [O2] and [L], respectively. If we consider BP 2331, we notice that this is the new participant, i.e. bādšā ‘the king’,
who asks the fortune seeker where he is going. Therefore we can
guess that the PC should refer to the participant whom the fortune
seeker comes to. This is also true with BP 54 and 74 as PN subjects,
and BP 99 as PC subject.
S4:
276
N: default (2 instances: 12, 241)
(7.39) Summary analysis:
S1:
S2:
S3:
S4:
7.4
Ø:
PC:
N:
N:
default
default
default
default
Summary
In the discourse study of participants, three kinds of participants are distinguished, i.e. major and minor participants, and props. Major participants,
who are active for a large part of the narrative and play important roles in the
story, are usually introduced formally into the story in the very beginning of
a narrative by referring to them by a nominal, usually a proper name, or a
functional title. Minor participants, by contrast, do not get any formal introduction. They are active for only part of the narrative where they are needed
and then lapse into an inactive status. Non-human or human entities which
are less prominent or inanimate participants around the scenery of the story
are called props. The introduction of props differs if they are marked or nonmarked.
The analysis of the KH and BP participant charts given in (7.37) and (7.39),
respectively reveals that the default encodings for each context is as given in
(7.37) and (7.39). In both texts, the default encoding for S1 is Ø (zero
anaphora), for S2 the default encoding is PC, while N (noun/NP) is the default encoding for S3 and S4.122
We have reached this conclusion by applying the eight steps of the analysis
mentioned in (7.28) performed one after another. First we established a scale
of coding weight for referring expressions based on Givón’s Iconicity Principle (7.29). Then a chart of participant encoding for each text was prepared.
After that, a number was allocated to each participant that is referred to more
than once in each text. The next step was the identification of the context in
which each reference to a participant occurred. Tables 7.1 and 7.2 were
drawn according to the information recorded in columns three and four of
the charts, respectively. They also show, in addition to (7.37) and (7.39), the
default encodings for each context which is the fifth step. It is mostly based
on the statistical count. However, the inspection of the language data reveals
the same results.123 This principle is not so strongly supportive for S3 in the
122
Analysis of two other texts, i.e. XM and MG show the same reference tracking strategy
except that there is no default encoding for S3 in the MG text. The main reason for the lack of
S3 context in MG could be the existence of only two participants in the story.
123
See Tables 7.1 and 7.2.
277
analyzed texts, but, at least, it is sufficient to accept N as default for context
S3.
In (7.36) and (7.38) we accounted for the nondefault encodings found in S1S4 to fulfil steps 6 and 7. The instances of the PC with past transitive verbs
should also be considered as a second default value for S1. For the last step,
we can generalize the motivations for deviances from the default encoding as
follows:
1. When the encoding material is more than the default, it typically signals a new development in the story or marks the beginning of a new
discourse unit or the climax. It can also highlight the action or the
speech concerned. In some cases the referent might be a marked topic.
2. When the encoding material is less than the default, the referent is often a major participant. Further research is needed to determine when
the PC is absent with transitive verbs in the past.
278
8.
General Conclusions
In the introduction, we described our intention to apply the eclectic and practical approach to discourse analysis developed by Dooley and Levinsohn’s
Analyzing Discourse: A manual of basic concepts (2001) for this study of
Balochi discourse. We also noted that this dissertation is the first of its kind.
Although the data corpus upon which the research is based is limited to 25
oral narrative texts, this study does attempt to cover most of the main areas
of discourse structure.
8.1
Conclusions
The aim of this book has been to cover six dimensions of discourse structure
in the Balochi of Sistan (BS). As we looked at discourse-pragmatic structuring of sentences in BS, our observations revealed that the default order of
constituents in BS is SV for intransitive predicates and SOV for transitive
predicates. In ditransitive predicates, when the direct object (DO) is definite,
it precedes the indirect object (IO) and when it is indefinite, the IO precedes
it. We noticed that the motivation for the special placement of the definite
direct object in BS sentence is based on the Principle of Natural Information
Flow, and marked word order (postposed subject, postposed object, preposed
object) is used for different discourse-pragmatic reasons. The position of
adverbials of time, place and manner within the sentence is fairly free with
regard to the verb and any of its arguments, but comparing the orders of the
adverbial arguments with each other shows that their default order is: adverbial of time - adverbial of place - adverbial of manner. Left-dislocated elements such as adverbials can function as points of departure, and vocatives
can occur both in the left-dislocated position and right-dislocated position,
though their default position is in the less marked left-dislocated position.
Tails, in the right-dislocated position, mostly clarify the subject or object of
the immediately preceding clause. We found that the preverbal relative
clauses can be either restrictive or non-restrictive, but that postverbal relative
clauses are only non-restrictive. As we noted, contrary to the universal rule
on the placement of purpose clauses in SOV languages, the default position
for purpose clauses in Balochi of Sistan is to follow the verb. Only the infinitive purpose phrases may precede the verb. We found also some conditional
279
statements in which the conclusion or the main clause precedes the conditional clause.
In narrative discourse some of the information is more central or significant
than other information. The important information in narrative discourse
which moves the narrative toward its essential goal (for example, in highlighting and resolution of a peak event) carries foreground material, while
other information which is less important or has a secondary role in the narrative discourse carries background material. The notions of foreground and
background information are applied to BS oral narrative texts and it is found
that syntactic devices such as activity, verb types, tense-aspect and subordination can determine foreground and background information in BS oral
texts. High activity correlates with foreground whereas low activity correlates with background in narratives. Perfective aspect is associated with
foreground events while imperfective aspect is associated with background
events in BS. Pre-nuclear subordinate clauses almost always convey background information, but a main clause can present either background or
foreground information. We also noticed that some devices such as historical
present tense, the mirative particle ta, tail-head linkage, rhetorical questions,
temporal adverbs nūn and bass, connectives ham and ki, and the topicalizing
spacers u and ki are used in BS oral narratives for highlighting purpose.
We found that in BS oral narrative texts there is a preference for proximal
deixis over distal deixis where there is a choice available in the discourse
context. Proximal deixis is where the reference point of the report is in some
sense near to the happening of the event and distal deixis is where the reference point of the report is in some sense far from the happening of the event.
Balochi is rich in specific time deictics. All the specific time deictics in BS
such as mrōčī ‘today’, bāndā ‘tomorrow’, pōšī ‘the day after tomorrow’, zī
‘yesterday’, etc., can be used both with direct reference in the speech event
and with indirect reference to the report of the event. The study of the three
spatial deictic expressions idā ‘here’, ōdā ‘over there, there’, and ādā ‘remote
there’ reveals a three way distinction of proximal-distal dimension in BS.
These spatial deictics can also function as time deictics. They can also be
used as gestural deixis. Generally, there is a correlation between the motion
verbs ātin ‘to come’ and šutin ‘to go’ with place deictics idā and ōdā/ādā.
The use of the deictic motion verbs such as ātin ‘to come’, šutin ‘to go’,
āwurtin ‘to bring’, burtin ‘to take’, etc., in our texts keeps the deictic centre
of the narrative with the main events of the story. The prospective aspect is
expressed by the verb ātin ‘to come’ to represent an event that is ‘about to’
take place. This is construed as proximal deixis and is in contrast to English
where this notion is expressed by ‘to be going to’ which is distal deixis. This
is very similar to what Roberts (2009:233-259) found for Persian. However,
the preference for proximal deixis is more extensive in the BS deictic system
280
than in Persian. This suggests that it is the default way of making an anaphoric reference to a participant and prop, whereas the distal demonstrative
marks its referent as athematic, which often implies that some other participant or prop is the current centre of attention.
The study of different kinds of connectives such as coordinating connectives,
adversatives, purpose-reason-result connectives, and connectives that constrain a developmental interpretation shows that most of these connectives
have a wide range of discourse functions in BS oral narrative texts. For example, the associative connective wa/=u/(=)ō ‘and’ can also introduce a
proposition that counters or is the result of something in the context. The
additive connective ham/(=)am/=um can be used as an additive topicalizer
or it can express the notion of ‘even’, i.e. confirmation by adding the least
likely possibility. The countering amā ‘but’ and walē ‘but’ can indicate both
contrast and contraexpectation. amā counters or opposes plot development
whereas walē develops the plot, but in an unexpected direction. maga ‘only,
just’ can function as a limiting particle, restricting connective. The conjunction ki has several functions in BS such as complementizer, relativizer, topicalizing spacer and adversative. It can also signify means-purpose relationship and result-reason relationship.
Direct speech is the default form of representing speech in the studied BS
oral texts. Only two instances of indirect and two of semi-direct speech were
observed in the corpus. In both direct and indirect speech the tense is the
same as originally stated. The majority of reported speeches lead up to and
point forward to later speeches or non-speech events that form the theme line
of the narrative. Although the use of ki is optional, it indicates the importance of the following speeches when it is used. However, when ki is
used in an embedded quote, it indicates that the words in the speech were not
said on a particular occasion, but represent the gist of what someone else
said, is to say or could have said. When it comes at the beginning of the
speech, in contrast, it highlights the consequences of the speech concerned.
When a new speaker intervenes in what was previously a closed conversation, it is introduced to the conversation in the speech orienter clause as N
subject.
Two texts are charted to track participant reference in BS oral narrative texts.
In both texts, when the subject remains the same as in the previous clause of
sentence (context S1), the default encoding is zero anaphora (Ø), when the
addressee of the previous speech becomes the new speaker (context S2), the
default encoding is a pronominal clitic (PC), while a noun or a noun phrase
(N/NP) is the default encoding for other changes of subject (contexts S3 and
S4). Other texts confirm this default encoding. It is interesting that in Persian
oral texts, Roberts (2009:342-347) found that the referential coding strategy
281
was S1: Ø: default, S2: Ø: default, S3: N: default, S4: N: default. The only
difference between Persian and Balochi of Sistan is the default encoding in
S2. The reason for this difference is that Persian does not have subject pronominal clitics whereas Balochi uses pronominal clitics extensively as a
remnant of the ergative constructions. There are also explanations for the
nondefault encodings in each of the mentioned contexts (i.e. S1, S2, S3, S4).
When the encoding material is more than the default, it typically signals a
new development or marks the beginning of a discourse unit, or the climax
of the story. It may also highlight the content of the speech. When the encoding material is less than the default, the referent is often a major participant.
Further research is needed to determine when the PC is absent with transitive
verbs in the past.
8.2
Outlook for future research
Levinsohn (2007:1) points out that “[t]ext-linguistics, or Discourse Analysis,
as it tends to be called in SIL circles, covers a vast domain—a domain so
vast that you could spend the whole of your linguistic career studying nothing else.” Therefore, we can say that we just opened a small window to look
at a small part of the Balochi discourse structure.
This piece of research may be considered as a contribution to the field of text
linguistics. Since no study has been carried out to date investigating discourse analysis in Balochi, this study, therefore, can be considered as an
initiation for such future endeavours in both spoken and written texts in other dialects of Balochi where also written texts are available.
282
Appendix 1: Text Corpus Details
Title
Type
Main
Pers.
No.
Cl.
Third
Main
Tens
e
Past
Xarmizza (XM) “Melon”
Hazrat-i Mūsā u gušnagēn bandag
Folktale told orally
(MG) “Moses and the Starving Man”
Religious story told
orally
Third
Past
118
Baxtay padā (BP)
Folktale told orally
Third
Past
241
Folktale told orally
Real-based story
Third
Third
Past
Past
91
142
Folktale told orally
Third
Past
312
Folktale told orally
Third
Past
105
Folktale told orally
Third
Past
177
Šēr u say gōk (ŠG)
“The Lion and the three cows”
Fable told orally
Third
Past
79
Sulaymān u Sulaymān
Folktale told orally
Third
Past
115
Solomon and Solomon
Sardār Rahmat Khān (SR)
“Sardar Rahmat Khan”
Real-based story
Third
Past
589
Bādšāay zāg u wafādārēn ǰinikk (BW)
“The Prince and the faithful wife”
Ganība=i ganōkay āsmānak (GG)
“The Story of Crazy Ganiba”
Folktale told orally
Third
Past
463
Folktale told orally
Third
Past
253
Kurayzānī ǰangay dāstān (KJ)
Religious story told
orally
Third
Past
159
Religious story told
orally
Third
Past
150
Religious story told
orally
Third
Past
212
111
“Seeking the Fortune”
Pīr ǰangī (PJ) “Pir Jangi
Khudānizar Khān (KH)
“Khudanizar Khan”
Taǰǰāray ǰinikk u pīramarday say zāg
(TJ) “The Merchant’s Daughter and the
Old man’s Three Sons”
Pīrēn balōč u uštir (BU)
“The The Old Baloch and the camel”
Bādišā Hārūn u čār duzz (BH)
“King Harun and the four thieves”
“The story of Kurayzan’s battle”
Hazrat-i mūsā u malang (MM)
“Moses and the devish”
Šēr-i xudā u barbar-ī bādišā (ŠX)
“The Lion of God and the King of
Barbar”
283
Ganǰī=u aždiyā (GA)
“Ganji and the Dragon”
Nūrdēb (ND) “Nurdeb”
Folktale told orally
Third
Past
174
Folktale told orally
Third
Past
148
Taǰǰār=i Hindī u Misray zargaray
ǰinikk (THMZJ)
Folktale told orally
Third
Past
234
Folktale told orally
Third
Past
198
Religious story told
orally
Folktale told orally
Third
Past
215
Third
Past
113
Real-based story
Third
Past
369
Folktale told orally
Third
Past
291
Folktale told orally
Third
Past
150
The Indian merchant andthe daughter
of the Egyptian goldsmith
Sikandar bādišā (SS)
Alexander the King
Hazrat=i Mūsā u ābid (MA)
Moses and the pious man
Suxančīnay kissa (SK)
Story of a talebearer
Hazāra ǰān (HJ)
Dear Hazara
Taǰǰār u muzdūr (TM)
The merchant and the paid servant
Har kārē kanay paday pikray kanay
(HK)
Whatever you do, think about its result
Total in All Texts
284
5059
Appendix 2: Balochi Interlinearized texts
Text 01: Xarmizza
Text 02: Hazrat-i Mūsā u gušnag-ēn bandag
Text 03: Baxtay padā
Text 04: Pīr ǰangī
Text 05: Khudānizar Khān
Text 06: Taǰǰār-ay ǰinikk u pīramard-ay say zāg
Text 07: Pīrēn balōč u uštir
Text 08: Bādišā Hārūn u čār duzz
Text 09: Šēr u say gōk
Text 10: Sulaymān u Sulaymān
pp. 286-293
pp. 294-302
pp. 303-318
pp. 319-325
pp. 326-335
pp. 336-356
pp. 357-365
pp. 366-377
pp. 378-383
pp. 384-391
Shading Key:
Direct Speech
Speaker-hearer interaction
285
Title: Xarmizza (XM) ‘Melon’
Narrator: Paraddin Gorgej
Genre: Narrative
Literature Type: Oral
1
Date: 2000
Protagonist: Third Person
guš-īt
say.PRS-3SG
They say:
2
ki
yag
bādišā=(y)ē=at
SUB one
king=IND=COP.PST.3SG
that there was a king.
3
ē
bādišā
bi=m=ē
wat-ī
šār-ay
wasat-(t)ā
DEM king
in=EMPH=DEM RFL-GEN town-GEN middle-OBL
yakk
barγ=ē
tīr=i
dāšt
one
pole=IZ electricity=IND have.PST.3SG
This king had a light post in the centre of his town
4
ki
harčī
am=ē
tilīpun-ān-ī
sīm=at-ant
SUB whatever EMPH=DEM telephone-PL-GEN wire=COP.PST-3PL
(and) whatever phone wires there were,
5
bi am=ēšī
wasl=at-ant
to EMPH=DEM.OBL connected=COP.PST-3PL
they were connected to this (light post).
6
harka
ki
arz=ē
b-dāšt-ēn
whoever SUB petition=IND
Anyone who had a petition,
7
am=ēši-rā
ki
SUBJ-have.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
takān dāt-ēn
EMPH=DEM-OBJ SUB shake SUBJ.give.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
when he shook this (light post),
8
bādišā
ōdā
sī=(y)a
būt
king
there informed=IMF become.PST.3SG
the king was informed there (in his palace).
9
yag
rōč=ē
dīst
one day=IND see.PST.3SG
One day he noticed
10
ta
am=ē
aždiyā=(y)ē āt-a=u
MIR EMPH=DEM dragon=IND come.PST-PSTP=and
that a dragon had come and
11
am=ēš-ā
takān=a
dant
EMPH=DEM-OBJ shake=IMF
was shaking this (light post).
12
bādšā
dēm dāt
king
face give.PST.3SG
The king sent someone
13
ki
ē
čī=(y)ē
SUB DEM what=IND
(to check) what this was.
286
give.PRS.3SG
yakk=ē=rā
one=IND=OBJ
14
āt-ant
come.PST-3PL
They (the ones whom the king had sent) came (back),
15
gušt
say.PST.3SG
he (one of them) said:
16
bādšā sāib
aždiyā=(y)ē
king master dragon=IND
Lord king, it is a dragon.
17
gu
say.PST.3SG
He (the king) said:
18
hā…
ē
aždiyā
amr=ē
dār-īt
oh… DEM dragon order=IND have.PRS-3SG
Oh… this dragon has something to say,
19
arz=ē
dār-īt
petition=IND have.PRS-3SG
it has a petition,
20
ēš-ī
arz-ā
kay
pa(m)=man b(y)-ār-īt
DEM-GEN petition-OBJ who for=I
who can bring its petition to me?
21
man
ki
SUBJ-bring.PRS-3SG
na-zān-īn
I
TOP
NEG-know.PRS-1SG
As for me, I don’t know,
22
ē
bē-zuwān=ē
DEM without-tongue=IND
it cannot talk.
23
yakk naǰǰār=ē
gu
one carpenter=IND say.PST.3SG
A certain carpenter said:
24
man=a zān-īn
I=IMF know.PRS-1SG
I know (what the dragon wants).
25
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the king) said:
26
ki
zān-ay
SUB know.PRS-2SG
(If) you know
27
ēš-ī
arz-ā
āwurt-ay
DEM-GEN petition-OBJ bring.PST.SG
(and if) you bring its petition,
28
man
trā
inka
xalāit=(t)a
day-īn
I
you.SG.OBJ this.much reward=IMF give.PRS-1SG
I will give you this much reward.
287
29
gu
say.PST.3SG
He (the carpenter) said:
30
xayli xub
very well
Very well.
31
ē
naǰǰār
ki
āt
gō
tēγ=u
arrag-ān
DEM carpenter SUB come.PST.3SG with blade=and saw-PL.OBL
When the carpenter came with blades and saws,
32
ē
aždiyā
wayl
kurt=u
DEM dragon
released
do.PST.3SG=and
the dragon released (the light post) and
33
rāda
būt=u
en.route become.PST.3SG=and
set out and
34
aždīyā naǰǰār-ā
išāra dāt=u
išāra=u
dragon carpenter-OBJ hint give.PST.3SG=and hint=and
the dragon gave the carpenter one hint after another and
35
bi kō-ay
tā
to mountain-GEN in
went into the mountain.
36
ōdā
ki
šut
go.PST.3SG
šut
there
SUB go.PST.3SG
When he went there,
37
ta
uhō…
ē
aždiyā
diga
mās=ē
dār-īt
MIR oh...
DEM dragon other
mother=IND have.PRS-3SG
good heavens ohhh ... this dragon has a mother as well.
38
ē
mās=ay
š=am=ē
kōh-ay
pāčin
DEM mother= PC.3SG from=EMPH=DEM mountain-GEN wild.goat
na(w)-ant
mazan šāx
NEG-COP.PRS.3PL big
horn
Its mother, there are this kind of wild mountain goats with big horns,
39
ša=m=ēš-ān
šikār
kurt-a=u
from=EMPH=DEM-PL.OBL hunting do.PST-PSTP=and
it had caught (one) of them and
40
am=ē
šāx=ay
EMPH=DEM horn= PC.3SG
ēš-ī
guṭṭ-ā
kurt-ag=ant=u
do.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL=and
its horns have got stuck in its (the mother’s) throat and
41
napastank=int
short.of.breath =COP.PRS.3SG
it is short of breath,
42
āt-a
idā
come.PST-PSTP here
it (the dragon) had come here
288
gīr
DEM-GEN throat-OBL captive
43
bi bādšā arz
kurt-a
to king petition do.PST-PSTP
(and) it had informed the king.
44
išāra
kurt=u
hint
do.PST.3SG=and
It (the dragon) gave a hint and
45
ē
šāx-ān-ā
pāčin-ē-ān-ā
arra kurt=u
DEM horn-PL-OBJ wild.goat-GEN-PL-OBJ saw do.PST.3SG=and
he (the carpenter) sawed the wild goat’s horns and
46
ā
alās
ūt
DEM finished become.PST.3SG
it was rescued,
47
āzāt
būt
free become.PST.3SG
(and) became free.
48
ē
aždiyā diga
ǰā=(y)ē
šut=u
DEM dragon other place=IND go.PST.3SG=and
This dragon went to another place and
49
ēš-ā
mazan-ēn
xalāit=(t)ē
dāt
DEM-OBJ big-ATTR reward=IND give.PST.3SG
it gave him (the carpenter) a big reward, jewels.
50
guṛā
ē
ṭukkur=ē ki
ǰawāir
jewel
šut
then DEM bit=IND
SUB go.PST.3SG
Then when he (the carpenter) went a little
51
padā ēš-ā
išāra=(y)ē
ku
back DEM-OBJ hint=IND
do.PST.3SG
again it (the dragon) gave him a hint.
52
ōštāt
stand.PST.3SG
He (the carpenter) stopped.
53
am=inkas-ēn
tōm=ē
zurt=u
EMPH=such-ATTR seed=IND seize.PST.3SG=and
It (the dragon) took a seed of such a size and
54
ša
wat-ī
dap-ay
tā
prēnt
bi
from RFL-GEN mouth-GEN inside throw.PST.3SG in
am=ē
ǰawāir-ān-ī
tā
ēš-ī
EMPH=DEM jewel-PL-GEN inside DEM-GEN
tūrag-ay
tā
woolen.shoulder.bag-GEN in
from its mouth threw it among the jewels, inside his bag.
55
ki
āt
SUB come.PST.3SG
When he came (back to the king),
56
bādšā
gu
king
say.PST.3SG
the king said:
289
57
ē
čē
arz=ē
dāšt
DEM what petition=IND have.PST.3SG
What petition did it (the dragon) have?
58
gušt=ī
say.PST= PC.3SG
He (the carpenter) said:
59
b(y)-ā
ki
ē
rang
ēš-ī
mās
ē
rang
SUBJ-come.PRS SUB DEM manner DEM-GEN mother DEM manner
guṭṭō=at=ō
strangled=COP.PST.3SG=and
Actually, its mother was being strangled in this way and
60
āt=u
come.PST.3SG=and
it (the dragon) came and
61
man
āzāt
kurt-un=u
I
free
do.PST-1SG=and
I rescued (it) and
62
guṛā mnā
inka
ǰawāir
dāt=u
then I.OBJ this.much jewelry give.PST.3SG=and
then it gave me this much jewels and
63
am=ē
tōm-ā=um
am=ēš-ā=um
mnā
ē
EMPH=DEM seed-OBJ=also EMPH=DEM-OBJ=also I.OBJ DEM
dā
give.PST.3SG
this very seed, it also gave me this.
64
ša
wat-ī
dap-ay
tā=ē
from RFL-GEN mouth-GEN inside= PC.3SG
It threw it from its mouth.
65
prēnt
throw.PST.3SG
gušt=ī
say.PST= PC.3SG
He (the king) said:
66
ī
dgar=u
ǰawāir=ant
DEM other=TOP jewel=COP.PRS.3PL
These other (things) are certainly jewels,
67
am=ēš-ā
mašmā
na-zān-an
EMPH=DEM-OBJ we.INCL NEG-know.PRS-1PL
(but) we don’t know this.
68
ē
maššōra
kurt-ant
DEM consultation do.PST-3PL
They took counsel,
69
gušt-ant
say.PST-3PL
(and) they said:
70
b(y)-ā
ēš-ā
p-kiš-an
mašmā
SUBJ-come.PRS DEM-OBJ SUBJ-sow.PRS-1PL we.INCL
Let’s sow this.
290
71
ēš-ā
ǰwān-ēn
DEM-OBJ
good-ATTR place=IND garden=IND plot-GEN
kišt-ant=u
ǰā=(y)ē
ǰwān-ēn
bāg=ē
ḍigār-ay
narm-ēn
tā
inside
ḍigār=ē=u
sow.PST-3PL=and good-ATTR soft-ATTR plot=IND=and
They sowed it in a good place, in a garden, in a plot in (fertile) soft soil and
72
wall=ē
sabz
kurt=u
melon.plant=IND green do.PST.3SG=and
a melon plant grew up and
73
ēš
činkas
galaw ku
DEM so.many
melon do.PST.3SG
it gave so many melons.
74
ša
truss-ā
kass=ē
ē
galaw-ān-ā
na-wārt
from fear-OBL person=IND DEM melon-PL-OBJ.IMF NEG-eat.PST.3SG
Out of fear, nobody was eating these melons
75
ki
ša
aždiyā-(y)ay dap-ay
tā=ant
SUB from dragon-GEN mouth-GEN in=COP.PRS.3PL
since they were from the mouth of the dragon,
76
mār-ay
zār=ant
snake-GEN poison=COP.PRS.3PL
they were snake poison.
77
ē
činka
tōm
kurt-ant=u
DEM so.many
seed
do.PST-3PL=and
They (the melons) produced so many seeds and
78
šut-ant
go.PST-3PL
they (the king’s servants) went (and told the king),
79
ṭū-(y)ēn
pālēz=ē
bādšā
huge-ATTR
melon.bed=IND king
the king sowed a large melon-bed and
80
yakk pīramard=ē=rā
ē
laggit
ē
sow.PST.3SG=and
sawzwān ku
one old.man=IND=OBJ gardener
made an old man the gardener.
81
kišt=u
do.PST.3SG
pālēz
bi galaw-ā=ō
DEM hit.PST.3SG DEM melon.bed to
It began, this melon-bed, to grow melons and
82
bēxī
galaw
melon-OBL=and
ku
entirely melon do.PST.3SG
produced a lot of melons.
83
pīramard=am awal
čē=(w)a
na-ku
old.man=also first what=IMF NEG-do.PST.3SG
The old man didn’t do, you know, at first,
84
tawkal=a
na-kurt=u
trust=IMF NEG-do.PST.3SG=and
he didn’t trust and
85
ar-uk=(k)ē
dāšt
donkey-DIM=IND have.PST.3SG
he had a little donkey.
291
86
am=ē
galaw-ān-ā
EMPH=DEM melon-PL-OBJ
ar-uk-(k)ay
dēmā
dēmā
bi=m=ē
before
to=EMPH=DEM
kōṭit=u
donkey-DIM-GEN in.front.of cut.to.pieces.PST.3SG=and
First, he cut these very melons to pieces in front of the donkey and
87
dāt
give.PST.3SG
gave (them to the donkey).
88
ē
ar=am
pazzōr ūt
DEM donkey=also strong become.PST.3SG
So this donkey became big and strong.
89
pīramard
šurū
ku
wārtin-ā
old.man
start do.PST.3SG eat.INF-OBJ
The old man began to eat,
90
ta
ē
či
čīz=ant
MIR DEM what thing=COP.PRS.3PL
Wow, what (good) things these are.
91
pīramard=am pazzōr
ūt
old.man=also strong become.PST.3SG
The old man became strong as well.
92
bādšā yag rōč=ē
ki
āt
king one day=IND SUB come.PST.3SG
One day when the king came,
93
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
he (the king) said:
94
ki
pīramard bābā
ē
čē=(w)ant
SUB old.man father DEM what=COP.PRS.3PL
(Dear) old man what are these?
95
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the old man) said:
96
ē
bēxī
ǰwān-ēn
čīz=ant
DEM entirely good-ATTR thing=COP.PRS.3PL
These are very good things,
97
man=um wārt-a
I=also
eat.PST-PSTP
I have also eaten (from them),
98
ē
ar-ā=um
dāt-a=un=ō
DEM donkey-OBJ=also give.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG=and
I have also given (them) to this donkey and
99
šumā=um
bōr-it
you.PL=also SUBJ.eat.PRS-2PL
you, too, (should) eat (it).
100
wazīr gu
vizier say.PST.3SG
The vizier said:
292
101
na dēmā man=a war-īn
no before I=IMF eat.PRS-1SG
No, first I will eat,
102
ta
ay
bādšā
ma-war
you.SG VOC king
don’t eat, oh king!
103
wazīr
PROH-eat.PRS
wārt
vizier eat.PST.3SG
The vizier ate,
104
ta
ē
aǰab-ēn
xušmizzag-ēn čīz=ant
MIR DEM strange-ATTR tasty-ATTR
wow what tasty things are these.
105
thing=COP.PRS.3PL
wārt-ant=ō
eat.PST-3PL=and
They ate and
106
ki
wārt-ant
SUB eat.PST-3PL
when they had eaten,
107
nūn
gušt-ant
now say.PST-3PL
then they said:
108
b(y)-ā
mašmā
p=ēšī
nām=ē
SUBJ-come.PRS we.INCL for=DEM.OBL
name=IND
b-ill-an
SUBJ-leave.PRS-1PL
Let’s give it a name.
109
nām=ay
guṛā
galaw-ā
išt-ant
xarmizza
name=PC.3SG then melon-OBJ leave.PST-3PL xarmizza
Then they named the melon ‘xarmizza’,
110
ki
mizzag=ay
awal
xar
burt
SUB taste=PC.3SG
first
donkey take.PST.3SG
since time it was a donkey that tasted it first.
111
xarmizza
š=ōdā
mant
xarmizza from=there remain.PST.3SG
(The name) xarmizza remained from there (that time).
293
Title: Hazrat=i Mūsā u gušnagēn bandag (MG) ‘His Holiness Moses and
the starving man
Narrator: Paraddin Gorgej
Date: 2005
Genre: Narrative
Literature Type: Oral
Protagonist: Third Person
1
guš-īt
say.PRS-3SG
They say:
2
yakk mardum=ē=at
bi zamāna=(y)i azrat=i
one man-IND=COP.PST.3SG in era=IZ
mūsā
allā nabī-ay
His.Holiness=IZ
waxt-ā
Moses God prophet-GEN time-OBL
there was a man in the time of His Holiness the prophet Moses, the prophet
of God.
3
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (that man) said:
4
mūsā
ta
xudā-iyā
raw-ay
Moses you.SG God-LOC go.PRS-2SG
Moses, when you go to God,
5
ta
allā-ā
b-guš
you.SG God-OBJ SUBJ-say.PRS
say to God:
6
ki
am=ē
yakk rōč=ē
mnī
lāp-ā
ša
nān-ā
SUB EMPH=DEM one day=IND I.GEN belly-OBJ from bread-OBL
sēr
kan
full SUBJ.do.PRS
to fill my belly with food even for one day.
7
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
8
guš-īn
say.PRS-1SG
I will tell Him.
9
ōdā
ki
šut
azrat=i
mūsā
allā
nabī
there SUB go.PST.3SG His.Holiness=IZ Moses God prophet
bi allā-ay
uzūr-ā
in God-GEN presence-OBL
When His Holiness Moses, the prophet of God, went there, into God’s
presence,
10
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
he said:
11
yā
allā tī
ančēn
bandag=ē
pa(t)=ta
VOC God you.SG.GEN such.ATTR servant=IND for=you.SG
salām=ē
dēm dāt
greeting=IND face give.PST.3SG
294
Oh God, the servant so-and-so of yours sent his greeting(s) to you,
12
gušt
say.PST.3SG
(and) said:
13
am=ē
yakk rōč bi=m=ē
EMPH=DEM one
nān-ā
sēr
umr-ay
tā
day in=EMPH=DEM life-GEN in
ka
mnī
mnā
ša
I.OBJ from
lāp-ā
bread-OBL full SUBJ.do.PRS I.GEN belly-OBJ
Fill me, my belly, with food even for one day in my life!
14
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
God said:
15
16
ki
b-ra
SUB
Go
SUBJ-go.PRS
bēčārag-ā
b-gu
wretched-OBJ SUBJ-say.PRS
(and) tell that poor fellow
17
tī
humr bāz=int
you.SG.GEN life
your life is long,
18
tī
much=COP.PRS.3SG
rōzī
kamm=int
you.SG.GEN ration little=COP.PRS.3SG
(but) your ration is small.
19
man digar-ay
I
rōzī=(y)ā
bi=(t)ta
other-GEN ration=OBJ
dātag=a
to=you.SG
na-kan-īn
give.PST-PSTP=IMF NEG-do.PRS-1SG
I cannot give you anyone else’s ration.
20
tī
rōzī
kamm=int
you.SG.GEN ration little=COP.PRS.3SG
Your daily ration is small,
21
am=ē
kamm-ēn
EMPH=DEM little-ATTR
kapāp=a
rōzī-(y)ā
bi(t)=tī
umr-ā
ration-OBJ in=you.SG.GEN life-OBL
kan-īn
sufficiency=IMF do.PRS-1SG
(and) I provide this small daily ration for your (long) life.
22
ta
sēr=a
na-ba-ay
you full=IMF NEG-become.PRS-2SG
You will not be satisfied.
23
āt
azrat=i
mūsā
come.PST.3SG His.Holiness=IZ
His Holiness Moses came
24
allā-ay
payγām-ān-ā
Moses
pa bandag-ā
God-GEN message-PL-OBJ for servant-OBL
(and) gave God’s message to the fellow:
dāt
give.PST.3SG
295
25
ki
ay
bandag
tī
rabb
ē
SUB VOC servant you.SG.GEN God
Oh fellow, your God said like this:
26
27
tī
umr
rang
DEM way
gušt
say.PST.3SG
bāz=int
you.SG.GEN life
your life is long,
much=COP.PRS.3SG
amā
rōzī
tī
kamm=int
but
you.SG.GEN ration little=COP.PRS.3SG
but your ration is little.
28
man
gu=m=ē
I
with=EMPH=DEM little-ATTR ration-OBL
tī
kamm-ēn
umr-ay
rōzī-(y)ā
kapāp-ā
kan-īn
you.2SG.GEN life-GEN sufficiency-OBJ do.PRS-1SG
I will provide this small ration for (all of) your life.
29
yē
gušt
DEM say.PST.3SG
He (the man) said:
31a
ki
na man
SUB no I
No, I,
30
31b
allā-ā
b-gu
God-OBJ
tell God:
SUBJ-say.PRS
ē
umr-ā
bāz-ēn-ā
na-lōṭ-īn
DEM life-OBJ long-ATTR-OBJ NEG-want.PRS-1SG
I do not want such a long life,
32
am=ē
yakk war
sēr=ē=u
marg=ē
EMPH=DEM one time full=IND=and
once satisfaction and (then) death,
33
mnā
sēr
I.OBJ
full
satisfy me!
34
mnī
kan
SUBJ.do.PRS
rōzī-(y)ā
yakk war-ā
I.GEN ration-OBJ once time-ADVZ
Give my ration all at once,
35
man=a
war-īn
I=IMF
eat.PRS-1SG
I will eat it.
36
man
umr=a
na-lōṭ-īn
I
life=IMF NEG-want.PRS-1SG
I do not want (such a long) life.
37
mūsā
šut=u
Moses
go.PST.3SG=and
Moses went and
38
296
death=IND
allā-ā
gušt
God-OBJ
told God.
say.PST.3SG
b-day
SUBJ-give.PRS
39
allā gu
God say.PST.3SG
God said:
40
b-ra
mūsā
SUBJ-go.PRS Moses
Go Moses
41
pulān
sing-ay
čērā
ā-(y)ī
rōzī
yakǰā
so.and.so stone-GEN under DEM-GEN ration together
ēr=int
down=COP.PRS.3SG
his total ration is placed under that particular stone.
42
b-ra
SUBJ-go.PRS
Go
43
nišān=ē
day
sign=PC.3SG
SUBJ.give.PRS
(and) show him,
44
arčōn
ki
kan-t
whatever SUB SUBJ.do.PRES-3SG
let him do whatever he wants.
45
umr
ki
na-lōṭ-īt
life SUB NEG-want.PRS-3SG
As he does not want (a long) life,
46
b-wārt
yakk rōč-ay
tā
SUBJ-eat.PRS.3SG one day-GEN in
he may eat (all of it) in one day.
47
azrat=i
mūsā
āwurt=u
His.Holiness=IZ Moses bring.PST.3SG=and
His Holiness Moses brought (him) and
48
ēš-ā
nišān dāt
DEM-OBJ sign give.PAST.3SG
showed him (the stone),
49
gušt
say.PST.3SG
(and) said:
51a
tī
rōzī
you.3SG.GEN ration
50
allā gušt-a
51b
am=ā
God say.PST-PSTP
sing-ay
čērā=int
EMPH=DEM stone-GEN under=COP.PRES.3SG
Your ration, God has said, is under that stone.
52
wat mūsā
šut
RFL Moses go.PST.3SG
Moses, himself, went away.
297
53
ē
sing-ā
bāl
āwurt
DEM stone-OBJ high
He lifted up the stone
54
ta
mazan-ēn
bring.PST.3SG
zarr=ē
ēš-ī
čērā=int
MIR large-ATTR money=IND DEM-GEN under=COP.PRS.3SG
good heavens there was a lot of money under it!
55
ī
zurt
ē
zarr-ān-ā=u
DEM take.PST.3SG DEM money-PL-OBJ=and
He took that money and
56
āt
bi bāzār-ā
come.PST.3SG to market-OBL
and came to the market.
57
činka
waxt-ay
gušnag=u
dilāp=ē=at
so.much time-GEN hungry=and worn.out=IND=COP.PST.3SG
Since he had been hungry and worn out for a long time,
58
am=ē
har γazā=u
har mēwag=ē ki
dīst
EMPH=DEM each food=and each fruit=IND SUB see.PST.3SG
every kind of food and fruit which he saw,
59
zīt=u
buy.PST.3SG=and
(he) bought and
60
wārt
eat.PST.3SG
ate (it).
61
āxarā yakk sēr=ē
kurt
finally one full=IND do.PST.3SG
Finally he was so full
62
ki
lāp=ay
na-sātit
SUB belly=PC.3SG NEG-keep.PST.3SG
that there was no place (for more food) in his belly.
63
yakk kamm-ēn
zarr=ē
mant
one little-ATTR money=IND remain.PST.3SG
A little money was left.
64
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said (to himself):
65
yāra
man=u mir-īn
truly I=TOP die.PRS-1SG
Truly, I will die, for sure.
66
mnī
umr ōštāt-a
I.GEN life stop.PST-PSTP
My life has ended,
67
mnī
rōzī
am=ēš=int
I.GEN ration EMPH=DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
my ration is this
298
68
ki
man
yakk war-ā
wārt-un
SUB I
once time-ADVZ
which I ate at once.
69
ta
bō
eat.PST-1SG
am=ēš-ān-ā
b-da-īn
you SUBJ.stand.PRS EMPH=DEM-PL-OBJ SUBJ-give.PRS-1SG
bi rā=(y)i xudā
to way=IZ God
Well, let me give this (remaining money) for God’s sake.
70
dāt
ē
nātawān-ā=u
puγar-ān-ā=u
bēčārag=u
give.PST.3SG DEM weak-OBJ=and poor-PL-OBJ=and
wretched=and
saγīr-ān-ā
orphan-PL-OBJ
He gave (the money) to the weak, needy, wretched, and orphan.
71
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He said (to himself again):
72
man
šapī
ki
mir-īn
I
tonight TOP die.PRS-1SG
For sure I will die tonight.
73
šapī
marg
na(y)-āt
tonight
death
NEG-come.PST.3SG
Death did not come (to him) that night,
74
ki
gušn
padā
āt
SUB hunger back come PST.3SG
although hunger returned.
75
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said (to himself):
76
nūn čōn kan-īn
now how SUBJ.do.PRS-1SG
What should I do now?
77
rōzī=u
am=ā=at
ration=TOP EMPH=DEM=COP.PST.3SG
My ration was that
78
ki
man wārt-un
SUB I
eat.PST-1SG
which I ate,
79
kamm-ēn-ān-ā=um
dāt-un
bi rā=(y)i xudā
little-ATTR-PL-OBJ=also give.PST-1SG to way=IZ God
(and) I gave the remaining little (money) for God’s sake.
80
ta
bō
b-ra-īn
you SUBJ.stand.PRS
Well, let me go
81
am=ā
sing-ay
SUBJ-go.PRS-1SG
čērā
paṭṭ-īn
āk-ān-ī
tā
EMPH=DEM stone-GEN under SUBJ.search.PRS-1SG soil-PL-GEN in
(and) search in the soil under that stone,
299
82
balkin
ya(γ)-γarān=ē
mānt-a
bīt
perhaps one-penny=IND remain.PST-PSTP SUBJ.be.PRS.3SG
maybe there will be a penny left (there).
83
āt
come.PST.3SG
He came
84
sing-ā
bāl
āwu
stone-OBJ high bring.PST.3SG
(and) lifted up the stone
85
ta
da ānkas=i
diga zarr
ēš-ī
čērā=int
MIR ten so.much=IZ else money DEM-GEN under=COP.PRS.3SG
good heavens, there was ten times more money under it.
86
ēš-ī
akīda=am kāmil
bū
DEM-GEN faith=also complete become.PST.3SG
(In this way) he believed (in God) with his whole heart.
87
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
88
ē
sawdā=ē
ǰwān-ēn
DEM bargain=IND good-ATTR
This is a good bargain.
89
zurt
take.PST.3SG
He took (the money)
90
harčī
ki
xarǰ=a
kurt=u
whatever SUB spending=IMF do.PST.3SG=and
spent whatever (he could) and
91
bākī-(y)ā
dāt
bi rā=(y)i xudā
remaining-OBJ give.PST.3SG to way=IZ God
gave the remainder for God’s sake.
92
ē
aptag-ay
tā
šut
DEM week-GEN during go.PST.3SG
During that week he went
93
ta
bīst
ānkas=ant
MIR twenty so.much =COP.PRS.3PL
(and) found that twenty times more money was (under the stone).
94
āxarā
ī
taǰǰār=i ǰahān būt
finally DEM trader=IZ world become.PST.3SG
Finally, he became the (biggest) trader of the world,
95
kull
ǰahān-ay
taǰǰār būt
entire world-GEN trader become.PST.3SG
the trader of the entire world.
96
marg na(y)-āt
death NEG-come.PST.3SG
Death did not come
300
97
ki
taǰǰār būt
SUB trader become.PST.3SG
but he became a merchant.
98
azrat=i
mūsā yakk rōč=ē
laggit
gōn=ē
His.Holiness=IZ Moses one day=IND meet.PST.3SG with=PC.3SG
His Holiness Moses met him one day.
99
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (Moses) said:
100
ta
pulānī
na(w)=ay
you.SG
so.and.so
Aren’t you so and so?
101
NEG=COP.PRS.2SG
zindag=ay
alive=COP.PRS.2SG
Are you alive?
102
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the man) said:
103
ast-un
FCOP.PRS-1SG
(Yes), I am.
104
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He (Moses) said:
105
ta
na-murt-ay
you.SG NEG-die.PST-2SG
Didn’t you die?
106
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the man) said:
107
b(y)-ā
ki
man ē
SUBJ-come.PRS SUB I
rang-ēn
sawdā=(y)ē
DEM such-ATTR bargain=IND
zurt-a=un
take.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
As a matter of fact, I have done really such a good business.
108
man pa
xudā
yakk=ē
da-(y)īn
I
for God one=IND give.PRS-1SG
I give one for the sake of God,
109
ā
mnā
da=a
dant
DEM I.OBJ ten=IMF give.PRS.3SG
He gives me ten.
110
man sad=a
da-(y)īn
I
hundred=IMF give.PRS-1SG
I give a hundred,
111
ā
mnā
azār=a
dant
I I.OBJ thousand=IMF give.PRS.3SG
he gives me a thousand.
301
112
man taǰǰār=i kull
ǰahān=un
I
trader=IZ entire world=COP.PRS.1SG
I am the (greatest) merchant in the whole world.
113
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (Moses) said:
114
bēšakkā
ki
pa xudā ta
yakk=ē b-day-ay
undoubtedly SUB for God you.SG one=IND SUBJ-give.PRS-2SG
Undoubtedly if you give one for the sake of God,
115
xudā da=a
dant
God ten=IMF give.PRS.3SG
He will give you ten;
116
aga da
b-day-ay
if
ten SUBJ-give.PRS-2SG
if you give ten,
117
sad=a
dant
hundred=IMF give.PRS.3SG
He will give you a hundred.
118
ē
azrat=i
mūsā allā nabī-ay
kissa būt
DEM His.Holiness=IZ Moses God prophet-GEN story be.PST.3SG
This was the story of His Holiness Moses, the prophet of God.
302
Title: Baxt-ay padā (BP) ‘Seeking the fortune’
Narrator: Paraddin Gorgej
Date: 2005
Genre: Narrative
Literature Type: Oral Protagonist: Third Person
1
gōš
kašš-it
brās-ān
ear
pull.PRS-2PL
Listen brothers,
2
pa
šumā
brother-PL.VOC
yak kissa=ē
kan-īn
for you.PL one story=IND do.PRS-1SG
I am going to tell you a story.
3
kissa ēš=int
story DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
The story is this,
4
ki
š-ī
SUB say.PRS-3SG
it is said:
5
yak kass=ē=at
one person=IND=COP.PST.3SG
there was a person
6
zāmatt=a kaššit
toil=IMF pull.PST.3SG
(who) used to toil
7
ičč
ābād=a
na-būt
nothing wealthy=IMF NEG-become.PST.3SG
(but) he did not become wealthy.
8
harčī
zāmatt=a kaššit=u
however.much toil=IMF pull.PRS.3SG=and
He toiled ever so much and
9
ābād=a
na-būt
wealthy=IMF NEG-become.PST.3SG
he did not become wealthy.
10
āxirā
yakk=ē=rā
gušt
at.the.end one=IND=OBJ say.PST.3SG
At last he asked some people:
11
ki
man pačē ābād=a
na-bay-īn
SUB I
why wealthy=IMF NEG-become.PRS-1SG
Why do I not become wealthy?
12
yag pīramard=ē gu
one old.man=IND say.PST.3SG
An old man said:
13
ta
b-ra
you.SG SUBJ-go.PRS
You go
14
wat-ī
baxt-ā
sōǰ
ka
RFL-GEN fate-OBJ question SUBJ.do.PRS
and seek your fortune.
303
15
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
16
mnī
baxt
guǰāmgur=int
I.GEN fate
which.side=COP.PRS.3SG
In which direction is my fortune?
17
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He (the old man) said:
18
am=ingu
dūr=int
EMPH=this side far=COP.PRS.3SG
It is far (in) this direction.
19
b-ra
SUBJ-go.PRS
Go
20
wat-ī
baxt-ā
wadī
kurt-ay
RFL-GEN fate-OBJ found do.PST-2SG
(when) you find your fortune,
21
guṛā ša
āyī
sōǰ
kan
then from DEM.OBL question SUBJ.do.PRS
then ask it
22
ki
ta
pačē
ābād=a
na-bay-ay
SUB you.SG why wealthy=IMF NEG-become.PRS-2SG
why you do not become wealthy.
23
ē
āt=u
DEM come.PST.3SG =and
He left his country and
24
š=ē
kišwar-ā
dar
from=DEM country-OBL out
from this country went out and
25
bi diga
kišwar=ē
būt=u
become.PST.3SG=and
dīst
to other country=IND see.PST.3SG
(he) saw in another country
26
ta
bādišā=ē pa šikār-ā
dar būt-a
MIR king=IND for hunting-OBL out become.PST-PSTP
behold a king has gone out hunting.
27
bādišā
ki
ēši-rā
dīst
king
SUB DEM-OBJ see.PST.3SG
When the king saw him,
28
zānt
understand.PST.3SG
he understood
29
ki
diga
kišwar-ay
mardum=ē
SUB other country-GEN person=IND
that (it was) a person from another country.
30
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
304
He said:
31
ta
guǰā
raw-ay
you.SG where go.PRS-2SG
where are you going?
32
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the man) said:
33
man=a
ra-īn
I=IMF
go.PRS-1SG
I am going
34
ki
wat-ī
baxt-ā
wadī
kan-īn=u
SUB RFL-GEN fate-OBJ found SUBJ.do.PRS-1SG=and
to find my fortune
35
sōǰ
kan-īn
question SUBJ.do.PRS-1SG
and ask (it).
36
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
37
ahoo
wat-ī
baxt-ā
ki
oh … RFL-GEN fate-OBJ SUB
Oh ... when you see your fortune
38
pa(m)=man=am sōǰ
dīst-ay
see.PST-2SG
kan-ay
pa(m)=man=i pādišā-ā
for=I=also
question SUBJ.do.PRS-2SG for=I=IZ
ask also for me, for me the king.
39
man yag muškil=ē
king-OBL
dār-īn
I
one problem=IND have.PRS-1SG
I have a problem.
40
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He (the man) said:
41
tī
muškil
čī=int?
you.SG.GEN problem what=COP.PRS.3SG
What is your problem?
42
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
43
mnī
sar
dard=a
kan-t
I.GEN head pain=IMF do.PRS-3SG
I have a headache.
44
harčī
duktur-ā
ra-īn
whatever doctor-OBL go.PRS-1SG
However many times I go to the doctor,
45
mnī
sar-ay
dard=a
na-kap-īt
I.GEN head-GEN pain=IND NEG-fall.PRS-3SG
my headache does not stop.
305
46
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
47
bēxī
ǰwān=int
entirely good=COP.PRS.3SG
Very well.
48
š=ēšī
rad
būt
from=DEM.OBL passed become.PST.3SG
He passed from him,
49
šut
diga
kišwar=ē
go.PST.3SG other country=IND
went to another country,
50
gwast
pass.PST.3SG
(he) passed by,
51
dīst
see.PST.3SG
(he) saw
52
ta
diga pādišā=ē ǰinēnzāg=ē ǰinīkk=ē pādišā=int
MIR other king=IND woman=IND girl=IND king=COP.PRS.3SG
behold it (is) another king, (it is) a woman, (it is) a girl (who is) a king
(Queen),
53
pa šikār-ā
dar
būt-a
for hunting-OBL out become.PST-PSTP
she has been out for hunting.
54
ē
ki
dīst
DEM SUB see.PST.3SG
When she saw (him),
55
zānt
understand.PST.3SG
she understood
56
ki
ē
digar-ay
kišwar-ay
mardum=ē
SUB DEM other-GEN country-GEN person=IND
that he is a person from another country.
57
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
She said:
58
ta
guǰā
raw-ay
you.SG where go.PRS-2SG
Where are you going?
59
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the man) said:
60
ra-(y)īn
go.PRS-1SG
I am going
306
61
ki
wat-ī
baxt-ā
wadī
kan-īn=u
SUB RFL-GEN fate-OBJ found SUBJ.do.PRS-1SG=and
to find my fortune and
62
sōǰ
kan-īn
question SUBJ.do.PRS-1SG
ask (it).
63
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
She said:
64
wallā
man=am
muškil=ē dār-īn
by.God I=also
problem=IND have.PRS-1SG
(I swear) by God I have also a problem.
65
aga dīst-ay=ē
if
see.PST-2SG=OBJ.PC.3SG
If you see him,
66
pa(m)=man=am sōǰ
for=I=also
ask also for me.
67
kan-ay
question SUBJ.do.PRS-2SG
man pādišā=un
I
king=COP.PRS.1SG
I am king
68
balē mnī
ukm
rā=a
na(r)-raw-t
but I.GEN order road=IMF NEG-DUB-go.PRS-3SG.
but my order is not obeyed.
69
hukm mnī
ǰwān=a
na-čal-īt
order I.GEN good=IMF NEG-run.PRS-3SG
My order does not run at all.
70
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
71
sōǰ=ē=a
kan-īn
question=PC.3SG=IMF do.PRS-1SG
I will ask him.
72
š=ēšī
āšk-tir-ā
šut
from=DEM.OBL that.side-CMP-OBL go.PST.3SG
He went a little further from her
73
ta
yak kišāwarz=ē zimīndār=ē
MIR one farmer=IND landowner=IND
behold a farmer, a landowner,
74
ēšī-rā
ē
dī
DEM-OBJ DEM see.PST.3SG
he (the farmer) saw him.
75
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the farmer) said:
76
guǰā
raw-ay
where go.PRS-2SG
307
Where are you going?
77
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
78
ki
ra-īn
SUB go.PRS-1SG
I am going
79
wat-ī
baxt-ā
sōǰ
kan-īn
RFL-GEN fate-OBJ question SUBJ.do.PRS-1SG
to seek my fortune,
80
wadī
kan-īn
found SUBJ.do.PRS-1SG
to find it.
81
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
82
ahoo
man=am muškil=ē
dār-īn
oh … I=also
problem=IND have.PRS-1SG
Oh ... I also have a problem.
83
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He said:
84
tī
muškil
čī=int
you.SG.GEN problem what=COP.PRS.3SG
What is your problem?
85
gu
say.PST.3SG
He said:
86
ta
wat-ī
baxt-ā
dīst-ay
you.SG RFL-GEN fate-OBJ see.PST-2SG
(If) you see your fortune,
87
ša(m)=man sōǰ
ka
from=I
question SUBJ.do.PRS
ask about me
88
ki
man harčī
kār=a
kan-īn
SUB I
however.much work=IMF do.PRS-1SG
that however much I work,
89
zāmat=(t)a kašš-īn
oil=IMF
I toil,
90
ābād=a
pull.PRS-1SG
na-bay-īn
wealthy=IMF NEG-become.PRS-1SG
I do not become wealthy.
91
ēšī
illat
čī=int
DEM.GEN reason what=COP.PRS.3SG
What is the reason of that?
308
92
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
93
bēxī
ǰwān=int
entirely good=COP.PRS.3SG
Very well,
94
guš-īn=ē
say.PRS-1SG=PC.3SG
I will tell him.
95
šut
go.PST.3SG
He went
96
yag ǰā=(y)ē
āt
one place=IND come.PST.3SG
(and) came (to) a place,
97
pīramard=ē=rā
dī
old.man=IND=OBJ see.PST.3SG
He saw an old man,
98
ta
am=idā
pīramard=ē ništ-a
MIR EMPH=here old.man=IND sit.PST-PSTP
behold (in) this very place an old man was sitting.
99
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the old man) said:
100
guǰā
raw-ay
where go.PRS-2SG
Where are you going?
101
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
102
ra-īn
go.PRS-1SG
I am going
103
ki
wat-ī
baxt-ā
sōǰ
kan-īn
SUB RFL-GEN fate-OBJ question SUBJ.do.PRS-1SG
to seek my fortune.
104
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He ( the old man) said:
105
tī
baxt
you.SG.GEN fate
I am your fortune.
106
man=un
I=COP.PRS.1SG
zānt=ē
understand.PST=PC.3SG
He ( the old man) understood
107
ē
bē-akl=ē
DEM without-sense=IND
309
(that) this (man was) an ignorant (person).
108
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He (the old man) said:
109
tī
baxt man=un
you.SG.GEN fate I=COP.PRS.1SG
I am your fortune.
110
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
111
ta=(w)ay
mnī
baxt
you.SG=COP.PRS.2SG I.GEN fate
Are you my fortune?
112
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the old man) said:
113
ān
yes
Yes.
114
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the man) said:
115
man pačē
sēr=a
na-bay-īn
I
why satisfied=IMF NEG-become.PRS-1SG
Why am I not satisfied?
116
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
117
bir-gard
PREV-SUBJ.turn.PRS
Return,
118
b-ra
wat-ī
ǰāga-ā
SUBJ-go.PRS RFL-GEN place-OBL
go (to) your place,
119
sēr=a
bay-ay
satisfied=IMF SUBJ.become.PRS-2SG
(and) you will be satisfied.
120
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
121
napa
say=i
diga
pa(t)=ta
payγām dēm dāt-ant
then three=IZ other for=you.SG message face give.PST-3PL
Well, then three other (persons) sent you messages.
122
gušt=ī
say.PST.3SG-PC.3SG
He (the old man) said:
310
123
ā
čē
gušt-ant
DEM what say.PST-3PL
What did they say?
124
gušt=ī
say.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
He said:
125
ā
zamīndār
gu
DEM landowner say.PST.3SG
That landowner said:
126
ki
man harčī
zāmat=(t)a kašš-īn
SUB I
whatever toil=IMF
However much I toil,
127
sēr=a
pull.PRS-1SG
na-bay-īn
satisfied=IMF NEG-become.PRS-1SG
I do not become satisfied.
128
āyī
ǰawāb
čī=int
DEM.GEN answer what=COP.PRS.3SG
What is the answer for him?
129
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
130
131
āyi-rā
b-guš
DEM-OBJ
Tell him:
SUBJ-say.PRS
ki
zamīn ṭū=int
SUB land huge=COP.PRS.3SG
The land is huge,
132
ta
š=ā
sar-ay
ki
ǰam=a
you.SG from=DEM head-OBL.PC.3SG SUB gather=IMF
kan-ay
do.PRS-2SG
when you gather from that beginning (of the land),
133
ā
sar=ay=a
mān-īt
DEM head=PC.3SG=IMF remain.PRS-3SG
that end of it remains (untouched).
134
ta
pa wat šarīk=ē
b-gir
you.SG for RFL partner=IND SUBJ-take.PRS
You get a partner for yourself,
135
ta
sēr=a
bay-ay
you.SG satisfied=IMF become.PRS-2SG
you will be satisfied.
136
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
137
ǰwān=int
good=COP.PRS.3SG
It is good.
311
138
ā
ǰinikk bādišā=ē=int
DEM girl
king=IND=COP.PRS.3SG
That woman (who) is a king (Queen)
139
ki
gušt
SUB say.PST.3SG
who said:
140
ki
man mard=ē
na-dār-īn=u
SUB I
man=IND NEG-have.PRS-1SG=and
I do not have a husband and
141
bādišā=um=ast-un
king=also=FCOP.PRS-1SG
I am also the king (Queen),
142
mnī
ukm
rā=a
na(r)-raw-t
I.GEN order road=IMF NEG-DUB-go.PRS-3SG
(but) my order is not obeyed.
143
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
144
145
āyi-rā
b-gu
DEM-OBJ
Tell her:
SUBJ-say.PRS
ta
mard=ē
b-gir
you.SG man=IND SUBJ-take.PRS
You get a husband
146
tī
ukm
rā=a
raw-t
you.SG.GEN order road=IMF go.PRS-3SG
(and) your order runs.
147
ta
pa wat mard=ē b-gir
you.SG for RFL man=IND SUBJ-take.PRS
You get a husband for yourself,
148
tī
hukm=a
čal-īt
you.SG.GEN order=IND run.PRS-3SG
your order will run.
149
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
150
bādišā-ā
čē
b-guš-īn
king-OBJ what SUBJ-say.PRS-1SG
What should I say to the king
151
ki
sar-ay
SUB head-PC.3SG
who had a headache.
152
dard=a
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
153
bādišā-ā
b-guš
king-OBJ SUBJ-say.PRS
312
ku
pain=IND do.PST.3SG
Tell the king:
154
ki
bē-akl=ē=rā
zabr laṭ
dē
SUB without-sense=IND=OBJ good stick SUBJ.give.PRS
Beat (with a stick) an ignorant (person) well,
155
tī
sar-ay
dard=a
kap-īt
you.SG.GEN head-GEN pain=IND fall.PRS-3SG
(then) your headache will stop.
156
bass bir-gašt=u
just PREV-turn.PST.3SG=and
So, he returned and
157
āt
come.PST.3SG
and came.
158
ki
āt
zamīndār-ayā
SUB come.PST.3SG landowner-LOC
When he came to the landowner,
159
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
he (the landowner) said:
160
dīst-ay
wat-ī
baxt-ā
see.PST-2SG RFL-GEN fate-OBJ
Did you see your fortune?
161
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
162
ān
yes
Yes.
163
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the landlord) said:
164
pa(m)=man sōǰ=ē
kurt-ay
for=I
question=IND do.PST-2SG
Did you ask him for me?
165
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
166
ān
yes
Yes.
167
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the landlord) said:
168
čī=ē
gu
what=PC.3SG say.PST.3SG
What did he say?
313
169
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
170
tī
zamīn ṭū=int
you.SG.GEN land
Your land is huge,
171
pa wat
huge=COP.PRS.3SG
šarīk=ē
gir
for RFL partner=IND SUBJ.take.PRS
get a partner for yourself.
172
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the landlord) said:
173
yāra ša(t)=ta
ǰwān-tir=ē
mardum guǰā
ast
truly from=you.SG good-CMP=IND person where FCOP.RS.3SG
Where is truly a better man than you?
174
b(y)-ā
nēm ta
nēm man
SUBJ-come.PRS half you.SG half I
Come, half you half me,
175
man taw
idā
zāmat=(t)a kašš-an
I
you.SG here toil=IMF
you (and) me will toil here,
176
pull.PRS-1PL
kiš-an=u
sow.PRS-1PL=and
(we) will sow and
177
war-an =u
eat.PRS-1PL=and
(we) will eat=and
178
tamāšā=a
kan-an
watch=IMF do.PRS-1PL
(we) will have fun.
179
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
180
na man=a na-nind-īn
no I=IMF NEG-sit.PRS-1SG
No, I am not going to stay (here)
181
arčī
was=ē
ku
whatever strength=PC.3SG do.PST.3SG
However much he (the landlord) pleaded (and insisted);
182
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
183
na-nind-īn
NEG-sit.PRS-1SG
I will not stay.
184
314
zārī
ku
zamīndār
lament do.PST.3SG
landlord
The landowner lamented.
185
gō
ēšī
na-ništ
with DEM-OBL NEG-sit.PST.3SG
He did not stay with him.
186
āt
ǰinikk-ayā
come.PST.3SG girl-LOC
He came to the girl.
187
ǰinikk gušt
girl
say.PST.3SG
The girl said:
188
ki
dīst-ay
wat-ī
baxt-ā
SUB see.PST-2SG RFL-GEN fate-OBJ
Did you see your fortune?
189
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said,
190
ān
yes
Yes!
191
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
She said:
192
pa(m)=man gušt-ay
čīz=ē
for=I
say.PST-2SG thing=IND
Did you say anything for me?
193
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
194
ān
yes
Yes!
195
gušt
say.PST.3SG
She said:
196
čī=ē
gu
what=PC.3SG say.PST.3SG
What did he say?
197
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He said:
198
ta
gis
you.SG house
You marry,
199
mard=ē
kan
SUBJ.do.PRS
b-gir
man=IND SUBJ-take.PRS
get a husband,
315
200
tī
hukm rā=a
raw-t
you.SG.GEN order road=IMF go.PRS-3SG
your order will run
201
ī
ǰinikkō pikr
ku
DEM girl
thought
This girl thought,
202
do.PST.3SG
gu
say.PST.3SG
(and) said (to herself):
203
ša
wat-ī
kišwar-ay
mardum-ān
ma-gir-īn
from RFL-GEN country-GEN people-PL.OBL PROH-take.PRS-1SG
I will not get (a husband) from my country’s people,
204
ta
bō
you.SG SUBJ.stay.PRS
let me see
205
am=ē
xāriǰī=(y)ē
EMPH=DEM foreigner=IND
this is a foreigner.
206
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
She said:
207
yāra
ša(t)=ta
ǰwān-ēn
kay=int
truly from=you.SG good-ATTR
Who is truly better than you?
208
who=COP.PRS.3SG
b(y)-ā
SUBJ-come.PRS
Come
209
mnā
ta
b-gir
I.OBJ you.SG SUBJ-take.PRS
(and) you marry me.
210
ān
yes
Yes!
211
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
212
man trā
na-gir-īn
I
you.SG.OBJ NEG-take.PRS-1SG
I will not marry you.
213
harčī
was=ē
ku
however.much strength=PC.3SG do.PST.3SG
However much she pleaded:
214
ki
mnā
gir
SUB I.OBJ SUBJ.take.PRS
Marry me!
215
gu
say.PST.3SG
316
He said:
216
man trā
na-gir-īn
I
you.SG.OBJ NEG-take.PRS-1SG
I will not marry you.
217
gušt=ī
say.PST.=PC.3SG
She said:
218
b-ra
napā
SUBJ-go.PRS then
Well, go then
219
wat-ī
xat-ā
kōr
kan
RFL-GEN track-OBJ blind SUBJ.do.PRS
(and) get lost.
220
ša
ēšī
gwast
from DEM-OBL pass.PST.3SG
He passed by her,
221
āt
bādišā-ayā
come.PST.3SG king-LOC
(and) came to the king.
222
bādišā
gu
king
say.PST.3SG
The king said:
223
dīst-ay
wat-ī
baxt-ā
see.PST-2SG RFL-GEN fate-OBJ
Did you see your fortune?
224
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
225
ān
yes
Yes!
226
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the king) said:
227
pa(m)=man sōǰ=ē
kurt-ay
for=I
question=IND do.PST-2SG
Did you ask for me?
228
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
229
ān
yes
Yes!
230
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the king) said:
317
231
čī=ē
gu
what=PC.3SG say.PST.3SG
What did he say?
232
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
233
gušt-a
say.PST-PSTP
He has said:
234
ki
bē-akl=ē=rā
zabr sēr
laṭ
SUB without-sense=IND=OBJ good satisfied stick
Beat an ignorant person by stick very hard,
235
tī
sar-ay
dard=a
ka
SUBJ.do.PRS
kap-īt
you.SG.GEN head-GEN pain=IND fall.PRS-3SG
(then) your headache will stop.
236
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the king) said:
237
ša(t)=ta
diga
bē-akl
guǰ=int
from=you.SG other without-sense where=COP.PRS.3SG
Where is a more ignorant person than you?
238
b-gir-it=ē
SUBJ-seize.PRS-2PL=PC.3SG
Seize him!
239
čalāpt-ant
seize.PST-3PL
They (guards) seized him
240
zabr
ēš-ā
waš
marg=iš
good DEM-OBJ good death=PC.3PL
and they (guards) beat him near to death,
241
bādišā-ay sar-ay
ku
do.PST.3SG
dard=am kapt
king-GEN head-GEN pain=also fall.PST.3SG
the king’s headache also stopped.
318
Title: Pīr ǰangī (PJ) ‘Pir Jangi’
Narrator: Paraddin Gorgej
Genre: Narrative
Literature Type: Oral
1
bi zamān=i azrat=(t)i
to time=IZ
Date: 2005
Protagonist: Third Person
umar sāib
yakk
His.Holiness=IZ Omar master one
šāir=ē=at
poet=IND=COP.PST.3SG
In the time of His Holiness master Omar there was a poet
2
nām=ay
pīr ǰangī=at
name=PC.3SG Pir Jangi=COP.PST.3SG
whose name was Pir Jangi.
4a
ē
3
š-ī
DEM
say.PRS.3SG
They say,
4b
ančēn
sawt=ē
ēši-rā
allā=i pāk
such.ATTR voice=IND DEM-OBJ
God=IZ clean
dāt=at
give.PSTCOP.PST.3SG
He, the Holy God had given him such a voice
5
ki
waxt=ē
šayr
b-gušt-ēn
SUB time=IND poem SUBJ-say.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
that when he would recite a poem,
6
srōz
b-ǰat-ēn
fiddle SUBJ-strike.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
(or) play the fiddle,
7
rabāb
b-ǰat-ēn
rebeck SUBJ-strike.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
(or) play the rebeck,
8
bē
tilā-ā
pa nuγra šayr=u
srōz=a
na-ǰat
without gold-OBL for silver poem=and fiddle=IMF NEG-hit.PST.3SG
for less than gold, not even for silver, he would not recite a poem or play
the fiddle.
9
yag zamān=ē bū
one time=IND be.PST.3SG
There came a time,
10
kibr
ku
pride do.PST.3SG
(when) he became haughty.
11
allā ēš-ī
guṭṭ-ay
sawt-ā
gipt
ša
ēšī
God DEM-GEN throat-GEN voice-OBJ seize.PST.3SG from DEM.OBL
God took his throat’s voice from him.
12
gipt=u
seize.PST.3SG=and
He took (it) and
319
13
pa zāg-uk-ān
šayr=a
ǰat
for children-DIM-PL.OBL poem=IMF strike.PST.3SG
he (Pir Jangi) started reciting poems for the children.
14
zāg
inkas-ēn
lunka=a
dāt-ant=u
children this.much-ATTR mouthful-IMF give.PST-3PL=and
The children gave (him) a little piece (of something to eat) and
15
ē
kūča-ay
tā=u
ā
kūča-ay
tā=u
DEM lane-GEN in=and DEM lane-GEN in=and
(passing by) this lane and that lane and
16
š=ingu
azrat=(t)i
umar āt
from=hither His.Holiness=IZ Omar come.PST.3SG
(suddenly) His Holiness Omar came from somewhere.
17
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (Omar) said:
18
trā
dwārag ē
mulk-ay
tā b-gind-īn
you.SG.OBJ again DEM country-GEN in SUBJ-see.PRS-1SG
(If) I see you again in this country
19
bun=a
day-īn
fire=IMF give.PRS-1SG
I will set you on fire,
20
tikka tikka=a
kan-īn
piece piece=IMF do.PRS-1SG
I will cut you to pieces.
21
pīr ǰangī
šut
Pir Jangi go.PST.3SG
Pir Jangi went
22
bi yak
giyābān=ē kapt=u
to one desert=IND fall.PST.3SG=and
(and) ended up in a desert and
23
yakk tāγazz-ay
bunā srōz-ā
zān-ay
sarā išt
one tamarisk-GEN under fiddle-OBJ knee-GEN on
under a tamarisk he put the fiddle on his knee,
24
šapī
ǰat=(t)ē
tonight
strike.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
by night he played the fiddle for God.
25
put.PST.3SG
pa
xudā srōz
for
God fiddle
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
26
wāǰa
hudā tī
hazrat=(t)i
umar
mnā
master God you.SG.GEN His.Holiness=IZ Omar I.OBJ
na(y)-l-īt
NEG-leave.PRS-3SG
Oh Lord God, His Holiness, your Omar does not let me,
27
pa(t)=ta
mrōčī
rabāb=a
ǰan-īn
for=you.SG today rebeck=IMF strike.PRS-1SG
(but) today I will play the rebeck for you
320
28
wat-ī
muzd-ā
ša(t)=ta=a
lōṭ-īn
RFL-GEN wages-OBJ from=you.SG=IMF want.PRS-1SG
I want my wages from you.
29
žappit=ē
rabāb-ā
shake.out.PST.3SG=PC.3SG rebeck-OBJ
He played rebeck with utmost skill,
30
āxirā
wāb
šut
finally sleep go.PST.3SG
(and) at the end he went to sleep.
31
amr
ilā-(y)ēn
order
divine-ATTR DEM become.PST.3SG to
ǰibraīl=i
ē
amīn-ay
būt
bi azrat
His.Holiness
sarā
Gabriel=IZ honest-GEN on
The order of God through His Holiness, Gabriel the honest, (to Omar)
was this:
32
ki
pa mnī
dōst-ā
ša
baytulmāl-ā
tilā=a
SUB for I.GEN friend-OBL from treasury-OBL
gold=IMF
zūr-ay
pick up.PRS-2SG
You should take gold from the treasury for my friend
33
wat
pad=ay=a
bar-ay
RFL behind=PC.3SG=IMF
take.PRS-2SG
(and you) yourself should take (it) to him.
34
azrat=(t)i
umar
His.Holiness=IZ
Omar big-ATTR gold=IND from treasury-OBL
mazan-ēn
tilā=ē
ša
baytulmāl-ā
zurt=u
seize.PST.3SG=and
His Holiness Omar took a large amount of gold from the treasury and
35
āt
come.PST.3SG
came,
36
gašt
turn.PST.3SG
(and) searched
37
ta
ē
pīr ǰangī=int
MIR DEM Pir Jangi=COP.PRS.3SG
good heavens, this is Pir Jangi,
38
kapt-a
fall.PST-PSTP
(who) has ended up (here).
39
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (Omar) said:
40
ēš=u
xudā-(y)ay dušman=int
DEM=TOP God-GEN enemy=COP.PRS.3SG
He is God’s enemy for sure.
321
41
āxirā
gō
pādirišp=ē
arkat
ku
finally with sound.of.foot=IND movement do.PST.3SG
Finally he (Pir Jangi) moved at the sound of (Omar’s) footsteps.
42
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (Pir Jangi) said:
43
am=idā=am
mnā
na(y)-il-ay
EMPH=here=also I.OBJ NEG-leave.PRS-2SG
you do not leave me (alone) even here.
44
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (Omar) said:
45
xānaxarāb
mrōčī
čōn kurt-ag=ay
house.ruined today how do.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.2SG
Goodness gracious, what have you done today?
46
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (Pir Jangi) said:
47
pa wāǰa-ā
mrōčī šayr ǰat-a=un=u
for master-OBL today poem strike.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG=and
Today I have recited poetry for (my) Lord and
48
wat-ī
muzd-ā
ša
āyī
lōṭit-a=un
RFL-GEN wages-OBJ from DEM.OBL want.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I have asked for my wages from Him.
49
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (Omar) said:
50
b(y)-ā
SUBJ-come.PRS
Come
51
52
ē
tilā-ān-ā
b-zūr
DEM gold-PL-OBJ
(and) take this gold
SUBJ-take.PRS
wat-ī
kōr
xat-ā
kan
RFL-GEN track-OBJ blind
(and) get lost.
53
xayr
SUBJ.do.PRS
dāt=ē=u
well give.PST.3SG=PC.3SG=and
Well, he (Omar) gave him (the gold) and
54
pīr ǰangī
āt
diga šap=ē
bi kabristān-ay
tā
Pir Jangi come.PST.3SG other night=IND to graveyard-GEN in
kōna kabr-ay
tā
old
grave-GEN in
Pir Jangi came the next night into a graveyard, inside an old grave.
55
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
322
56
šapī
pa
murdag-ān
šayr=a
ǰan-īn
tonight
for dead-PL.OBL poem=IMF strike.PRS-1SG
Tonight I will recite poetry for the dead,
57
wat-ī
muzd-ā
ša
xudā-ā
lōṭ-īn
tilā
RFL-GEN wages-OBJ from God-OBL want.PRS-1SG
(and) I will ask God for my wages, gold.
58
žappit=ē
kōna kabr-ay
tā am=idā
srōz=u
gold
šayr
shake.out=PC.3SG old grave-GEN in EMPH=here fiddle=and poem
He began to play fiddle with utmost skill and recite poetry.
59
āxirā
wāb
šut
finally sleep go.PST.3SG
At the end he went to sleep.
60
say
duzz irāda
kurt-at-ant
three thief desire do.PST-COP.PST-3PL
Three thieves had taken a decision:
61
ki
b-raw-an
SUB SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL
Let’s go
62
bādišā-ay
xazānag-ā
b-ǰan-an
king-GEN treasury-OBJ SUBJ-hit.PRS-1PL
(and) steal from the king’s treasury.
63
am=idā
ki
āt-ant
EMPH=here SUB come.PST-3PL
When they came there,
64
gušt-ant
say.PST.3PL
they said:
65
aga
mašmā
pērōz
būt-an
if
we.INCL victorious become.PST-1PL
If we succeed,
66
yakk inǰ=ē
tilā
b(y)-ār-an
one lap=IND gold SUBJ-bring.PRS-1PL
let’s bring a lap of gold
67
am=ē
kabristān-ay
tā
EMPH=DEM graveyard-GEN in
(and) pour (it) into this grave.
68
aga
b-rēč-an
SUBJ-pour.PRS-1PL
na-būt-an
if
NEG-become.PST-1PL
If we don’t,
69
ki
hičkas-ā
iččī
SUB nobody-OBJ nothing
then nobody will get anything.
70
ē
šut-ant=u
DEM go.PST-3PL=and
They went and
323
71
kāmyāb
būt-ant=u
successful become.PST-3PL=and
were successful and
72
bādšā-(y)ay
xazānag-ā
ǰat-ant
king-GEN
treasury-OBJ strike.PST-3PL
they stole from the king’s treasury.
73
am=ē
kabristān-ayā
ki
āt-ant
EMPH=DEM graveyard-LOC SUB
When they came to this very graveyard,
74
ōš-ā
come.PST-3PL
kapt-ant
sense-OBL fall.PST-3PL
they remembered (what they had said before).
75
gušt-ant
say.PST.3PL
They said:
76
naki
mašmā
ančēn
nazr=ē
wat-ī
gardin-ā
not.that we.INCL such.ATTR vow=IND RFL-GEN
neck-OBL
išt-an
leave.PST-1PL
We did make such a vow (we did put such a vow on our neck).
77
yakk inǰ=ē
tilā
yakk=ē
zurt=u
one lap=IND gold one=IND seize.PST.3SG=and
One (of them) picked up a lap of gold and
78
am=ē
kabr=ē
kōna kabr=ē
EMPH=DEM grave=IND old
ki
pīr ǰangī
bi
grave=IND SUB Pir Jangi to
tay=int
inside.PC.3SG=COP.PRS.3SG
to this very grave, the old grave in which Pir Jangi is,
79
āwu
bring.PST.3SG
he brought (it)
80
am=ēš-ī
tā
bass
EMPH=DEM-GEN inside just
inǰ-ā
šēwag=ē
lap-OBJ downward=PC.3SG
ku
do.PST.3SG
inside it (the grave), just he poured down the lapful (of gold).
81
γirammag
būt
tilā=ay
pīr ǰangī-ay
sarā
loud.noise become.PST.3SG gold=PC.3SG Pir Jangi-GEN on
Its gold fell with a loud noise on Pir Jangi.
82
pīr ǰangī arkat ku
Pir Jangi move do.PST.3SG
Pir Jangi stood up,
83
ta
kabr
ša
tilā-ā
rōč=int
MIR grave from gold-OBL day=COP.PRS.3SG
good heavens, the grave was (bright like) the day because of the gold.
324
84
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
85
yā
allā
bēšakkā
ki
man pa(t)=ta
VOC God undoubtedly SUB I
rabāb
for=you.SG
rebeck
ǰat-un
strike.PST-1SG
Oh God, undoubtedly I played the rebeck for you
86
mnī
muzd-ā
ta
tilā=a
day-ay
I.GEN wages-OBJ you.SG gold=IMF give.PRS-2SG
(and) you give my wages in gold
87
am=ā
bū
EMPH=DEM become.PST.3SG
It was for that reason
88
ki
ingurī
pīr ǰangī
tōbba
SUB from=there hither
š=āddā
Pir Jangi
repentance do.PST.3SG
šayr= u
ku
ša
from
srōz-ān=ō
poem=and fiddle-PL.OBL=and
that from that time on Pir Jangi repented from (reciting) poetry and (playing) the fiddle and
89
pīr ǰangī
būt=u
Pir Jangi become.PST.3SG=and
he became Pir Jangi and
90
tārīx=ay
bi kurān-ā-ay
tā
mant-ant=u
history=PC.3SG to Koran-OBL-GEN in remain.PST-3PL=and
the stories about him were recorded in the Quran and
91
šāirī-(y)ā
wayl=ē
ku
poetry-OBJ given up=PC.3SG do.PST.3SG
he gave up poetry.
325
Title: Khudānizar Khān (KH) ‘Khudanizar Khan’
Narrator: Paraddin Gorgej
Date: 2006
Genre: Narrative Literature Type: Oral
Protagonist: Third Person
1
pa(t)=ta
yak kissa=(y)ē kan-īn
bayrūz
ǰān
for-you.SG one story=IND do.PRS-1SG Behrooz dear
Dear Behrooz, I tell you a story.
2
š-īt
say.PRS-3SG
They say:
3
yakk
xān=ē=at
one
khan=IND=COP.PST.3SG
(There) was a khan
4
nām=ay
xudānizar
xān=at
name=PC.3SG Khudanizar Khan=COP.PST.3SG
(whose) name was Khudanizar Khan.
5
ē
nākōzāk=ē
dāšt
DEM cousin=IND
He had a cousin.
6
nākōzāk=ē
have.PST.3SG
nām=ay
cousin=GEN
name=PC.3SG
His cousin’s name was Pirakk.
7
pīrakk āšix
pīrakk=at
Pirakk=COP.PST.3SG
būt-at
bi sabzō-ī
Pirakk in.love become.PST-COP.PST.3SG to
Pirakk had fallen in love with Sabzo.
8
sabzō
sarā
Sabzo-GEN on
ǰinēnzāg=ē=at
Sabzo woman=IND=COP.PST.3SG
Sabzo was a woman,
9
ǰinikk=ē=at
girl=IND=COP.PST.3SG
she was a girl.
10
āšix=at
sabzō-ī
in.love=COP.PST.3SG Sabzo-GEN
He was in love with Sabzo.
11
amēša
waxt
pa sabzō
līkō=a
sarā
on
gušt=u
always time for Sabzo sad.song=IMF say.PST.3SG=and
He always recited sad songs for Sabzo and
12
šayr=a
gušt=u
poem=IMF say.PST.3SG=and
recited poems and
13
all=a
ǰat=u
groan=IMF strike.PST.3SG=and
groaned and
14
sabzō-ī
piss
bi ēšī=a
na-dāt=ē
Sabzo-GEN father to DEM.OBL=IMF NEG-give.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
but Sabzo’s father did not marry her off to him.
326
15
yakk waxt=ē
būt=u
one time=IND become.PST.3SG=and
At a certain time,
16
sabzō-ī
piss
sabzō-ā
bi sarmāyadār=ē
Sabzo-GEN father Sabzo-OBJ to rich.man=IND
Sabzo’s father gave Sabzo (in marriage) to a rich man.
17
bi
dāt
give.PST.3SG
sarmāyadār=ē dāt=u
to
rich.man=IND give.PST.3SG=and
He gave (her) to a rich man and
18
mardak
mazan-ēn
dunyā=(y)ē dāt=u
man
big-ATTR wealth=IND give.PST.3SG=and
the man gave a lot of money (to the father) and
19
dōl-ān=u
dōl=at=u
drum-PL=and
drum=COP.PST.3SG=and
there was drum and drumming and
20
karappag=at=u
sound.of.the.drum=COP.PST.3SG=and
there was drumming (with sticks and)
21
čāp=at
dance=COP.PST.3SG
there was dancing.
22
tamām maxlūk-ā
all
lōṭit=at
ārōs-ā
people-OBJ want.PST=COP.PST.3SG wedding-OBL
wat-ī
ǰinikk-ayā
RFL-GEN daughter-LOC
He invited all people to the wedding, to his daughter’s (wedding).
23
xudānizar
xān-ā=am
lōṭit=at
Khudanizar Khan-OBJ=also want.PST=COP.PST.3SG
He had also invited Khudanizar Khan.
24
pīrakk=am
am=idā=at
Pirakk=also EMPH=here=COP.PST.3SG
Pirakk was also here.
26a
pīrakk
Pirakk
Pirakk,
25
š-īt
say.PRS-3SG
they say,
26b
čāp=a
kurt=u
dance=IMF do.PST.3SG=and
was dancing and
27
sabzō ša
killa-ā
dar=a
bū
Sabzo from wedding.tent-OBL out=IMF become.PST.3SG
and Sabzo started going out from the wedding tent,
28
aḍḍ=a
na-ku
waiting=IMF NEG-do.PST.3SG
she was impatient (she did not wait)
327
29
pīrakk-ā
sayl=a
ku
Pirakk-OBJ view=IMF do.PST.3SG
she was looking at Pirakk,
30
tamāšā=a
ku
look=IMF do.PST.3SG
she was watching (him).
31
sabzō=am āšiγ=at
pīrakk-ī
Sabzo=also in.love=COP.PST.3SG Pirakk-GEN
Sabzo was also in love with Pirakk.
32
ē
mardum
čōn
kurt-ant
DEM people
how do.PST-3PL
What did these people do?
33
ša
kasd-ā
pīrakk-ī
kawš-ān-ī
tā
from intention-OBL Pirakk-GEN shoe-PL-GEN in
iškar
tāgaz-(z)ay
tamarisk-GEN
rēt-ant
live.embers pour.PST-3PL
They intentionally poured live tamarisk embers in Pirakk’s shoes.
34
iškar
rēt-ant=u
live.embers pour.PST-3PL=but
They poured live embers and
35
iškar
čī=int
live.ember what=COP.PRS.3SG
What is ‘iškar’?
36
iškar
am=ē
zuγāl
rōšan-ēn
zuγāl
live.ember
EMPH=DEM charcoal light-ATTR
Live embers, this very charcoal, burning charcoal.
37
iškar=u
zānt-ay
coal
diga
live.ember=TOP know.PST-2SG other
Live embers, you got that, didn’t you?
38
iškar
rēt-ant=u
live.ember pour.PST-3PL=and
They poured live embers (but)
39
pīrakk sār
na-dāšt
Pirakk sense NEG-have.PST.3SG
Pirakk did not feel anything.
40
āšix=ē
at
in.love=IND COP.PST.3SG
He was a (person) in love.
41
čāp=a
ku
dance=IMF do.PST.3SG
He was dancing.
42
pād=ay
sōt-ant=u
foot=PC.3SG
burn.PST-3PL=and
His feet were burnt and
43
pād-ān-ī
dil=ay
foot-PL-GEN heart=PC.3SG
328
ē
rang
puxluk=u
paṭōsk
DEM manner vesicle=and blister
būt-ant
become.PST-3PL
and on the soles of his feet vesicles and blisters of this kind appeared.
44
āt
come.PST.3SG
He came
45
xudānizar
xān-ī
kirrā
ništ
Khudanizar Khan-GEN beside sit.PST.3SG
and sat down beside Khudanizar Khan.
46
xudānizar
xān
sayl ku
Khudanizar Khan view do.PST.3SG
Khudanizar Khan looked
47
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
(and) said:
48
pīrakk tī
pād-ān-ā
čī
būt-a
Pirakk you.SG.GEN foot-PL-OBJ what become.PST-PSTP
Pirakk, what has happened to your feet
49
ki
ē
rang
puxluk=ant
SUB DEM manner blister=COP.PRS.3PL
that they are (full of) blisters like this?
50
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
51
xān
mnī
pād-ān
Khan I.GEN foot-PL
Khan, my feet,
52
kawš-ān-ī
tā iškar
rēt-ag=ant
ša
shoe-PL-GEN in live.ember pour.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL from
dušmanāī-(y)ā
enmity-OBL
they have poured live embers in my shoes out of enmity
53
ki
sabzō killa-ay
tā aḍḍ=a
na-kan-t
SUB Sabzo wedding.tent-GEN in wait=IMF NEG-do.PRS-3SG
since Sabzo is not waiting in the wedding tent.
54
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (Khudanizar Khan) said:
55
56
am=ē
rang
EMPH=DEM
Is that so?
manner
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (Pirakk) said:
57
ān
yes
Yes!
329
58
xudānazar
xān
kasam wā
Khudanizar Khan oath
eat.PST.3SG
Khudanizar Khan took an oath:
59
ki
mnā
kasam
bi xudā=(y)int
SUB I.OBJ oath
I swear by God
60
ki
šapī
to
God=COP.PRS.3SG
sabzō-ay
SUB tonight
nikī-(y)ā
gō
ta=i
pīrakk
Sabzo-GEN marriage-OBJ with you.SG=IZ Pirakk
band-īn
tie.PRS-1SG
that tonight I will marry Sabzo to you, Pirakk,
61
bi ar
xarīd=ē
bīt
to every buying=IND be.PRS.3SG
at any price it may cost.
62
sabzō-ay
piss-ā
ē
gušt
Sabzo-GEN father-OBJ DEM say.PST.3SG
He said to Sabzo’s father:
63
marg=a
lōṭ-ay
death=IMF
want.PRS-2SG
(If) you want death,
64
ī
man=u ta
DEM I=and
you.SG
it is (between) me and you.
65
dunyā=a
lōṭ-ay
wealth=IMF want.PRS-2SG
(If) you want wealth,
66
am
ī
man=u ta
also DEM I=and you.SG
this is also (between) me and you.
67
maga šapī
man tī
only tonight I
sabzō-ī-(y)ā
ǰinikk-ay
nikī-(y)ā
you.SG.GEN daughter-GEN marriage-OBJ
gō
tī
zamās-ā
Sabzo-GEN-OBJ with you.SG.GEN son.in.law-OBL
na(y)-l-īn
NEG-leave.PRS-1SG
Only tonight, I will not allow your daughter’s marriage, that of Sabzo
with your son-in-law,
68
ki
man mi-bāyad gō
pīrakk bast-ag
SUB I
IMF-must with Pirakk
that I, it must be tied with Pirakk.
69
aga marg=a
lōṭ-ay
if
death=IMF want.PRS-2SG
If you want death
70
guṛā
ǰang=int
then fight=COP.PRS.3SG
then let’s fight (lit. it is fight),
330
bay-ant
tie.PST-PSTP become.PRS-3PL
71
harčī
ša(t)=ta
kušt-a
būt=u
whatever from=you.SG kill.PST-PSTP become.PST.3SG=and
whoever from you (your side) is killed and
72
arčī
ša(m)=man
whatever from=I
whoever from me (my side).
73
dunyā=a
lōṭ-ay
wealth=IMF want.PRS-2SG
(If) you want wealth,
74
b-guš
SUBJ-say.PRS
tell (me)!
75
mardak
dī
man
see.PST.3SG
The man saw
76
ki
xudānizar
xān
kasam wārt
SUB Khudanizar Khan oath
eat.PST.3SG
that Khudanizar Khan took an oath,
77
ša
marg-ā
čīz=ē
ǰōṛ=a
na-bīt
from death-OBL thing=IND prepared=IMF NEG-become.PRS.3SG
nothing (good) will come out of death.
78
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
79
man ša(t)=ta
aptād
uštir=a
lōṭ-īn
I
from=you.SG seventy camel=IMF want.PRS-1SG
I want seventy camels from you.
80
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (Kudanizar Khan) said:
81
b-ra-(y)it
SUBJ-go.PRS-2PL
Go
82
wat-ī
mardum-ān-ā
dēm day
mnī
RFL-GEN people-PL-OBJ face SUBJ.give.PRS I.GEN
bagg-ay
sarā
herd.of.camels-GEN on
(and) send your people to my herd of camels.
83
aptād
uštir āpus-ēn
ǰitā=ē
kurt=u
seventy camel pregnant-ATTR separated=PC.3SG do.PST.3SG=and
He separated out seventy pregnant camels and
84
dēm=ē
dāt
face=PC.3SG
give.PST.3SG
and sent (them) forth,
85
dast=ay
dāt
hand=OBL.PC.3SG give.PST.3SG
(and) gave (them) to him (Lit. in his hand).
331
86
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
87
ē
aptād
uštir
DEM seventy camel
Here (are your) seventy camels.
88
nūn wat-ī
zāmās-ā
gu
now RFL-GEN son.in.law-OBJ
Now tell your son-in-law
89
sabzō-ī
talāk-ān-ā
SUBJ.say.PRS
b-dant
Sabzo-GEN divorce-PL-OBJ SUBJ-give.PRS.3SG
to divorce Sabzo.
90
dōl-ān-ā
xāmōš ma-ka
drum-PL-OBJ silent PROH-do.PRS
Do not make the drums silent.
91
dōl
b-ill=ī
drum SUBJ-leave=PC.3SG
Let the drum(s),
92
nūn
pa pīrakk b-gard-ant
now for Pirakk SUBJ-circle.PRS-3PL
now, let the drum play (lit. turn) for Pirakk.
93
sabzō-ī
talāk-ān-ā
gipt=u
Sabzo-GEN divorce-PL-OBJ seize.PST.3SG=and
He (Khudanizar Khan) got Sabzo’s divorce and
94
ārōs
pīrakk-ī
būt
marriage Pirakk-GEN become.PST.3SG
the marriage became that of Pirakk.
95
ārōs
pīrakk-ī
būt
marriage Pirakk-GEN become.PST.3SG
It became the marriage of Pirakk,
96
pīrakk yakk sāl=ē
Pirakk yakk year=IND
Pirakk (for) one year,
97
pīrakk-ā
š-idā
zurt=u
Pirakk-OBJ from-here seize.PST.3SG=and
he took Pirakk from here and
98
šut
bi wat-ī
kawmī-(y)ay tā
go.PST.3SG to RFL-GEN tribal-GEN
went to his tribe.
99
in
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
100
andāz-ā
šurū
ku
cooperation-OBJ start
do.PST.3SG
He started the collection of property (for Pirakk).
101
332
yakk=i=rā
gu
one=IND=OBJ
say.PST.3SG
He said to one:
102
ta
dā
pas
b-day
you.SG ten sheep SUBJ-give.PRS
You give ten sheep.
103
yakk=i=rā
gu
one=IND=OBJ say.PST.3SG
He said to one:
104
du
uštir
day
two camel SUBJ.give.PRS
You give two camels.
105
yakk=i=rā
gu
one-IND=OBJ say.PST.3SG
He said to one:
106
arčī
ki
arkas=u
wass
whatever SUB everyone=TOP strength
whatever everyone (has) according to his ability.
107
yakk=i=rā
gu
one=IND=OBJ say.PST.3SG
He said to one:
108
ta
inka
day
you.SG this.much SUBJ.give.PRS
You, give this much.
109
nazzīnk=i du-sad
near=IZ
pas=u
sad
uštir
pa pīrakk
two-hundred sheep=and hundred camel for Pirakk
ǰōṛ=ē
ku
prepared=PC.3SG
do.PST.3SG
He obtained almost two-hundred sheep and one hundred camels for Pirakk,
110
ǰam=ē
ku
collection=PC.3SG do.PST.3SG
he collected (all this).
111
ki
yānē
sabzō
ma-guš-īt
SUB it means Sabzo PROH-say.PRS-3SG
In order for Sabzo not to say,
112
113
wat-ī
tā
pikr
ma-kan-t
RFL-GEN heart-GEN
not to think in her heart
dil-ay
in
thought
PROH-do.PRS-3SG
ki
mnā
xudānizar xān
bi xwār-ēn
mard=ē
SUB Khudanizar Khan I.OBJ to lowly-ATTR man=IND
dāt
give.PST.3SG
Khudanizar Khan married me off to a lowly man,
114
nādār=ē
nēzgār=ē
dāt
poor=IND destitute=IND
give.PST.3SG
he gave (me off to) a poor (and) destitute one.
115
yakk sāl
sabzō=u
pīrakk xānadārī
one year Sabzo=and Pirakk housekeeping
For one year Sabzo and Pirakk lived together.
kurt-ant
do.PST-3PL
333
116
kudrat-(t)ā
xudā-ī-(y)ā
yakk awlād=ē bačakk=ē
power-OBL GOD-GEN-OBL one child=IND boy=IND
būt=u
become.PST.3SG=and
By the power of God, a child, a boy was born and
117
xudānazar
xān-ī
aǰal
pūra
būt=u
Khudanizar Khan-GEN death fulfilled become.PST.3SG=and
(then) Khudanizar Khan’s days were up and
118
xudānizar
xān
murt
Khudanizar Khan die.PST.3SG
Khudanizar Khan died.
119
xudānizar
xān
ki
murt
Khudanizar Khan SUB die.PST.3SG
When Khudanizar Khan died,
120
pīrakk ša
xudānizar-ī
γam-ān
ganōk būt
Pirakk from Khudanizar-GEN grief-PL.OBL mad
become.PST.3SG
Pirakk became mad out of grief for Khudanizar Khan.
121
ganōk
ūt=u
mad
become.PST.3SG=and
He became mad and
122
all=a
ǰat=u
groan=IMF strike.PST.3SG=and
groaned and
123
grēt
rōč-ā
ta
bēgā-ī=u
IMF.cry.PST.3SG day-OBL until evening=ADVZ=and
cried the whole day (from morning) to evening and
124
wat-rā
kurkuṭū=a
dāt
RFL-OBJ roasted=IMF
he tormented himself.
125
give.PST.3SG
būt=u
become.PST.3SG=and
It so happened that
126
mardum=ē ki
b(y)-āt-ēn
bi pīrakk-ay
person=IND SUB SUBJ-come.PST-PSUBJ.3SG to
Pirakk-GEN
gis-ā
house-OBL
when someone came to Pirakk’s house,
127
bass
ša
xudānizar
kissa=a
kurt
just
from Khudanizar story=IMF do.PST.3SG
he talked so much about Khudanizar (and said):
128
ki
xudānizar
pa(m)=man ē
rang
kurt=u
SUB Khudanizar for=I
DEM manner do.PST.3SG=and
Khudanizar did this kind (of a thing) for me and
129
guṛā dēm-ā=a
gardēnt
then face-OBJ=IMF turn.PST.3SG
then he turned his face (to Sabzo and said):
334
130
ki
sabzō
xudānizar
am=ē
rang
kurt
SUB Sabzo Khudanizar EMPH=DEM manner
Sabzo, Khudanizar did this kind (of a thing)
131
do.PST.3SG
yā na-kurt
or NEG-do.PST.3SG
didn’t he?
132
ā=(w)a
gu
DEM=IMF say.PST.3SG
She would say:
133
kurt
do.PST.3SG
He did.
134
bass
γišš=a
ku
just
faint=IMF do.PST.3SG
Then he would faint.
135
yakk sāl=i
diga pīrakk umr ku
one year=IZ other Pirakk life
Pirakk lived one more year,
136
ša
xudānizar
pad
do.PST.3SG
pīrakk=am murt
from Khudanizar after Pirakk=also die.PST.3SG
after Khudanizar, Pirakk died, too.
137
pīrakk murt=u
Pirakk die.PST.3SG=and
Pirakk died and
138
ša
pīrakk yag
zāg=ē
from Pirakk one child=IND
one child of Pirakk’s remained,
139
mant
remain.PST.3SG
nūn pākistān-ā=int=u
now Pakistan-OBL=COP.PRS.3SG=and
he is in Pakistan now and
140
sabzō am=ā
rang
mant
Sabzo EMPH=DEM manner remain.PST.3SG
Sabzo stayed (just) the same way
141
ki
mant
SUB remain.PST.3SG
as she stayed.
142
ē
xudānizar-ī
kissa=int
DEM Khudanizar-GEN story=COP.PRS.3SG
This is the story of Khudanizar,
barāūī-ay
Brahui-GEN
balōč-ān-ī
Baloch-PL-GEN
that of the Baloch and Brahui’s.
335
Title: Taǰǰār-ay ǰinikk u pīramarday say zāg (TJ)
The Merchant’s Daughter and the Old Man’s Three Sons
Narrator: Paraddin Gorgej
Date: 2000
Genre: Narrative
Literature Type: Oral
Protagonist: Third Person
1
wāǰa
guš-īt
sir
say.PRS-3SG
Sir, they say:
2
yakk
pīramard=ē
dāšt
one
old.man=IND have.PST.3SG
A certain old man had three sons.
3
say
say
zāg
three
son
zāg dāšt=ō
three son have.PST.3SG=and
He had three sons and
4
ī
pīramard
say
tilā
sarmāya dāšt
DEM old.man
three gold assets
have.PST.3SG
this old man had three (pieces of) gold (as his) assets,
5
yag
ǰā=(y)ē
kurm=at-ant
one
place=IND pit=COP.PST-3PL
(which) were buried in a certain place.
6
pīramard
ālat=(t)i marg-ā
būt
old.man
state=IZ death-OBL be.PST.3SG
(When) the old man was dying,
7
wat-ī
zāg-ān-ā
gu
RFL-GEN child-PL-OBJ say.PST.3SG
he said to his children:
8
bābā
ar
waxt=ē
man
father every time=IND I
Dear children, whenever I die,
9
šumay
dunyā
murt-un
die.PST-1SG
pulān
ǰā-ā
kurm=ant
you.PL.GEN wealth
so.and.so place-OBL pit=COP.PRS.3PL
your wealth is buried in such and such a place.
10
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (one of the children speaking for all three) said:
11
ǰwān
good
Ok!
12
am=ē
gwanḍ-ēn
zāg=ay
EMPH=DEM small-ATTR son=PC.3SG
His youngest son stood up and
13
šut
go.PST.3SG
went
14
say
ku
view do.PST.3SG
he checked
336
arkat
kurt=u
movement do.PST.3SG=and
15
ki
bārēn
piss
drōg=a
ǰan-t
SUB whether father lie=IMF
whether the father was lying
16
strike.PRS-3SG
yā rāst
or right
or (telling) the truth.
17
say
ku
view do.PST.3SG
He looked,
18
ta
say
tilā
MIR three
gold
behold (there are) three (pieces of) gold.
19
20
yakk=i=rā
duzzit
one=IND=OBJ
He stole one.
steal.PST.3SG
ē
zāg=am
har
say
DEM child=also every three
zāg=ant
sāib=i
hāl-ēn
owner=IZ condition-ATTR
karāmāt-ī-(y)ēn
son=COP.PRS.3PL divine.gift-ADJZ-ATTR
These boys, all three, work miracles, they have divine gifts.
21
duzzit=u
steal.PST.3SG=and
He stole (it) and
22
pīramard
murt=u
old.man
die.PST.3SG=and
the old man died and
23
zāg
ēš-ā
kabr
kurt-ant=ō
child DEM-OBJ grave do.PST-3PL=and
the children buried him and
24
marg=u
xarǰ=ay
ki
gipt-ant
death=and expenses=OBJ.PC.3SG SUB take.PST-3PL
when they performed the mourning ceremonies with all its expenses,
25
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
he (one of them) said:
26
b-raw-an
annūn piss-ay
dunyā-ā
SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL now father-GEN possession-OBL
Now let’s go for the father’s wealth.
27
āt-ant
come.PST-3PL
They came
28
ta
tilā
du=ant
MIR gold two=COP.PRS.3PL
(and saw) that the (pieces of) gold were two.
29
gušt-ant
say.PST-3PL
They said:
337
30
aga piss
drōg
ǰat-ēn
if
father lie
SUBJ.strike.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
If (our) father had lied,
31
am=ē
du-(y)ēn-ān-ā=am
drōg=a ǰat
EMPH=DEM two-ATTR-PL-OBJ=also lie=IMF strike.PST.3SG
he would also lie about these very two (pieces of gold).
32
wāγiyī tilā
say
būt-ag=ant
real
gold three be.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL
The exact number of (the pieces of) gold had been three.
33
ē
na-gu
DEM NEG-say.PST.3SG
This one (the one who had stolen) did not say:
34
ki
ta
zurt-ag=ay
SUB you.SG take.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.2SG
You have stolen (it),
35
ā
zurt-a
DEM take.PST-PSTP
he has stolen (it).
36
am=ē
gušt=ī
EMPH=DEM say.PST=PC.3SG
This one, he said:
37
mašmā
b-raw-an
pa čē-(w)ā ….
we.INCL SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL for what-OBL
Let’s go for what (is it called?) ….,
38
yakk
am=ē
čē=(y)ē=at
one
EMPH=DEM what=IND=COP.PST.3SG
there was a certain what (do you call it?),
39
yakk
taǰǰār=ē=at
one
merchant=IND=COP.PST.3SG
there was a merchant.
40
ē
taǰǰār
bāz paysalagir=ē=at
DEM merchant very arbitration.ADJZ=IND=COP.PST.3SG
This merchant was a very wise person in arbitration.
41
kāzī=(y)ē=at
mānā
judge=IND=COP.PST.3SG meaning
In other words, he was a judge (in disputes).
42
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the one who had stolen) said:
43
b-raw-an
mašmā
SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL we.INCL
Let’s go
44
ki
mašmay
abar-ā
am=āddā
maga paysala
SUB we.INCL.GEN speech-OBJ EMPH=there only
kan-t
SUBJ.do.PRS-3SG
because it is only there that our dispute may be solved.
338
arbitration
45
ar
say
brās
rādag
būt-ant=u
every three brother en.route become.PST-3PL=and
All three brothers set out and
46
āt-ant
yag ǰā=(y)ē
come.PST-3PL one place=IND
they came to a place,
47
dīst-ant
see.PST-3PL
they saw
48
ta
yakk
burr=ē mardum=a
ǰī-(y)ant
MIR one
lot=IND people=IMF run.PRS-3PL
that a lot of people were running,
49
yag mardum=ē=a
rawt
one person=IND=IMF go.PRS.3SG
one person is walking (along).
50
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (one of the boys) said:
51
wāǰa
sir
Sir!
52
yakk=ē ša
wat-ī
dil-ā
gu
one=IND from RFL-GEN heart-OBL
One (of them) said by intuition:
53
wāǰa
tī
uštir=ē
say.PST.3SG
zīyān=int
sir
you.SG.GEN camel=IND lost=COP.PRS.3SG
Sir, is a camel of yours lost?
54
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
55
hān
yes
Yes!
56
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
57
ki
āpus-ēn=ē
SUB pregnant-ATTR=IND
Is it pregnant?
58
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
59
hān
yes
Yes!
60
du-(y)umī-(y)ēn
gu
two-ORD-ATTR say.PST.3SG
339
The second one said:
61
āpus-ēn=ē
pregnant-ATTR=IND
Is it pregnant?
62
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
63
hān
yes
Yes!
64
say-umī-(y)ēn
gu
three-ORD-ATTR say.PST.3SG
The third one said:
65
yakk
čamm=ay
kōr=int
one
eye=PC.3SG blind=COP.PRS.3SG
Is it blind on one eye?
66
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
67
hān
yes
Yes!
68
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
69
ammā
na-dīst-ag=an
we.EXCL NEG-see.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1PL
We haven’t seen it.
70
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
71
ša
āpus-ī=(y)ay
zānt-ay
from pregnant-NOMZ=OBL.PC.3SG know.PST-2SG
You knew about its pregnancy,
72
ša
čamm-ay kōr-ī=(y)ay
zānt-ay
from eye-GEN blind-NOMZ=OBL.PC.3SG know.PST-2SG
you knew about its blindness on one eye,
73
ša
mādag-ī=(y)ay
from
female-NOMZ=OBL.PC.3SG know.PST-2SG from RFL-GEN
zānt-ay
dil-ā
heart-OBL
you knew that it is a female, all this by intuition,
74
gō
šumā=(y)int
with you.PL=COP.PRS.3SG
you have it.
75
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
340
ša
wat-ī
He said:
76
b-raw-an
čār-umī-(y)ēn
SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL four-ORD-ATTR
Let’s go, you (are) the fourth one,
77
ammā=am
raw-an
ta
you.SG
pa šarīat-(t)ā
we.PL.EXCL=also go.PRS-1PL for religious.law-OBL
we are also going (to the judge) for (arbitration) according to religious law,
78
ta=um
b(y)-ā
you.SG=also SUBJ-come.PRS
you, come, too.
79
gō
ēšī
čār
būt-ant
with DEM.OBL four
become.PST-3PL
With this person they were four (altogether).
80
dīst-ant
see.PST-3PL
They saw
81
ta
ša
yag ǰā=(y)ē
burr=ē mardum=a
ǰi-īt
MIR from one place=IND lot=IND people=IMF run.PRS-3SG
ǰālā-(y)ī
down -ADVZ
that a lot of people were running downwards (southward) from a certain
place.
82
rumm
rumm=int
group group=COP.PRS.3SG
They were in groups.
83
yakk=ē tawār ǰat
one=IND call
strike.PST.3SG
One (of them) called out:
84
ki
wāǰa
šumay
ǰinēnzāg=ē
zīyān=int
SUB sir
you.PL.GEN woman=IND lost=COP.PRS.3SG
Sir, is a woman of yours lost?
85
ā
gušt-ant
DEM say.PST-3PL
They said:
86
hān
yes
Yes!
87
du-(y)umī-(y)ēn
gu
two-ORD-ATTR
say.PST.3SG
The second one said:
88
ki
wāǰa
mōlid=ē
SUB sir
female.slave=IND
Sir, is she a female servant?
89
ā
gušt-ant
DEM say.PST-3PL
They said:
341
90
hān
yes
Yes!
91
say-umī-(y)ēn
gu
three-ORD-ATTR say.PST.3SG
The third one said:
92
wāǰa
lāp-ā
zāg
dār-īt
sir
belly-OBL child have.PRS-3SG
Sir, does she have a child in her belly (is she pregnant)?
93
gušt-ant
say.PST-3PL
They said:
94
hān
yes
Yes!
95
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
96
ammā
na-dīst-ag=an=ē
we.EXCL NEG-see.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1PL=PC.3SG
We haven’t seen her.
97
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
98
xānaxarāb
ša
mōlid-ī=(y)ay
house.ruined from female.slave-NOMZ=OBL.PC.3SG
zānt-ay
know.PST-2SG
Goodness gracious, you knew of her being a female slave,
99
ša
ǰinēnzāg-ī=(y)ay
zānt-ay
from woman-NOMZ=OBL.PC.3SG know.PST-2SG
you knew that she was a woman,
100
man
šumā-rā
na(y)-l-īn
I
you.PL-OBJ NEG-leave.PRS-1SG
I don’t let you (go),
101
gō
šumā=(y)int
with you.PL=COP.PRS.3SG
you have her.
102
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said,
103
ē
uštirwālā
gu
DEM camel.owner say.PST.3SG
This camel owner said:
104
nākō ē
ganōk=ant
uncle DEM mad=COP.PRS.3PL
Uncle, these are crazy.
342
105
ē
mnā=um am=ē
rang
gušt-ag=ant
DEM I.OBJ=also EMPH=DEM manner say.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL
These (guys) have also told me the same sort of thing.
106
šumā
b-ra-(y)it
pa wat-ī
mardum-ā
you.PL SUBJ-go.PRS-2PL for RFL-GEN person-OBL
You go after your (lost) person,
107
man=a
ra-(y)īn
pa wat-ī
uštir-ā
I=IMF
go.PRS-1SG for RFL-GEN camel-OBL
I go after my camel.
108
ī
ganōk=ant
DEM mad=COP.PRS.3PL
These (guys) are crazy.
109
xayr
ēš
ǰitā
būt-ant=u
well DEM separated become.PST-3PL=and
Well, they were separated and
110
ē
āt-ant=u
DEM come.PST-3PL=and
these (three brothers) came and
111
bi=m=ē
taǰǰār-ay
awtāx-ā
in=EMPH=DEM merchant-GEN
sat down in the merchant’s room.
112
taǰǰār
bi wat-ī
ništ-ant
room-OBL sit.PST-3PL
sarmāya-ā
yag ǰinikk=ē dāšt
merchant in RFL-GEN assets-OBL one girl=IND have.PST.3SG
The merchant had one daughter as his (only) assets.
113
ša
rōč=ē
ki
ē
ǰinikk bi dunyā āt=at
from day=IND SUB DEM girl
to world come.PST=COP.PST.3SG
From the (first) day when this girl had been born,
114
ta=m=ē
ki
kabī=at=u
until=EMPH=DEM SUB strong=COP.PST.3SG=and
until this very time when she was mature and
115
bi wat-ī
waxt-ā
in RFL-GEN time-OBJ
had reached puberty,
116
γayr
ša
rast=at
reach.PST=COP.PST.3SG
mās=ay=u
except from mother=OBL.PC.3SG=and
piss=ay
ki
father=OBL.PC.3SG SUB
zānt
understand.PST.3SG
except her mother and father who knew
117
ki
ē
ǰinikk=ē
SUB DEM girl=IND
that this was a girl,
118
amsāyag=am=a
na-zānt-ant
neigbour=also=IMF NEG-know.PST-3PL
even the neighbours didn’t know
119
ki
ē
ǰinikk=ē
SUB DEM girl=IND
that this was a girl.
343
120
amēša waxt am=ē
libās=i
mardānag-ī=(y)a
pōšit
always time EMPH=DEM dress=IZ manly-NOMZ=IMF wear.PST.3SG
She was always wearing men’s clothes,
121
lung=am
sar=ay=at
loin.cloth=also head=OBL.PC.3SG=COP.PST.3SG
she also had a loin-cloth on her head (as a turban).
122
kass=ē
na-zānt
person=IND NEG-know.PST.3SG
Nobody knew (recognize her).
123
ī
hāt-ant=u
DEM come.PST-3PL=and
These (guys) came and
124
bi taǰǰār-ay
awtāx-ā
ki
ništ-ant
in merchant-GEN room-OBL SUB sit.PST-3PL
when they sat down in the merchant’s room,
125
taǰǰār
p=ēš-ān
gwarag=ē kušt
merchant for=DEM-PL.OBL lamb=IND kill.PST.3SG
the merchant slaughtered a lamb for them.
126
gwarag=ē ki
kušt
lamb=IND SUB kill.PST.3SG
When he slaughtered a lamb,
127
nān-ay
waxt
bread-GEN time
it was mealtime.
128
dastšōd
būt
become.PST.3SG
āurt
hand.wash bring.PST.3SG
He brought a jug for washing hands,
129
dast-ān-ā
ki
šušt
hand-PL-OBJ SUB wash.PST.3SG
when he (or rather his servant on behalf of him) had washed their hands
130
nān-ān-ā
ki
āurt-ant
food-PL-OBJ SUB bring.PST-3PL
(and) when they had brought the food,
131
yakk=ē
gu
one=IND say.PST.3SG
one (of them) said:
132
man ē
nān-ān-ā
I
DEM food-PL-OBJ
I do not eat this food
133
ki
am=ē
na-war-īn
NEG-eat.PRS-1SG
galla ša
murdag-ay
SUB EMPH=DEM grain from dead-GEN
aḍḍ-ay
tā sabz
bone-GEN in green
būt-ag=ant
become.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS3PL
because this wheat has grown in (soil from) the dead’s bones.
134
du-(y)umī-(y)ēn
gu
two-ORD-ATTR say.PST.3SG
The second one said:
344
135
man ēš-ān-ā
na-war-īn
I
DEM-PL-OBJ NEG-eat.PRS-1SG
I don’t eat it
136
ki
am=ē
gōšt ar-ay
gōšt=ant
SUB EMPH=DEM meat donkey-GEN flesh=COP.PRS.3PL
since this meat is donkey’s meat.
137
say-umī-(y)ēn
gu
three-ORD-ATTR say.PST.3SG
The third one said:
138
man=a na-war-īn
I=IMF NEG-eat.PRS-1SG
I don’t eat
139
ki
am=ē
taǰǰār=am
kōṭig=ē
SUB EMPH=DEM merchant=also illegitimate=IND
because this merchant is an illegitimate child,
140
gulām-ay
zāg=e
male.slave-GEN child=IND
he is a child of a male salve.
141
na-wārt-ant
NEG-eat.PST-3PL
They didn’t eat.
142
na-wārt-ant=u
NEG-eat.PST-3PL=and
They didn’t eat and
143
dast-šōd-uk
šut=u
hand-wash.PRS-PRP go.PST.3SG=and
the hand-washer went and
144
pa taǰǰār-ā
ī
kissa-ān-ā
ku
for merchant-OBL DEM story-PL-OBJ do.PST.3SG
told all this story to the merchant.
145
taǰǰār-ā
tap=ē
zu
sōr-ēn
merchant-OBJ fever=IND sieze.PST.3SG red-ATTR
The merchant was attacked by a fever, a high (fever)
146
ki
man ….
SUB I
that I ….
147
ī
či
balā=ant
DEM what calamity=COP.PRS.3PL
What kind of weird ones are these (guys)?
148
taǰǰār
lōṭit
sālār-ā
merchant want.PST.3SG foreman.of.farmers-OBJ
The merchant called the person who was in charge of the farmers.
149
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He said:
150
xānaxarāb
ī
house.ruined DEM
gušt-ag=ant
say.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL
345
Goodness gracious, these (guys) have said
151
ē
galla
ša
murdag-ay
aḍḍ-ay
tā=ant
DEM grain from dead-GEN bone-GEN
this wheat is from among the dead’s bones.
152
in=COP.PRS.3PL
gu
say.PST.3SG
He said:
153
wāǰa am=ā
sir
kabristān-ī-(y)ā
āp
EMPH=DEM graveyard-ADJZ-OBJ water
burt=at
take.PST=COP.PST.3SG
Sir, the graveyard had been flooded by water,
154
am=ē
sōrōšag-ān-ā
man rēt-un
EMPH=DEM big.grain-PL-OBJ I
I sowed these very big grains (these),
155
rāst=a
pour.PST-1SG
š-ant
right=IMF say.PRS-3PL
they are right.
156
157
lōṭit=ē
šwānag-ā
want.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
He called the shepherd.
shepherd-OBJ
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He said:
158
xānaxarāb
ī
gwarag
čī=(y)ē
house.ruined DEM lamb
what=IND
Goodness gracious, what is this lamb?
159
ī
gwarag-ay
gōšt-ān-ā
DEM lamb-GEN meat-PL-OBJ
They have said this lamb’s meat
160
gušt-ag=ant
say.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL
ar-ay=ant
donkey-GEN=COP.PRS.3PL
is donkey’s meat.
161
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
162
163
ān
sāib
ēš
saγīr=ē=at=u
yes
master DEM orphan=IND=COP.PST.3SG=and
Yes sir, this (lamb) didn’t have a mother and
man ēš-ā
činka
waxt bi ar-ā
I
DEM-OBJ so.many time to donkey-OBL
mēčēnt-a=un
suckle. CAUS.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I made it suckle a donkey for some time.
164
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
346
165
166
167
man=am kōṭig=ē=un
diga
I=also
illegitimate.child=IND=COP.PRS.1SG
I, too, (must be) an illigitimate child.
other
lōṭit=ī
wat-ī
mās-ā
want.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
RFL-GEN
He called his mother (and said)
mother-OBJ
ki
b-gu
māsī
rāst-ēn-ā
SUB mother.VOC truth-ATTR-OBJ SUBJ-say.PRS
Mother, tell the truth!
168
ē
rang-ēn
say
balā=ant
DEM manner-ATTR three calamity=COP.PRS.3PL
There are three such weird ones.
169
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
She said:
170
rāst=a
š-ant
right=IMF say.PRS-3PL
they are right,
171
ta
gulām-ay
tōm=ē=(w)ay
you.SG male slave-GEN seed=IND=COP.PRS.2SG
you are an offspring of a male slave.
172
taǰǰār
wat-ī
ǰinikk-ā
lōṭit
merchant RFL-GEN daughter-OBJ want.PST.3SG
The merchant called his daughter.
173
ǰinikk=ay
gu
daughter=PC.3SG say.PST.3SG
His daughter said:
174
ta
pačē ē
rang=ay
you.SG why DEM manner=COP.PRS.2SG
Why are you like this?
175
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
176
ančēn
say
balā=at
such.ATTR three calamity=COP.PST.3SG
There were three such weird ones,
177
ē
rang-ēn
čī
DEM manner-ATTR what
they have said such things.
178
gušt-ag=ant
say.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
She said:
179
ā-(w)ān-ī
ǰawāb-ā
DEM-PL-GEN answer-OBJ
I will take care of them.
180
man=a
da-īn
I=IMF
give.PRS-SG
ta
bēγam
you.SG
carefree SUBJ.be.PRS
bay
347
You don’t worry.
181
ǰinikk wat-rā
girl
RFL-OBJ
The girl ..... herself,
182
am=ā
libās=i
mardēnzāg-ī=at
EMPH=DEM dress=IZ male-ADJZ=COP.PST.3SG
she was wearing a man’s clothes.
183
āt=u
come.PST.3SG=and
She came and
184
salām
dāt
greeting give.PST.3SG
greeted (them),
185
daskalla=(y)ē
dāt
wāǰa
shaking.hand=IND give.PST.3SG sir
she shook hands, sir
186
waššāmad=ē
kurt=u
welcome=IND do.PST.3SG=and
she welcomed (them) and
187
ništ=u
sit.PST.3SG=and
sat down and
188
ǰinikk gardēnt
girl
turn.CAUS.PST.3SG
the girl turned (to them and said):
189
ki
wāǰa man pa šumā
kissa=(y)ē kan-īn
SUB sir I
for you.PL story=IND
I will tell you a story, sir.
190
ā-(w)ān-ā
do.PRS-1SG
gu
DEM-PL-OBL say.PST.3SG
She told them.
191
am=ē
say
brās-ā
gu
EMPH=DEM three brother-OBJ
She said to these three brothers.
192
say.PST.3SG
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
She said:
193
man pa šumā
kissa=(y)ē kan-īn
I
for you.PL story=IND
I will tell you a story.
194
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (one of the three) said:
195
p-kan
SUBJ-do.PRS
Tell!
348
do.PRS-1SG
196
ǰinikkō gušt
girl
say.PST.3SG
The girl said:
197
ki
taǰǰār=ē
dāšt
ǰwān-ēn
ǰinēn=ē
SUB merchant=IND have.PST.3SG good-ATTR woman=IND
šāyista-(y)ēn
meritorious-ATTR
A merchant had a beautiful wife, a meritorious one.
198
199
ē
pa
taǰārat-(t)ā
DEM merchant go.PST-COP.PST.3SG for
This merchant had gone trading.
taǰǰār
šut-at
trade-OBL
ša
padā
am=ē
from
back
EMPH=DEM woman-GEN on.PC.3SG king
ǰinēn-ay
saray
bādšā
āšix
būt-at
lover become.PST-COP.PST.3SG
After that, the king had fallen in love with his (the merchant’s) wife.
200
bādšā
āšix
būt=at=u
king
lover become.PST=COP.PST.3SG=and
The king had fallen in love and
201
bādšā ǰinikkō-ā
king girl-OBJ
the king .... the girl,
202
bādšā hamr kurt-at
am=ē
āǰizag-ay
sarā
king order do.PST-COP.PST.3SG EMPH=DEM woman-GEN on
the king had ordered this woman:
203
ki
šapī-(y)ay
pulān
SUB
tonight-GEN
such and such time-OBL must
waxt-ā
mēbāyad
ta
you.SG
mnī(y)ā b(y)-ā-(y)ay
I.LOC
SUBJ-come.PRS-2SG
You have to come to me at such and such time tonight.
204
ǰinikkō gu
girl
say.PST.3SG
The girl said:
205
ē
rang
sardarā
man b(y)-ā-(y)īn
DEM manner openly I
SUBJ-come.PRS-1SG
(If) I come openly in this manner,
206
ar
kas=a
every body=IMF
everyone will see
207
mašmā
gind-īt
see.PRS-3SG
nāmbad=a
bay-an
we.INCL defamed=IMF become.PRS-1PL
(and) we will be defamed.
208
ta
ša=m=ē
awtāx=ē
ki
dār-ay
you.SG from=EMPH=DEM room=IND SUB have.PRS-2SG
From this room that you have,
209
ša=m=ēš-ī
tā
čērzamīn-ī-(y)ēn
sūpa=(y)ē
from=EMPH=DEM-GEN inside underground-ADJZ-ATTR tunnel=IND
349
b-ǰa
SUBJ-strike.PRS
dig an underground tunnel from inside this very (room)
210
ki
bi mnī
gis-ay
tā
dar
bī
SUB in I.GEN house-GEN inside out
that comes out in my house
211
ki
man ša=m=ā
ḍigār-ay
SUBJ.become.PRS.3SG
čērā
b(y)-ā-(y)īn
SUB I
from=EMPH=DEM earth-GEN under SUBJ-come.PRS-1SG
in order for me to come from under the ground,
212
kass=ē
ma-zān-t
person=IND PROH-know.PRS-3SG
so that nobody will know.
213
bādšā ta
waxt=ē
ki
ē
sūpa-(y)ā
ǰat=u
king until time=IND SUB DEM tunnel-OBJ strike.PST.3SG=and
At the time when the king had dug this tunnel and
214
takmīl
kurt
complete do.PST.3SG
completed (it),
215
waxt
ǰinikkō am=ēš=at
time girl
EMPH=DEM=COP.PST.3SG
it was time for the girl
216
ki
b-rawt
SUB SUBJ-go.PRS.3SG
to go,
217
zabr
wat-rā
ārāyiš
kurt=at
good RFL-OBJ makeup do.PST=COP.PST.3SG
she had made up herself well,
218
taǰǰār
āt
merchant come.PST.3SG
the merchant came.
219
mard=ay
āt
man=PC.3SG
come.PST.3SG
Her husband came.
220
mard=ay
ki
āt
man=PC.3SG
SUB come.PST.3SG
When her husband came,
221
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
he said:
222
ǰinēn
man tī
mard=un
woman.VOC I
you.SG.GEN man=COP.PRS.1SG
Woman, I am your husband
223
ki
idā
na-būt-ag=un
SUB here NEG-be.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
who has not been here.
224
ta
pa kay
ē
rang
ārāyiš=ay
you.SG for who DEM manner makeup=COP.PRS.2SG
350
For whom are you made up like this?
225
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
She said:
226
yāra
rāst-ēn-ā
sōǰ=a
kan-ay
truly truth-ATTR-OBJ asking=IMF do.PRS-2SG
Truly, do you want to know the truth?
227
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
228
ān
yes
Yes!
229
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
She said:
230
bādšā
mnī
sarā
āšix
būt-a
king
I.GEN on
lover become.PST-PSTP
The king has fallen in love with me
231
wa
am=ēš=int
and EMPH=DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
and now it is the exact time
232
ki
man āmāda=at-un
SUB I
ready=COP.PST-1SG
that I was ready
233
ki
b-ra-(y)īn
pa bādšā-ā
SUB SUBJ-go.PRS-1SG
to go to the king,
234
ta
for king-OBL
āt-ay
you.SG come.PST-2SG
(and) you came.
235
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
236
yāra bādšā ki
āšix būt-a
truly king SUB lover become.PST-PSTP
Truly, (now that) the king who has fallen in love (with you),
237
man āšix-ā
bi āšix-ā
baxšāt-a=un
I
lover-OBJ to lover-OBL bestow.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I give the beloved to the lover.
238
b-ra
SUBJ-go.PRS
Go,
239
trā
bi bādšā-ā
baxšāt-ag=un
you.SG.OBJ to king-OBL bestow.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I give you to the king.
351
240
āǰizag
āt
bi bādšā-ayā
woman come.PST.3SG to king-LOC
The woman came to the king,
241
kamm=ē
waxt
tāxīr
ku
a little-IND time delay
do.PST.3SG
she was delayed for a little while.
242
nūn ǰinikkō p=ēš-ān
kissa=a
kan-t
now girl
for=DEM-PL.OBL story=IMF do.PRS-3SG
Now, the girl (merchant’s daughter) is telling them the story,
243
šumā
gōš kaššit
you.PL ear
you listen!
244
pull.PST.3SG
gušt
say.PST.3SG
(The lady who was going to the king) said (to her husband):
245
ǰwān=int
good=COP.PRS.3SG
Very well
246
gu
waxt kamm=ē
tāxīr
ku
with time a.little=IND delay do.PST.3SG
She was delayed a little for the appointed time.
247
bādšā
sōǰ
ku
king
question do.PST.3SG
The king asked:
248
ki
duxtar ta
čirā
SUB girl
you.SG why
Girl, why did you come late?
249
dēr
āt-ay
late come.PST-2SG
gušt
say.PST.3SG
She said:
250
mnī
mard āt
I.GEN man come.PST.3SG
My husband came.
251
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
252
ta
čōn
napā
āt-ay
you.SG how then come.PST-2SG
Then how did you come?
253
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
She said:
254
man akīkat-(t)ā
bi wat-ī
mard-ā
gušt-un
I
truth-OBJ to REF-GEN man-OBL say.PST-1SG
I told my husband the truth.
255
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
352
He (my husband) said:
256
man āšix-ā
bi āšix-ā
baxšāt-a=un
I
lover-OBJ to lover-OBL
I give the beloved to the lover.
257
bestow.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the king) said:
258
tī
mard ki
you.SG.GEN man
inka
mērabān
SUB this.much kind
būt-a=u
become.PST-PSTP=and
Now that your husband has been so kind and
259
inka
mardānag-ī-(y)ēn …
this.much manly-NOMZ-ATTR
(has done) such a magnanimous (thing),
260
ta=am
mnī
mās=u
gwār=ay
you.SG=also I.GEN mother=and sister=COP.PRS.2SG
you are also (like) my mother and sister.
261
trā=um
man bi(t)=tī
mard-ā
baxšāt
padā
you.SG.OBJ=also I
to=you.SG.GEN man-OBL bestow.PST.3SG back
I give you back to your husband, too,
262
b-ra
sālimā
SUBJ-go.PRS safe.and.sound
go back safe and sound.
263
ǰinikkō padā bir-gašt
am=ē
sūpa-(y)ay
tā
girl
back PREV-return.PST.3SG EMPH=DEM tunnel-GEN inside
The girl returned back into the tunnel
264
ki
b-ayt
SUB SUBJ-come.PRS.3SG
to come,
265
čill
duzz
diga
sūpa=(y)ē ǰat=at-ant
forty thief other tunnel=IND hit.PST=COP.PST-3PL
forty thieves had dug another tunnel,
266
ki
ammā
bādšā-ay
xazānag-ā
duzz-an
SUB we.EXCL king-GEN treasury-OBJ SUBJ.steal.PRS-1PL
We are going to steal the king’s treasure!
267
ā-(w)ān-ī
sūpa
čērzamīn-ī
gō
DEM-PL-GEN
tunnel
underground-ADJZ
with
ēš-ān-ī-(y)ā
dap
wā
DEM-PL-GEN-OBL
mouth eat.PST.3SG
Their (the thieves’) underground tunnel met their (the king’s and woman’s)
tunnel.
268
ē
ǰinikk čill
duzz-ay
dam-ā
kapt
DEM girl
forty thief-GEN breath-OBL fall.PST.3SG
This girl fell into the hands of the forty thieves.
269
duzz-ay
dam-ā
kapt
thief-GEN
breath-OBL
fall.PST.3SG
353
She fell into the thieves’ hands.
270
ā
gušt
DEM say.PST.3SG
She said:
271
ki …
SUB
That …
272
gušt-ant
say.PST-3PL
They said:
273
ki
ta
guǰā
būt-ag=ay
SUB you.SG where be.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.2SG
Where have you been?
274
gu
say.PST.3SG
She said:
275
yāra
mnī
sarā bādšā āšix
būt-a=u
truly I.GEN on king lover become.PST-PSTP=and
Truly, the king had fallen in love with me and
276
mnī
mard
āt=u
I.GEN man
come.PST.3SG=and
my husband came and
277
mnā
bi bādšā-ā
baxšāt
I.OBJ to king-OBL bestow.PST.3SG
gave me to the king.
278
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (one of the thieves) said:
279
guṛān čōn
then how
Then what (happened)?
280
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
She said:
281
bādšā=um mnā
padā
bi mnī
mard-ā
baxšāt
king=also I.OBJ back to I.GEN man-OBL bestow.PST.3SG
The king also gave me back to my husband.
282
nūn
man šumay
dam-ā
kapt-a
now I
you.PL.GEN breath-OBL fall.PST-PSTP
Now, I have fallen into your hands.
283
duzz
gušt-ant
thief say.PST-3PL
The thieves said:
284
ammay
rōzī-(y)ā=u
xudā dant
we.EXCL.GEN ration-OBJ=TOP God
God will certainly give our daily bread,
354
give.PRS.3SG
285
ammā=am
trā
bi(t)=tī
mard-ā
we.PL.EXCL=also you.SG.OBJ to=you.SG.GEN
man-OBL
baxšāt-ag=an
bestow.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1PL
we also give you (back) to your husband,
286
b-ra
sālim
SUBJ-go.PRS safe.and.sound
go safe and sound.
287
ǰinēnzāg padā
bi wat-ī
women
to
back
gašt
mard-ā
sālim
RFL-GEN man-OBL safe.and.sound
bir-gašt
turn.PST.3SG PREV-turn.PST.3SG
The girl returned back to her husband safe and sound.
288
ayā taǰǰār
ǰwān-ēn
kār=ē
kurt
did merchant good-ATTR work=IND
Did the merchant do a good deed?
289
bādšā
ǰwān-ēn
kār=ē
kurt
king
good-ATTR work=IND
Did the king do a good deed?
290
yā duzz ǰwān-ēn
do.PST.3SG
kār=ē
kurt-ant
or thief good-ATTR work=IND
Or did the thieves do a good deed?
291
yakk=ē
do.PST.3SG
do.PST-3PL
gu
one=IND say.PST.3SG
One (of them) said:
292
ki
taǰǰār
ǰwān-ēn
SUB merchant good-ATTR
The merchant did a good deed
293
ki
āšix-ā
kār=ē
ku
work=IND
do.PST.3SG
bi āšix-ā
baxšāt
SUB lover-OBJ to lover-OBL
who gave the beloved to the lover.
294
du-(y)umī-(y)ēn
bestow.PST.3SG
gu
two-ORD-ATTR say.PST.3SG
The second one said:
295
ki
bādšā
ǰwān-ēn
kār=ē
ku
SUB king
good-ATTR work=IND do.PST.3SG
The king did a good deed
296
ki
padā ǰan-ā
bi mard-ā
baxšāt
SUB back woman-OBJ to man-OBL bestow.PST.3SG
who gave the woman back to her husband.
297
say-umī-(y)ēn
gu
three-ORD-ATTR say.PST.3SG
The third one said,
298
ki
duzz=am ǰwān-ēn
kār=ē
kurt-ag=ant
SUB thief=also good-ATTR work=IND do.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL
The thieves have also done a good deed.
355
299
gušt
say.PST.3SG
She (the girl) said:
300
ki
duzz=am
ta=(w)ay
SUB thief=also you.SG=COP.PRS.2SG
You are certainly the thief,
301
tilā=am tī
piss-ay
gō
ta=int
gold=also you.SG.GEN father-GEN with you.SG=COP.PRS.3SG
as for the (piece of) gold, your father’s, you have it.
302
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the one who had stolen) said:
303
ā=um
sāib=i
āl=ē=at
DEM=also owner=IZ condition=IND=COP.PST.3SG
He had also miracle working powers.
304
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
305
ta=am
ǰinēnzāg=ē=(w)ay
you.SG=also woman=IND=COP.PRS.2SG
As for you, you are a woman,
306
ǰinikk=ē=(w)ay
girl=IND=COP.PRS.2SG
you are a girl,
307
mardēnzāg=ē na-(w)ay
man=IND
NEG-COP.PRS.2SG
(and) you are not a man.
308
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
She said:
309
man ki
ǰinēnzāg=ē=un
I
TOP woman=IND=COP.PRS.1SG
Now that I am a woman (as you say),
310
mnī
mard=am ta=(w)ay
I.GEN man=also you.SG=COP.PRS.2SG
you will also be my husband,
311
diga
mard man=a na-gir-īn
other man I=IMF NEG-take.PRS-1SG
I will not marry another man.
312
ān,
am=āyi-rā
ī
gipt
yes EMPH=DEM-OBJ DEM seize.PST.3SG
Yes, she married him.
356
Title: Pīrēn balōč u uštir (BU) ‘The Old Baloch and the Camel’
Narrator: Khan Mohammad Rakhshani
Date: 2001
Genre: Narrative
Literture Type: Oral
Protagonist: Third Person
1
guš-ant
say.PRS-3PL
They say:
2
ki
yakk
pīramard=i
balōč=ē=at
SUB one
old.man=IZ
Baloch=IND=COP.PST.3SG
There was a certain old man, a Baloch
3
yag uštir=ē
dāšt
bi wat-ī
one camel=IND have.PST.3SG in
dārāī-ay
mučč-ēn
RFL-GEN all-ATTR
tā
possessions-GEN in
and he had a camel as his only possession
4
ki
ē
uštir-ā
ša
wat-ī
ǰāl=u
camel-OBJ
from
RFL-GEN
ignorance=and
SUB DEM
nābizāntī=(y)ē ki
dāšt
ignorance=IND SUB have.PST.3SG
(and) because of his ignorance and foolishness, this camel
5
waxt=u
bē-waxt-ā
ēš-ā
laḍḍit=u
timely=and without-time-OBL DEM-OBJ.IMF load.PST.3SG=and
any time of day or night he loaded it up and
6
har
ǰā=(y)ē
ēš-ā
kaššā(y)ēnt=u
every place=IND DEM-OBJ.IMF pull-CAUS.PST.3SG=and
he pulled it everywhere and
7
burt
IMF.take away.PST.3SG
and took it
8
u
wat-ī
bār-ā
ki
bi manzil-ā
and RFL-GEN load-OBJ SUB to
destination-OBL.IMF
rasēnt
reach.CAUS.PST.3SG
and when he brought his load to the destination,
9
ēš-ī
kā=u
kadīm-ay
γam-ā
hēč
DEM-GEN straw=and barley-GEN sorrow-OBL nothing
na(h)-at
NEG-COP.PST.3SG
he didn’t care about feeding it.
10
bilaxara marōčī bāndā
finally
lāgar
today
marōčī bāndā
tomorrow today
ē
uštir
tomorrow DEM camel
būt=u
thin
become.PST.3SG=and
Finally, today, tomorrow; today, tomorrow (passed and) this camel became
thin(ner) and
11
lāgar būt=u
thin
become.PST.3SG=and
357
thin(ner) and
12
lāgar būt,
thin become.PST.3SG
thin(ner)
13
tā
ē
ki
bi yakk siyā-(y)ēn
zimistān=ē ē
uštir
until DEM SUB in one black-ATTR winter=IND DEM camel
ša
pād-ā
kapt
from foot-OBL fall.PST.3SG
so much that in a certain black and very cold winter this camel became
exhausted
14
wa
gardin-ā
wat-ī-(y)ā
pa marg-ā
tačk
and neck-OBJ REF-GEN-OBJ for death-OBL spread.out
kurt
do.PST.3SG
and laid down its neck to die.
15a
ē
pīr-ēn
dēγān
DEM old-ATTR
This old farmer
16
farmer
yā guš-īn
or SUB.say.PRS-1SG
or to say more correctly
15b
sārā-ī-(y)ēn
balōč
idā
diga
ihsās=i
māyūsīyat=u
desert-ADJZ-ATTR Baloch here other feeling=IZ desperation=and
čē
kurt
what do.PST.3SG
the Baloch nomad, now, experienced the feeling of desperation and …,
17
ki
gušt
SUB say.PST.3SG
so he said:
18
ki
man yakk ham=u
yakk-ēn
hamkār=u
SUB
I
one-ATTR
colleague=and fellow
ki
one EMPH=and
ham=ē
hamrā
uštir=at
SUB EMPH=DEM camel=COP.PST.3SG
I, this very only colleague and fellow of mine which was this camel
19
ki
mnī
bār-ā=a
burt
SUB I.GEN load-OBJ=IMF take.PST.3SG
which carried my load and baggage
20
u
mnā
ša
and I.OBJ from
badbaxtī=(y)u musībatt-ān-ā
misery=and
hardship-PL-OBL.IMF
kaššā(y)ēnt
pull.CAUS.PST.3SG
and pulled me out of misery and hardship.
21
mnī
laḍḍ=u
bār-ā
har
ǰā=a
I.GEN load.and.baggage=and load-OBJ every place=IMF
burt=u
take.PST.3SG=and
It carried my load and baggage everywhere and
358
22
mnā
ša
bayrānag-ān
dar=a
kurt
I.OBJ from insecure.and.ruined.place-PL.OBL out=IMF do.PST.3SG
took me away from dangerous places,
23
ēš=int
DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
look
24
ēš=um
murt
DEM=also die.PST.3SG
it is dying
25
annūn man čōn p-kan-īn
now I
how SUBJ-do.PRS-1SG
what do I do now?
26
bād
dast=ē
am=ē
uštir-ay
sar-ā
kaššit
then hand=IND EMPH=DEM camel-GEN head-OBL pull.PST.3SG
Then he touched the head of the camel with his hand
27
ō
uštir-ā
gušt=ē
and camel-OBJ say.PST=PC.3SG
and told the camel:
28
uštir
ǰān
man annūn
camel dear I
now
asl-ay
sar-ā
origin-GEN
head-OBL
āt-a=un
come.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
Dear camel, I have come to my senses now
29
wa
annūn man=a zān-īn
and now I=IMF know.PRS-1SG
and now I know
30
ki
gō
ta
sitam
kurt-ag=un
SUB with you.SG oppression
that I have been unjust to you.
31
man dāim
I
trā
bārēn
do.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
sangīn-ēn
bār
always you.SG.OBJ perhaps heavy-ATTR load
laḍḍit-ag=un
load up.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
All the time I, perhaps, loaded you up with heavy loads.
32
dūr-ēn
tačk-ēn
manzil-ān
man trā
far-ATTR long-ATTR destination-PL.OBL I
you.SG.OBJ
burt-ag=un
take.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I have taken you to far and distant destinations
33
ō
trā
bē-kā=u
kadīm
and you.SG.OBJ without-straw=and barley
išt-ag=un
leave.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
and I have left you without any fodder.
34
ēš=int
DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
It is for this reason
359
35
ta
lāgar būt-ay=u
you.SG thin be.PST-2SG=and
(that) you have become thin and
36
ēš=int
DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
it is for this reason
37
ta
annūn zapakī
būt-ay=u
you.SG now exhausted be.PST-2SG=and
(that) you have become exhausted now and
38
kapt-ay=u
fall.PST-2SG=and
you have fallen down and
39
annūn=a mir-ay
now=IMF die.PRS-2SG
now you are dying.
40
man lōṭ-īn
I
want.PRS-1SG
I want
41
ki
ta
mnā
bi wat-ī
āxar-ī-ēn
guḍḍī-(y)ēn
SUB you.SG I.OBJ to RFL-GEN last-ADJZ-ATTR last-ATTR
umr-ā
mnā
bihēl
kan-ay
life-OBL I.OBJ forgiveness SUBJ.do.PRS-2SG
you to forgive me in your last (minutes of) life,
42
baxšā-(y)ay
SUBJ.forgive.PRS-2SG
(and) forgive (me)
43
u
mnī
kūtāī-(y)ā=am
dar nizar
ma-gir-ay
and I.GEN negligence-OBJ=also into consideration PROH-take.PRS-2SG
and do not take into consideration my negligence.
44
man bi tī
I
akk-ā
bāz ǰafā
in you.SG.GEN right-OBL very oppression
kurt-a=un
do.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I have done much injustice to you,
45
trā
šīpānk=u čābuk
ǰat-a=un
you.SG.OBJ stick=and whip
strike.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I have hit you with sticks and whips,
46
mazan-ēn
kōh-ēn
bār-ān-ā
big-ATTR
mountain-ATTR
load-PL-OBJ you.SG.GEN on
tī
sarā
laḍḍit-ag=un
load up.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I have loaded you up with huge loads
47
u
bidūn=i
ēšī
ki
tī
ǰussa-ā
dar nizar
and without=IZ DEM SUB you.SG.GEN body-OBJ into consideration
b-gir-īn
SUBJ-take.PRS-1SG
and without taking your body into consideration
360
48
ki
iyā
ta
ē
bār-ān-ā
burt-ag=a
SUB whether you.SG DEM load-PL-OBJ take.PST-PSTP=IMF
kan-ay
do.PRS-2SG
whether you can carry these loads
49
yā na
or no
or not.
50
bād bi hukm=u
then in
uštir
farmān-ā
xudāwand=i mutaāl-ayā
order=and command-OBL God=IZ
wat-ī
dēm-ā
ē
exalted-LOC DEM
gardēnt=ō
camel RFL-GEN face-OBJ turn.CAUS.PST.3SG=and
Then this camel, by the order of God the almighty, turned its face and
51
bi ham=ē
in
hālat=i naz-(z)ā
ē
bi abar=ē
EMPH=DEM state=IZ agony.of.death-OBL DEM to speech=IND
āt=u
come.PST.3SG=and
in this very agony of death, it began to speak and
52
wat-ī
wāund-ā
gušt=ī
RFL-GEN owner-OBJ say.PST=PC.3SG
it said to its owner:
53
ki
masala=(y)ē na(y)-int
SUB matter=IND
It doesn’t matter.
54
NEG-COP.PRS.3SG
man pa=šmā wāǰah-ān-ī
I
bār-ay
burtin-ā
uštir
for=you master-PL-GEN load-GEN take.INF-OBL camel
būt-ag=un
become.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
I have become a camel for taking your loads, (the loads of my) masters.
55
mnā
tabīat ančō xalγ
kurt-a
I.OBJ nature such creation do.PST-PSTP
Nature has created me so
56
ki
man bāyad
baḍḍ
bar-īn
SUB I
must
load.and.baggage SUBJ.take.PRS-1SG
that I have to carry loads and baggage,
57
bār
bar-īn
load take.PRS-1SG
I have to carry loads
58
wa
man lōṭit-a=un
and I
want.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
and it has been my will
59
ki
šmay
baḍḍ-ān-ā
bar-īn
SUB you.PL.GEN load.and.baggage-PL-OBJ SUBJ.take.PRS-1SG
to carry your loads and baggage,
60
walē šmā
but
mnā
pa ǰā
kā=u
kadīm
you.PL I.OBJ at.the.right.time straw=and barley
361
b-day-it
bi waxt=ay
SUBJ-give.PRS-2PL in time=OBL.PC.3SG
but you should give me straw and barely on time.
61
walē ē
but
ki
šmā-rā
xudā
DEM SUB you.PL-OBJ God
bagg
camel herd
dāt-a=u
give.PST-PSTP=and
But this fact that God has given you a camel herd and
62
aγl
na-dāt-a
wisdom NEG-give.PST-PSTP
has not given you wisdom
63
ki
mnā
kā=u
kadīm b-day-it
SUB I.OBL straw=and barley SUBJ-give.PRS-2PL
to give me straw and barley
64
wa
ēš=int
and DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
and this is why
66a
man ša
šmay
dast-ā
I
from you.PL.GEN hand-OBL
because of your doing
65
ēš=int
DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
this is why
66b
annūn
mir-īn
now
die.PRS-1SG
I am dying now.
67
ē
čīz=ē
hast=ī
DEM thing=IND exist.PRS.3SG=PC.3SG
This is a thing
68
ki
xudāwand=i mutaāl ē
SUB God=IZ
zulm-ā
exalted DEM cruelty-OBJ
kurt-a=ī
do.PST-PSTP=PC.3SG
that the exalted God has done cruelly.
69
man
ša
wat-ī
hakk-ā=a
gwaz-īn
I
from RFL-GEN right-OBL=IMF pass.PRS-1SG
I give up my own right
70
u
aga mnā
čābuk=u šīpānk=ē ǰat-ag=ay
and if I.OBJ whip=and stick=IND strike.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.2SG
and if you have hit me with whips and sticks,
71
masala=(y)ē na-(y)int
matter=IND NEG-COP.PRS.3SG
it is not an important issue,
72
mnī
wāund būt-ag=ay
I.GEN owner be.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.2SG
you have been my owner
362
73
man tī
haywān būt-ag=un
I
you.SG.GEN animal become.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG
and I have been your animal.
74
aga bār
girān-ēn
laḍḍit-ag=ay
if
load heavy-ATTR load.up.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.2SG
If you have loaded me up with heavy loads,
75
am
man=a baxšā-(y)īn
also I=IMF forgive.PRS-1SG
I will also forgive you,
76
pa ēšī
ki
mnī
wāund būt-ag=ay
for DEM SUB I.GEN owner be.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.2SG
precisely because you have been my owner,
77
tī
aγl
na-kaššit-a
you.SG.GEN wisdom NEG-pull.PST-PSTP
your mind has not worked
78
ki
mnī
ǰussa-ā
dar nizar
gir-ay
SUB I.GEN body-OBJ into.consideration
to take my body into consideration.
79
har
kār=ē
gō
SUBJ.take.PRS-2SG
man kurt-ag=ay
every work=IND with I
do.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.2SG
Whatever you have done to me,
80
man=a
baxšā-(y)īn
I=IMF
forgive.PRS-1SG
I will forgive,
81
walē yag
čīz-ā
na-baxšā-(y)īn
but
one
thing-OBJ NEG-forgive.PRS-1SG
but I will not forgive one thing,
82
ta
hašarāt-ay
rōč-ā
na-baxšā-(y)īn
until
doomsday-GEN day-OBL NEG-forgive.PRS-1SG
I will not forgive that until doomsday.
83
ā
ēš=int
DEM DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
That is this
84
ki
ta
mnī
ilāl
gōšt-ī-(y)ā
hēč
SUB you.SG I.GEN lawful flesh-NOMZ-OBJ nothing
čī
what
na-kurt-ay
NEG-do.PST-2SG
that you didn’t (understand) anything of my lawful and clean flesh,
85
dark
na-kurt-ay
understanding NEG-do.PST-2SG
you didn’t understand
86
mnī
sidākatkār-ī-(y)ā
dark
na-kurt-ay
I.GEN honest-NOMZ-OBJ understanding NEG-do.PST-2SG
you didn’t understand my honesty.
87
ta
mnī
bārzūrī-(y)ā
dark
na-kurt-ay
you.SG I.GEN porterage-OBJ understanding NEG-do.PST-2SG
You didn’t understand my porterage,
363
88
mnī
mučč-ēn
kār=u
xizmat-(t)ān-ā
dar nizar
I.GEN all-ATTR work=and service-PL-OBJ into.consideration
na-gipt-ay
NEG-take.PST-2SG
you didn’t take all my works and services into consideration.
89
man inka
pa(t)=ta xidmat ku
I
this.much for=you service do.PST.3SG
I served you this much,
90
mnī
pašm mnī
puṭ
mnī
aḍḍ
I.GEN wool I.GEN hair I.GEN bone
mnī
mučč čīz=ē
mnī
gōšt
I.GEN flesh
ilāl=int
I.GEN all
thing=IND lawful=COP.PRS.3SG
my wool, my hair, my bones, my flesh, all things (and parts of my body)
are religiously lawful and clean,
91
wa
mnī
hēč
kār=ē
arāmzādagī=(y)ē na-int
and I.GEN nothing work=IND illegitimacy=IND NEG-COP.PRS.3SG
and not even one work of mine is illegitimate.
92
hēč
kār=ē
mnī
čōṭ
na-int
nothing work=IND I.GEN bent NEG-COP.PRS.3SG
None of my works is crooked.
93
mučč sādixāna man sar
tā
all
until foot you.SG.GEN servant
honestly I
head
pā
būt-ag=un
tā
tī
xidmatguzār
āxir-ā
become.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG until end-OBL
All over, from head to foot, I have been your servant in an honest way to
the end
95a
ki
man
SUB I
94
am=ēš=int
EMPH=DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
you know,
95b
mir-īn
die.PRS-1SG
I am dying.
96
walē yakk kār=ē=rā
tī-(y)ā
na-baxšā-(y)īn
but one work=IND=OBJ you.SG.GEN-OBJ NEG-forgive.PRS-1SG
But one deed of yours I will not forgive
97
ki
ta
mnā
bi ē
mnī
ǰussa-ā
bi ē
SUB you.SG I.OBJ in DEM I.GEN body-OBL in DEM
that you ... me (having) such a body, (having) such clean milk
šīrpākī-(y)ā
bi ē
rāstkārī-(y)ān
mnī
mahār-ā
clean.milk-OBL in DEM honesty-PL.OBL I.GEN camel.rein-OBJ
(being) so honest, my rein …
98
man wat-rā
mahār kurt-un
bi ē
ṭū-ī-(y)ā=u
I
RFL-OBJ rein do.PST-1SG to DEM large-NOMZ-OBL=and
I reined myself (having) such a large body and
364
99
wat-rā
bi(t)=tī
dast-ā
dāt-un
RFL-OBJ to=you.SG.GEN hand-OBL give.PST-1SG
gave up myself in your hands.
100
walē ta
but
mnī
mahār-ā
you.SG I.GEN rein-OBJ
ki
man bi tī
SUB I
dast-ā
to you.SG.GEN hand-OBL
dāt-un
give.PST-1SG
But my rein which I gave into your hand
101
wa tī
amān=u
farmān-ā
and you.SG.GEN safety=and command-OBL
and (I was) in your command and security,
102
ta
mnī
mahār-ā
bi lanḍī-(y)ēn
ar-ay
dumm-ā
you.SG I.GEN halter-OBJ to crop.tailed-ATTR donkey-GEN tail-OBL
bast-ay=u
tie.PST-2SG=and
you tied my rein to the tail of a crop-tailed donkey and
103
ar-ā
mnī
pēšimām kurt-ay=u
donkey-OBJ I.GEN leader
made the donkey my leader and
104
ar-ā
mnī
do.PST-2SG=and
rā-balad
kurt-ay
donkey-OBJ I.GEN road-guide do.PST-2SG
made the donkey my way-guide.
105
ē
kār-ā
na-baxšā-(y)īn
DEM doing-OBJ NEG-forgive.PRS-1SG
I will not forgive this deed.
365
Title: Bādišā Hārūn u čār duzz (BH) ‘King Harun and Four Thieves’
Narrator: Dōstēn Zērkārī
Date: 2005
Genre: Narrative
Literture Type: Oral
Protagonist: Third Person
2a
bādšā=(y)i ārūn
1
guš-ī
king=IZ
Haroon
say.PRS-3SG
They say:
2b
bādšā=ē=at
king=IND=COP.PST.3SG
King Haroon, was a king.
3
bādišā=ē=at
king=IND=COP.PST.3SG
He was a king
4
rōč-ā
taxt-ay
sarā ništ
day-OBL throne-GEN on
sit.PST.3SG
during the day he was sitting on the throne,
5
šap-ā
čōn=a
ku
night-OBL how=IMF do.PST.3SG
what was he doing at night?
6
kōnag-ēn
pučč
gwarā=a ku
worn.out-ATTR clothes on=IMF
He put on worn out clothes.
7
kōnag-ēn
pučč
gwarā=a ku
worn.out-ATTR clothes on=IMF
He put on worn out clothes,
8
čār=a
do.PST.3SG
do.PST.3SG
ku
circle=IMF do.PST.3SG
(and) he walked around.
9
10
badalnamā=a ku
ān
disguise=IMF do.PST.3SG
He disguised himself, yes.
yes
čār=a
ku
circle=IMF do.PST.3SG
He walked around,
11
sayl=a
ku
view=IMF do.PST.3SG
he looked around
12
ki
mnī
bādšāī-ay
mardum čē
raγam
SUB I.GEN kingdom-GEN people
what kind
(to see) how the people in his kingdom (were doing).
13
āt
come.PST.3SG
He came
366
14
ta
yakk ǰā=ē
čār
napar ništ-ag=ant
MIR one place=IND circle person sit.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL
(and saw) that four people were sitting in a place.
15
ništ-ag=ant=u
sit.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.3PL=and
They were sitting and
16
gušt
say.PST.3SG
he said:
17
šumā
čī=a
kan-it
you.PL what=IMF do.PRS-2PL
What are you doing?
18
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (one of the four) said:
19
ammā
am=idā
kār=ē
dār-an
we.EXCL EMPH=here work=IND have.PRS-1PL
We have something to do here.
20
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He said:
21
čē=(y)ē
what=IND
What (is that)?
22
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
24a
ammā=a
raw-an
we.EXCL=IMF go.PRS-1PL
23
rāst
sōǰ=a
kan-ay
right asking=IMF
honestly speaking,
24b
pa duzzī=u
do.PRS-2SG
xazānag=u
ē
rang-ēn
for theft=and treasure=and DEM manner-ATTR
We are going to go for theft and treasure and such (things).
25
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He said:
26
mnā=am gō
wat amrā
kan-it
I.OBJ=also with RFL companion SUBJ.do.PRS-2PL
Let me also come along with you.
27
gušt-ant
say.PST-3PL
They said:
28
ammā
čār
nafar=an
we.EXCL four person=COP.PRS.1PL
We are four people
367
29
čār
kism=a
zān-an
four art=IMF know.PRS-1PL
(and) we know four things (we are skillful in four things).
30
agar
ta
kism=ē zān-ay
if
you.SG art=IND SUBJ.know.PRS-2SG
If you (also) know something (have an ability),
31
trā
bar-an
you.SG.OBJ take.PRS-1PL
we take you.
32
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
33
xōb šumā
b-guš-it
wat-ī
kism-ān-ā
well you.PL SUBJ-say.PRS-2PL RFL-GEN art-PL-OBJ
Well, you tell your abilities.
34
šumay
kism
čē=(y)ē
you.PL.GEN art
what=IND
What (is) your ability?
35
yakk=ē gušt
one=IND say.PST.3SG
One (of them) said:
36
mnī
kism am=ēš=int
I.GEN art
EMPH=DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
My ability is this
37
ki
ābādī=ē
nazzīk būt
SUB
village=IND near
become.PST.3SG
when a village comes near (when we come near to a village)
38
kučakk
gwakkit
dog
bark.PST.3SG
(and) the dog barks,
39
man=a zān-īn
I=IMF know.PRS-1SG
I know
40
ki
ē
čī=(y)a
SUB DEM what=IMF
what it says,
41
am=ē
guš-īt
say.PRS-3SG
labz=ay=a
zān-īn
kučakk-ay
EMPH=DEM word=OBJ.PC.3SG=IMF know.PRS-1SG dog-GEN
I know its language, (the language) of the dog.
42
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He said:
43
ta=hooo
ē
ǰwān-ēn
xatarnāk=ē
MIR=Oh… DEM good-ATTR dangerous=IND
Oh…., this is a good and dangerous (thing).
368
44
yakk=ē
gušt
one=IND say.PST.3SG
One (of them) said:
45
mnī
kism
am=ēš=int
I.GEN art
EMPH=DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
My ability is this
46
harčōn-ēn
tārīkī=ē
whatever-ATTR darkness=IND
however dark it is,
47
mardum=ē b-gind-īn
person=IND SUBJ-see.PRS-1SG
(if) I see a person (in the darkness),
48
man duwārag drust=a
kan-īn
I
again
recognized=IMF do.PRS-1SG
I will recognize him again.
49
yakk=ē gu
one=IND say.PST.3SG
One (of them) said:
50
mnī
kism
am=ēš=int
I.GEN art
EMPH=DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
My ability is this
51
ki
man arčōn-ēn
dīwāl=ē
bīt
SUB I
whatever-ATTR wall=IND SUBJ.be.PRS.3SG
that if there is a wall of any kind,
52
awlī-ēn
lagat-(t)ā
ma-prōš-īt
first-ATTR kick-OBL PROH-break.PRS-3SG
(if) it doesn’t break down with the first kick,
53
du-(y)umī-ēn
say-umī-ēn
atman=a
rawt
two-ORD-ATTR three-ORD-ATTR surely=IMF go.PRS.3SG
it will surely fall down with the second or the third kick,
54
ša
bayn=a
prōš-īt
from among=IMF
it will be ruined.
55
break.PRS-3SG
yakk=ē gušt
one=IND say.PST.3SG
One (of them) said:
56
mnī
kism
am=ēš=int
I.GEN art
EMPH=DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
My ability is this
57
ki
rēk-ā
ē
rang
say
SUB sand-OBJ DEM manner view
when I look at sand in this manner,
58
kan-īn
SUBJ.do.PRS-1SG
zān-īn
IMF.know.PRS-1SG
I know
369
59
ki
idā
xazānag=ast
SUB here treasure=FCOP.PRS.3SG
whether there is a treasure here
60
idā
nē
here NEG.FCOP.PRS.3SG
or not.
61
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He (the king) said:
62
ta=hooo
ē
xatarnāk-ēn
kism=ē
MIR=ahooo DEM dangerous-ATTR art=IND
Oh … this is a dangerous ability,
63
mnī
am
man kism=ē dār-īn
I.GEN also I
art=IND have.PRS-1SG
mine, I have an ability, too.
64
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He (one of the thieves) said:
65
tī
kism
čī=ē
you.SG.GEN art
what=IND
What is your ability?
66
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He (the king) said:
67
man
rīš-ā
ki
čanḍēnt-un
I
beard-OBJ SUB
When I shake my beard,
68
mardum-ā
ša
ēdām
shake.CAUS.PST -1SG
alās=a
person-OBJ from execution released=IMF
it will release people from execution.
69
kan-t
do.PRS-3SG
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He said:
70
napā trā
amrā=a
kan-an
gō
wat-ī
then you.SG.OBJ companion=IMF do.PRS-1PL with RFL-GEN
rā-ā
way-OBL
Then we let you come along with us on our way.
71
tī
ǰwān-ēn
kism=ē
you.SG.GEN good-ATTR
Yours is a good ability.
72
xulāsa
bādšā ārūn
čē
art=IND
kurt
in.short king Haroon what do.PST.3SG
In short, what king Haroon did,
73
gō
ēš-ā
rādag
būt
with DEM-OBL en.route become.PST.3SG
he set out with them.
370
74
ēš-ān-ā
āzmāiš ku
DEM-PL-OBJ test
He tested them
75
ki
ta
do.PST.3SG
bārēn
rāst=int
SUB until whether right=COP.PRS.3SG
if this is right
76
am=ē
wār
drōγ=int
EMPH=DEM time
or it is a lie.
77
lie=COP.PRS.3SG
šut-ant
go.PST-3PL
They went.
78
ābādī
ki
nazzīk būt
village SUB near become.PST.3SG
When they came near the village,
79
kučakk gwakkit-ant
dog
bark.PST-3PL
the dogs barked.
80
ā
gušt
DEM say.PST.3SG
The first one said:
81
lāla
ē
kučakk=a guš-īt
brother DEM dog=IMF
Brother(s) this dog says,
82
say.PRS-3SG
bādšā gōn=int=u
king with=COP.PRS.3SG=and
the king is with (us) and
83
bādšā gōn=int
gō
mašmā
king with=COP.PRS.3SG with we.INCL
the king is with us.
84
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He (another one) said:
85
b-ill
wat-ī
abar-ā
SUBJ-leave.PRS RFL-GEN speech-OBJ
Don’t say such things,
86
bādšā kay
king
gō
ē
laγaṛī-ēn
pučč-ān=a
when with DEM worn.out-ATTR clothes-OBL.PL=IMF
k-ayt
pa duzzī-ā
IMFK-come.PRS.3SG for theft-OBL
when would the king come in these worn out clothes for stealing?
87
ān
gōn=int
yes with=COP.PRS.3SG
Sure, he is with us!
88
γabūl
na-kurt-ant
ā-(y)ī
accepting NEG-do.PST-3PL DEM-GEN
They did not accept his word.
abar-ā
speech-OBJ
371
89
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He said:
90
xōb=int
well=COP.PRS.3SG
It is ok!
91
āxir
ā
diga
dīwāl=ē ki
nazzīk būt
finally DEM other wall=IND SUB near
Later, when the other one came near a wall,
92
humm=ē
become.PST.3SG
dāt
sudden.sharp.jerk=IND give.PST.3SG
he made a sudden sharp jerk
93
gō
say-umī-ēn
lagat=(t)ay
dīwāl-ā
čappī=ē
with three-ORD-ATTR kick=OBL.PC.3SG wall-OBJ overturned=PC.3SG
ku
do.PST.3SG
with the third kick he demolished the wall.
94
šut-ant
āk-ā
go.PST-3PL soil-OBJ
They went, the soil .
95
bādšā zānt
king know.PST.3SG
The king knew
96
ki
idā
xazānag=int
SUB here treasure=COP.PRS.3SG
that there is a treasure here, (in the soil)
97
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He (the king) said:
98
ī
āk=int
DEM soil=COP.PRS.3SG
This is soil,
99
say
kan
view SUBJ.do.PRS
look at it!
100
āk-ā
ki
sayl ku
soil-OBJ SUB view do.PST.3SG
When he (the thief) looked at the soil,
101
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
he said:
102
am=idā
xazānag=ē
EMPH=here treasure=IND
Right here there is a treasure.
103
xazānag-ā
kaššit-ant
treasury-OBJ draw.PST-3PL
They pulled out the treasure,
372
104
wat-ī
paṭṭū=ē
dāšt
RFL-GEN blanket=IND have.PST.3SG
whoever either had a blanket with himself,
105
inǰ=ē
dāšt
lap=IND have.PST.3SG
or had a lap cloth,
106
purr=ē
kurt-ant
full=PC.3SG do.PST-3PL
they filled them up
107
burt-ant
take.PST-3PL
(and) took (it) away.
108
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He said:
109
xōb
well
Well,
110
bādšā gušt
king say.PST.3SG
the king said:
111
ki
šumā
annūn
SUB you.PL now
wat-ī
adris-(s)ā
daγīγ
RFL-GEN
address-OBJ
accurate
day-it
SUBJ.give-2PL
Now give your address accurately
112
mašmay
ǰwān-ēn
kism=ē
we.INCL.GEN good-ATTR art=IND
we have something good going,
113(H) ān mašmā=u
brās=an
yes we.INCL=TOP brother=COP.PRS.1PL
Yes we are certainly brothers.
114(D) ān brās=an
yes brother=COP.PRS.1PL
Yes, we are brothers.
115
man=am wat-ī
adris-(s)ā
da-īn
I=also
RFL-GEN address-OBJ give.PRS-SG
I, too, give my address
116
šumā=am b-day-it
you.PL=also SUBJ-give.PRS-2PL
you also give (your address).
117
bādšā wat-ī
adris-(s)ā
γalatt
dāt
king RFL-GEN address-OBJ incorrect give.PST.3SG
The king gave his address incorrectly.
118
āwān-ī
daγīγ
adris-(s)ā
gipt=u
DEM.PL-GEN accurate address-OBJ seize.PST.3SG=and
He took their accurate address and
373
119
sōbī
šut
in.the.morning go.PST.3SG
in the morning he went
120
bādšāī-(y)ā ništ
reign-OBL sit.PST.3SG
(and) sat down on the throne
121
ništ=u
sit.PST.3SG=and
He sat down and
122
bass
māmūr-ān-ā
dēm dāt
just agent-PL-OBJ face
then he sent the agents:
123
ki
ēš-ān-ā
give.PST.3SG
b-gir-it=u
SUB DEM-PL-OBJ SUBJ-take.PRS-2PL=and
Arrest them and
124
b(y)-ār-it
SUBJ-bring.PRS-2PL
bring them!
125
ēš-ān-ā
gipt-ant
DEM-PL-OBJ take.PST-3PL
They arrested them,
126
āwurt-ant
bring.PST-3PL
(and) brought (them).
127
gipt-ant
take.PST-3PL
They arrested (them)
128
āwurt-ant
bring.PST-3PL
(and) brought (them).
129
mākima kurt=ī
trial
do.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
He put (them) on trial.
130
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
131
ki
šumā
ē
rang
bādšā-ay
xazānag-ā
SUB you.PL DEM manner king-GEN treasury-OBJ
ǰat-ag=it
strike.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.2PL
You have broken into the king’s treasure like this,
132
ē
rang
kurt-ag=it
DEM manner do.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.2PL
you have done this,
133
dōšī
ē
rang-ēn
kār=ē
last.night DEM manner-ATTR work=IND
last night (you have done) such a thing.
374
134
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He (they) said:
135
na-kurt-a=an
NEG-do.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1PL
We haven’t done (that).
136
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He (the king) said:
137
na
no
No!
138
am=ā
ki
tārīkī=ē
drust=a
na-ku
EMPH=DEM SUB darkness=IND recognised=IMF NEG-do.PST.3SG
The one who recognized the people in the darkness,
139
am=ā
gušt
EMPH=DEM say.PST.3SG
he said:
140
lāla
ē
am=ē
dōšī-ēn
mardum=int
brother DEM EMPH=DEM last.night-ATTR person=COP.PRS.3SG
Brother(s), this is the very man of last night.
141
xānaxarāb
ā
laγaṛī-ēn
pučč
nūn
mardak bādšā=ē
house.ruined DEM worn.out-ATTR clothes now man
king=IND
Damn it, that man in worn out clothes, now this man is a king,
142
tāǰ=ē
dār-īt
ē
rang=u
ē
rang
crown=IND have.PRS-3SG DEM manner=and DEM manner
he has a crown (and) this and that.
143
gušt
say.PST.3SG
He said:
144
na yānē man drust=a
kan-īn
no as I
recognized=IMF do.PRS-1SG
No, as I recognize
145
ē
am=ā-ēn
mardum=ē
DEM EMPH=DEM-ATTR person=IND
this is that very man.
146
xōb ta
ki
ā
rang
drust=a
kan-ay
well you.SG SUB DEM manner recognized=IMF do.PRS-2SG
Well, you who recognize in that way
147
am=ā=int
EMPH=DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
it is he,
148
ā
am=idā
ki
mušmay
ēdām-ī-ā
sādir
DEM EMPH=here SUB we.INCL.GEN execution-NOMZ-OBJ issued
ku
do.PST.3SG
when he issues our death sentence here,
375
149
ta
guš
you.SG SUBJ.say.PRS
you say,
150
bādšā sāib
king
ta
wat-ī
rīš-ā
yakk wār
master you.SG RFL-GEN beard-OBJ one
time
b-čanḍēn
SUBJ-shake. CAUS.PRS
Oh King, shake your beard once.
151
ā
am=ā=int
DEM EMPH=DEM=COP.PRS.3SG
It is that,
152
ē
gušt
DEM say.PST.3SG
he (the king) said:
153
šumā
alās=it
you.PL finished=COP.PRS.2PL
You are finished,
154
šumā
bāyid ēdām
bay-it
you.PL must execution SUBJ.be.PRS-2PL
you have to be executed.
155
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
156
xub
ammā=u
ki
ēdām=a
bay-an
well we.EXCL=TOP SUB execution=IMF become.PRS-1PL
Well, (now that) we will certainly be executed
157
bādšā sāib
king
ta
master you.SG
wat-ī
rīš-ā
b-čanḍēn
SUBJ-shake.PRS.CAUS
oh king, you shake your beard once.
158
zānt=ī
diga idā
know.PST=PC.3SG other here
He knew here, anyway.
159 (H) ān drust=ī
ku
yes knowing=PC.3SG
do.PST.3SG
Yes, he knew him.
160
bass ki
čanḍēnt=ī
just when shake.CAUS.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
So, when he shook (his beard),
161
alās
būt-ant
finished become.PST-3PL
they were released,
162 (H) alās
būt-ant
finished become.PST-3PL
they were released.
376
yakk wār
RFL-GEN beard-OBJ one time
163
alās
ki
būt-ant
released SUB become.PST-3PL
When they were released,
164
gušt
say.PST.3SG
he said:
165
šumā
zān-ay
you.2PL know.PRS-2SG
You, you know
166
nūn
ē
kār-ā
kurt-it
now DEM doing-OBJ
now you did this act,
167
168
man šumā-rā
do.PST-2PL
āzmāyiš kurt-un
I
you.PL-OBJ test
I tested you
do.PST-1SG
ki
tā či
mnī
bādšāī-ay
rakam mardum ast
SUB I.GEN kingdom-GEN in what kind people
(to know) what sort of people there are in my kingdom.
169
nūn arčī
ki
šumay
dil=a
FCOP.PRS.3SG
lōṭ-īt
now whatever SUB you.PL.GEN heart=IMF want.PRS-3SG
Now whatever you wish,
170
šumay
kafāf=a
bīt
you.PL.GEN livelihood=IMF SUBJ.become.PRS.3SG
which is enough for your livelihood (life expenses),
171
arčī
ki
whatever SUB
whatever,
172
šumā
wat-ī
xarč-ā
b-guš-it
you.PL RFL-GEN expense-OBJ SUBJ-say.PRS-2PL
you tell the amount of your expenses,
173
burǰ=ē
inka
tanxā šumay=int
month=IND this.much wage you.PL.GEN=COP.PRS.3SG
this much is your monthly wage.
174
duzzī ma-kan-it
theft PROH-do.PRS-2PL
Don’t steal.
175
ša
duzzī-ā
band
ku
from theft-OBL forbidden do.PST.3SG
He prohibited them from robbery
176
burǰ=ē
inka
tanxā āyi-rā
čē=(w)a
ku
month=IND this.much wage DEM-OBL what=IMF do.PST.3SG
(and) each month this much wage, he did what,
177
ān
dāt=ī
yes give.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
he gave (them).
377
Title: Šēr u say gōk (ŠG) ‘The Story of Lion and the Three Bulls’
Narrator: Paraddin Gorgej
Date: 2000
Genre: Narrative
Literture Type: Oral Protagonist: Third Person
1
wāǰa guš-īt
sir say.PRS-3SG
Sir, they say:
2
ki
say
gōk=at-ant
SUB three cow=COP.PST-3PL
There were three cows.
3
ī
har
say
gōk bi yag dil-ā=at-ant
DEM every three cow in one heart-OBL=COP.PST-3PL
All these three cows were one together
4
yakk siyā-(y)ēn=ē=at
one black-ATTR=IND=COP.PST.3SG
there was a black (one),
5
yag bōr-ēn=ē=at
one light.brown-ATTR=IND=COP.PST.3SG
there was a light brown (one),
6
yakk=ē spēt-ēn=ē=at
one=IND white-ATTR=IND=COP.PST.3SG
(and) one was white.
7
ē
ša=m=ā
waxt-ā
bi yag dil-ā=at-ant
DEM from=EMPH=OBL time-OBL in one heart-OBL=COP.PST-3PL
They were one together and of one heart from the (old) time,
8
bi harǰā
ki
čart-ant
in every.place SUB IMF.graze.PST-3PL
wherever they grazed
9
hičč darinda=(y)ē
no
eš-ān-ī
sarā
beast.of.prey=IND DEM-PL-GEN on
kudrat na-dāšt
power NEG-have.PST.3SG
no beast of prey had (any) power against them.
10
aga šēr=ē
būt-ēn
if
lion=IND SUBJ.be.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
If there was a lion
11
aga pulang=ē
būt-ēn
if
leopard=IND SUBJ.be.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
if there was a leopard,
12
aga gurk=ē
būt-ēn
if
wolf=IND SUBJ.be.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
if there was a wolf,
13
bi yakk=ē alma
kurt-ēn
to one=IND attack SUBJ.do.PST-PSUBJ.3SG
(that) attacked one (of them),
378
14
har
say-ēn
amla=a
kurt-ant=ō
every three-ATTR attack=IMF do.PST-3PL=and
all the three attacked (it together) and
15
ēš-ān-ī
sarā hičč darinda=(y)ē=a
na-šut
DEM-PL-GEN on no beast.of.prey=IND=IMF NEG-go.PRS.3SG
no beast of prey attacked them,
16
čūn
bi yag dil=u
bi yag niyat-(t)ā=at-ant
because in one heart=and in one intention-OBL=COP.PST-3PL
because they were one together and of one heart.
17
yakk šēr=ē
čōn kurt
one lion=IND how do.PST.3SG
What a certain lion did,
18
ēš-ān-ī
zadā
būt
DEM-PL-GEN stalk
it was stalking them,
19
ēš-ān-ī
be.PST.3SG
kamīn-ay
tā būt
DEM-PL-GEN ambush-GEN in be.PST.3SG
it was lying in ambush for them.
20
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
It said:
21
ēš-ān-ā
ta
man harguǰām-ay
DEM-PL-OBJ until I
niyat-(t)ā
every.which-GEN intention-OBJ
ma-gardēn-īn
PROH-turn.CAUS.PRS -1SG
Unless I change the intention of each of them,
22
ī
wārt-ag=a
na-bay-ant
DEM eat.PST-PSTP=IMF NEG-become.PRS-3PL
I won’t be able to eat them (lit. they won’t be eaten).
23
ē
šēr
āt=u
DEM lion come.PST.3SG=and
This lion came and
24
ēš-ān-ā
drōg ǰat
DEM-PL-OBJ lie
lied to them
25
gō
strike.PST.3SG
ēš-ān
drōg=ē
with DEM-PL.OBL lie=IND
he told them a lie:
26
ki
yāra
šumā
ē
ǰat
strike.PST.3SG
rang-ēn
rapēγ=it
SUB oh.friend you.PL DEM manner-ATTR friend=COP.PRS.2PL
Oh fellows, you are such (good) friends,
27
čār-umī-(y)ēn
brās
šumay
man=un
four-ORD-ATTR brother you.PL.GEN I=COP.PRS.1SG
I am your fourth brother
28
man yag ǰā=(y)ē
yag bahārī=(y)ē dīst-a
I
one place=IND one pasture=IND see.PST-PSTP
I have seen a pasture in a place,
379
29
xayli bahār=int
very spring=COP.PRS.3SG
it is very green and thriving (lit. it is very spring).
30
šumā
b-raw-an
ōdā
you.PL SUBJ-go.PRS-1PL there
You, let’s go there
31
ki
man šumā-rā
bar-īn
SUB I
you.PL-OBJ take.PRS-1SG
I will take you (there),
32
šumā
bōr-it
ā
bahār-ā
you.PL SUBJ.eat.PRS-2PL DEM spring-OBJ
you eat that green and thriving pasture,
33
man pa šumā
nigāwānī=(y)a day-īn
I
for you.PL guarding=IMF give.PRS-1SG
I will watch over you,
34
šēr
gušt
lion say.PST.3SG
the lion said.
35
ēš-ān-ā
xar=ē
kurt=u
DEM-PL-OBJ donkey=PC.3SG
It deceived them and
36
do.PST.3SG=and
burt
take.PST.3SG
took (them).
37
ki
burt=ē
SUB take away=PC.3SG
When it took (them there),
38
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
it said:
39
nūn man ē
now I
dikka-(y)ay
sarā pa šumā
DEM mound-GEN on
day-īn
give.PRS-1SG
Now I will watch over you on this mound
40
šumā
bōr-it
ē
bahār-ān-ā
you.PL SUBJ.eat.PRS-2PL DEM spring-PL-OBJ
you eat this green and thriving pasture.
41
būt
be.PST.3SG
It passed,
42
mrōčī būt=u
today be.PST.3SG=and
that day passed and
43
bāndā
būt
tomorrow be.PST.3SG
the next day passed,
380
nigāwānī=(y)a
for you.PL guarding=IMF
44
putrit
am=ē
bōr-ēn
gōk-ay
gōš-ay
enter.PST.3SG EMPH=DEM light.brown-ATTR cow-GEN ear-GEN
tā=u
spēt-ēn-ayā
in=and white-ATTR-LOC
it whispered in the light brown cow’s ear and in that of the white one.
45
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
It said:
46
yāra
šumay
puṭ=u
mnī
puṭ yakk=ē=(y)ant
oh.friend you.PL.GEN hair=and I.GEN hair one=IND=COP.PRS.3PL
Oh friend, your hair and my hair are the same (colour),
47
am=ā
siyā-(y)ēn
mašmay
mānǰīnā
EMPH=DEM black-ATTR we.INCL.GEN among
kaxx=int
unripe=COP.PRS.3SG
that very black one is ill-matched among us.
48
šumā
kumak ma-kan-it
you.PL help
PROH-do.PRS-2PL
You, don’t help (it)
49
man āyi-rā
war-īn
I
DEM-OBJ eat.PRS-1SG
I will eat it,
50
baār
pa šumā
bāz=a
mān-ant
spring for you.PL very=IMF remain.PRS-3PL
a lot of pasture will remain for you.
51
ēš-ān-ī
maǰg-ān-ā
xarāb=ē
kurt=u
DEM-PL-GEN brain-PL-OBJ ruined=PC.3SG do.PST.3SG=and
It (the lion) confused their minds and
52
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
it (one of the cows) said:
53
ǰwān
good
Ok!
54
bass
čalāpt
siyā-(y)ēn-ā
just
seize.PST.3SG black-ATTR-OBJ
So (immediately), it seized the black (one).
55
ā
kumak na-kurt-ant
DEM help
NEG-do.PST-3PL
They didn’t help.
56
ki
na-kurt-ant
SUB NEG-do.PST-3PL
As they didn’t (help),
57
eš-ī
yakk-ēn-ay
sarā zōr=at
DEM-GEN one-ATTR-GEN on
strong=COP.PST.3SG
it was able to cope with this single one.
381
58
wārt=ē
ēš-ā
eat.PST.3SG=PC.3SG DEM-OBJ
It ate it up.
59
ki
wārt=u
SUB eat.PST.3SG=and
When it ate and
60
61
alās=ē
ku
finished=PC.3SG
finished it, …
do.PST.3SG
eš-ā
ki
alās=ē
ku
DEM-OBJ SUB finished=PC.3SG
When it finished it,
62
putrit
bōr-ēn
do.PST.3SG
gōk-ay
gōš-ay
tā
enter.PST.3SG light.brown-ATTR cow-GEN ear-GEN in
it whispered in the light brown cow’s ear.
63
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
(and) said:
64
tī
puṭ=u
mnī
yakk čīz=ant
you.SG.GEN hair=and I.GEN one thing=COP.PRS.3PL
Your hair and mine are the same (colour),
65
ta
kumak ma-kan
you.SG help
PROH-do.PRS
you don’t help (it),
66
man am=ē
spēt-ēn-ā
ki
bōr-īn
I
EMPH=DEM white-ATTR-OBJ SUB SUBJ.eat.PRS-1SG
when I eat this white one,
67
baār
gird pa(t)=ta=a
mān-ant
spring all for=you=IMF remain.PRS-3PL
all the green and thriving pasture will remain for you.
68
guṛā
man idā
pa(t)=ta payrā=a
kan-īn
then I
here for=you guarding=IMF do.PRS-1SG
Then I will watch over you here,
69
ta
bōr
you.SG SUBJ.eat.PRS
you (can) eat!
70
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
It (the light brown cow) said:
71
ǰwān
good
Well (ok)!
72
ēši-rā=am
ki
gipt
DEM-OBJ=also SUB seize.PST.3SG
When it seized the white cow, too
382
73
ā
kumak na-kurt
DEM help
NEG-do.PST.3SG
the light brown cow didn’t help,
74
ēši-rā=am
wārt
DEM-OBJ=also eat.PST.3SG
the lion also ate up the white cow.
75
ēš-ā=am
ki
alās=ē
ku
DEM-OBJ=also SUB finished=PC.3SG
When it finished the white cow, too,
76
āyi-rā
do.PST.3SG
gu
DEM-OBJ say.PST.3SG
the lion said to the light brown cow:
77
nūn ša(t)=tī
sarā tānā
zōr=un
now from=you.GEN on alone strong=COP.PRS.1SG
Now I alone am more powerful than you.
78
āyi-rā=am
wārt
DEM-OBJ=also eat.PST.3SG
It (the lion) ate it (the light brown cow) up, too.
79
p=ē
rang-ī
p=ē
sīyāsat ēš-ān-ā
in=DEM manner-ADVZ in=DEM policy
ziyān=ē
DEM-PL-OBJ
kurt
loss=PC.3SG do.PST.3SG
In this way, with this policy it (the lion) destroyed them.
383
Title: Sulaymān u Sulaymān (SS) ‘Solomon and Solomon’
Narrator: Paraddin Gorgej
Date: 2005
Genre: Narrative
Literture Type: Oral Protagonist: Third Person
1
guš-īt
say.PRS-3SG
They say:
2
ki
azrat=i
sulaymān yag ǰā=ē
SUB His.Holiness=IZ Solomon
wat-ī
taxt=i
āt
gō
one place=IND come.PST.3SG with
rawān-ā
self-GEN throne-IZ mobile-OBL
that His Holiness Solomon came to a place with his palanquin.
3
yakk
mard-ak=ē
nām=ay
sulaymān=at
one
man-DIM=IND name=PC.3SG3SG Solomon=COP.PST.3SG
A certain man’s name was Solomon.
4
ēš=a
šut
DEM=IMF go.PST.3SG
He went
5
š=am=ē
ǰangal-ay
tā rōč=ē
yakk baḍḍ
from=EMPH=DEM forest-GEN in day=IND one load.on.a.man’s.back
dār=a
burt
tree=IMF take.PST.3SG
(and) from the forest took a load of firewood each day
6
pa wat bā=a
kurt
for RFL price=IMF do.PST.3SG
(and) sold (it) for himself.
7
sulaymān ki
āt
Solomon SUB come.PST.3SG
When Solomon came,
8
gušt
say.PST.3SG
(he) said:
9
ki
tī
nām
kay=int
SUB you.SG.GEN name who=COP.PRS.3SG
What is your name?
10
gu
say.PST.3SG
He said:
11
mnī
nām sulaymān=int
I.GEN name Solomon=COP.PRS.3SG
My name is Solomon.
12
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
13
tī
nām
sulaymān=int
you.SG.GEN name Solomon=COP.PRS.3SG
Is your name Solomon?
384
14
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
15
ān
yes
Yes.
16
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
17
ahooo…. man pādišā=un=u
oh …
I
king=COP.PRS.1SG=and
Oh ... I am the king and
18
ta
mnī
amīda=ay
you.SG I.GEN namesake=COP.PRS.2SG
you are my namesake
19
ē
rang
xwār=ay
DEM manner despised=COP.PRS.2SG
(and) you are such (a) despised (person),
20
dār
bahā=a
kan-ay
tree price=IMF do.PRS-2SG
(and) you sell firewood?
21
ī
yakk sikka=ē tilā
DEM one coin=IZ gold
This is a gold coin
22
b-zūr
SUBJ-take.PRS
take (it),
23
dwārag ma(y)-ā-(y)ay
again PROH-come.PRS-2SG
(and) do not come back (here) again.
24
sulaymān ēš-ā
yakk sikka=ē tilā
dāt
Solomon DEM-OBJ one coin=IZ gold give.PST.3SG
Solomon gave him a gold coin.
25
allā=(y)i pāk-ay
hamr murg=ē
āt=u
God=IZ clean-GEN order bird=IND come.PST.3SG=and
By the order of God a bird came and
26
am=ē
sikka-ā
ša
ēš-ī
dēmā
zurt=u
EMPH=DEM coin-OBJ from DEM-GEN in.front.of seize.PST.3SG=and
took away this coin from him and
27
ǰist
escape.PST.3SG
went.
28
bāndā
ē
dwārag āt
tomorrow DEM again come.PST.3SG
The next day he came again:
29
ki
dār
SUB tree
b(y)-ār-īn
SUBJ-bring.PRS-1SG
385
I (will go to) bring firewood.
30
zū
zū
kamm=ē
dār
…
quick quick
a little=IND tree
…
Quickly, quickly (he gathered) a little. firewood ...,
31
sulaymān āt
Solomon come.PST.3SG
Solomon came.
32
sulaymān ki
āt
Solomon SUB come.PST.3SG
When Solomon came
33
gušt
say.PST.3SG
he said:
34
trā
na-gušt-un
you.SG.OBJ NEG-say.PST-1SG
Didn’t I tell you
35
ki
SUB
that,
36
man trā
tilā=ē
dāt-un
I
you.SG.OBJ gold=IND give.PST-1SG
I gave you a gold (coin)
37
ki
dwārag ma(y)-ā-(y)ay
SUB again
PROH-come.PRS-2SG
in order for you not to come.
38
gu
say.PST.3SG
He said:
39
āyi-rā
ē
rang
murg=ē burt
DEM-OBJ DEM manner bird=IND take.PST.3SG
A bird took it away in this manner.
40
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
41
ī
sikka-ā
b-zūr
DEM coin-OBJ SUBJ-take.PRS
Take this coin,
42
na ki
b(y)-ā-(y)ay
not SUB SUBJ-come.PRS-2SG
so that you do not come (again),
43
aga b(y)-ā-(y)ay
if
SUBJ-come.PRS-2SG
if you come,
44
trā
tikka tikka=a
kan-īn
you.SG.OBJ piece piece=IMF do.PRS-1SG
I will cut you into pieces.
386
45
ēš-ā=um
ki
dāt
DEM-OBJ=also SUB give.PST.3SG
When he also gave this,
46
sulaymān šut
Solomon go.PST.3SG
Solomon went.
47
am=ā
murg padā
EMPH=DEM bird back
That very bird came back,
48
ēš-ā=um
ša
āt
come.PST.3SG
dēm=ay
zurt=u
DEM-OBJ=also from in.front.of=PC.3SG
(and) took it away from him
49
seize.PST.3SG=and
šut
go.PST.3SG
and went.
50
pōšī
dwārag āt
the.day.after.tomorrow again
The next day he came again.
51
sulaymān dwārag
come.PST.3SG
āt
Solomon again
come.PST.3SG
Solomon (also) came again,
52
gu
say.PST.3SG
(and) said:
53
čōn
kurt-ay
how do.PST-2SG
What did you do?
54
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
55
āyi-rā
burt
DEM-OBJ take away.PST.3SG
It (the bird) took it away.
56
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
57
ēš-ā
sakk p-sāt-ay
DEM-OBJ hard SUBJ-hold.PRS-2SG
Keep this very (tight and) carefully.
58
say-um-ī-ēn
sikka-ā
ki
dāt=ē
three-ORD-ADJZ-ATT coin-OBJ SUB give.PST.3SG=PC.3SG
When he gave him the third coin,
59
ī
gird dap-ay
tā=ē
kurt
DEM all
mouth-GEN inside=PC.3SG do.PST.3SG
he put it completely in his mouth
60
ki
balkēn murg ma-bārt=ē
SUB perhaps bird
PROH-take.PRS.3SG=PC.3SG
387
in order for the bird not to take it.
61
dap-ay
tay=at
mouth=GEN
inside.PC.3SG=COP.PST.3SG
It was in his mouth
62
murg rast
bird reach.PST.3SG
(when) the bird arrived.
63
arčī
ki
ī
wass
ku
whatevere SUB DEM strength do.PST.3SG
However much he tried,
64
murg nūn
sar=u
čamm-ān=ay
šaparrak šaparrak
bird now head=and eye-PL=PC.3SG fluttering fluttering
the bird by fluttering on his head and eyes,
65
ī
dap-ā
pāč
ku
DEM mouth-OBJ open
he opened (his) mouth
66
ēš-ā=um
do.PST.3SG
zurt=u
DEM-OBJ=also seize.PST.3SG=and
(the bird) took this, too , and
67
šut
go.PST.3SG
went.
68
ki
šut
SUB go.PST.3SG
When it went,
69
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
he said:
70
ay
xudā tī
(sulaymān=am) mnā
sulaymān
VOC God you.SG.GEN (Solomon=also) I.OBJ Solomon
kurt=a
na-ku
do.PST=IMF NEG-do.PST.3SG
Oh God, your Solomon also couldn’t make me Solomon.
71
mnā
ša=m=ē
yakk baḍḍ-ay
dār-ā
I.OBJ from=EMPH=DEM one load.on.a.man’s.back-GEN tree-OBL
ē
prēnt
DEM throw.PST.3SG
He prevented me from (taking) this very load of firewood.
72
sōbī
mālā
āt
in.the.morning early come.PST.3SG
He came early in the morning:
73
ki
b-ra-īn=u
SUB SUBJ-go.PRS-1SG=and
I go and
74
dār
b-zūr-īn
tree SUBJ-take.PRS-1SG
collect firewood.
388
75
š=īngō
b-ra-īn
from=here SUBJ-go.PRS-1SG
Let me go from this side
76
ki
sulaymān
ma(y)-ayt
SUB Solomon PROH-come.PRS.3SG
in order that Solomon may not come.
77
āt
come.PST.3SG
He came,
78
am=ē
pārsī=a
š-ī
lāna
EMPH=DEM Farsi=IMF say.PRS-3SG nest
it is called in Persian, nest (lāna).
79
balōč=a
š-ī
kuḍōg
Baloch=IMF say.PRS-3SG nest
the Baloch call (it), nest,
80
bi balōčī
zubān-ā
kuḍōg
in Balochi language-OBL nest
in the Balochi language, nest (kuḍōg),
81
ta
yakk murg=ē
am=ā
draxt-ay sarā kuḍōg=ē
MIR one bird=IND EMPH=DEM tree-GEN on
ṭū-ēn
ǰōṛ
nest=IND
kurt-a
big-ATTR prepared do.PST-PSTP
behold a bird has built a big nest on top of that certain tree.
82
gu
say.PST.3SG
He said:
83
yāna
am=ā-(w)ān-ā
b-zūr-īn=u
namely EMPH=DEM-PL-OBJ SUBJ-take.PRS-1SG=and
Namely (let me) take those ones and
84
zūt-(t)ir
b-ra-(y)īn
soon-CMP SUBJ-go.PRS-1SG
go as soon as possible (very quickly)
85
ki
sulaymān
ma(y)-ayt
SUB Solomon PROH-come.PRS.3SG
in order that Solomon may not come.
86
ē
šut
DEM go.PST.3SG
He went
87
ta
ar
say
am=ā
say
sikka am=idā
MIR every three EMPH=DEM three coin
EMPH=here
ēr=int
down=COP.PRS.3SG
behold all three, those three coins are lying here.
88
ar
say-ēn
sikka-ān-ā
zurt=u
every three-ATTR coin-PL-OBJ seize.PST.3SG=and
He took all the three coins and
389
89
āt
come.PST.3SG
he was going
90
ki
b-raw-t
SUB SUBJ-go.PRS-3SG
to go,
91
sulaymān āt
Solomon come.PST.3SG
Solomon came.
92
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
93
padī
āt-ag=ay
again come.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.2SG
Have (you) come again?
94
gušt=ī
say.PST=PC.3SG
He said:
95
yāra
āt-a=un
nākō
Truly come.PST-PSTP=COP.PRS.1SG uncle
Truly, I have come, uncle
96
ki
mnā
bēzār=at
SUB I.OBJ
disgusted=COP.PST.3SG
š=am=ā
tī
sikka-ān=u
š=am=ā
from=EMPH=OBL you.SG.GEN coin-PL.OBL=and from=EMPH=DEM
tī
amīda-ī-(y)ā
(to say) that I was disgusted by all those very your coins and from being
that very your namesake.
97
98
ta
pa
dar
kurt-ay
you.SG I.OBJ out for
You made me a vagrant.
out
do.PST-2SG
ā
mnā
dar
kass=ē=rā
ki
xudā sulaymān kan-t
DEM person=IND=OBJ SUB God Solomon
That person whom God makes Solomon,
99
tī
kār=ē
SUBJ.do.PRS-3SG
na-int
you.SG.GEN work=IND NEG-COP.PRS.3SG
(that) is not your job.
100
mnā
xudā maga sulaymān kan-t
I.OBJ God only Solomon SUBJ.do.PRS-3SG
Only God can make me Solomon.
101
sikka ēš=at-ant
coin DEM=COP.PST-3PL
These were the coins,
102
murg-ay
kuḍōg-ay tā=at-ant
bird-GEN nest-GEN inside=COP.PST-3PL
they were in the bird’s nest,
390
103
b-ra
pa wat
SUBJ-go.PRS for RFL
go your way.
104
105
ta
pa
dar
kurt-ay
you.SG I.OBJ out for
You made me a vagrant.
mnā
dar
out
do.PST-2SG
nūn kass=ē=rā
ki
xudā sulaymān p-kan-t
now person=IND=OBJ SUB God Solomon
Well, if God makes a Solomon out of someone,
106
bandag-ay
kār=ē
SUBJ-do.PRS-3SG
na-int
servant-GEN work=IND NEG-COP.PRS.3SG
it is not a human being’s job ...
107
….
….
ān
yes
yes.
108
kass=ē=rā
ki
xudā sulaymān kan-t
person=IND=OBJ SUB God Solomon SUBJ.do.PRS-3SG
a certain person whom God makes Solomon,
109
kass=ē
ē
kār
na-int
person=IND DEM work NEG-COP.PRS.3SG
it is not anybody’s job (ability)
110
ki
ša
āyī
b-zin-t=ē
SUB from DEM.OBL SUBJ-take.PRS-3SG=PC.3SG
to take it away from him.
111
aga
kass=ē=rā
xudā gadā
kan-t
If
person=IND=OBJ God beggar SUBJ.do.PRS-3SG
if God makes a certain person beggar,
112
šāh-ī
ē
kār
na-int
king-GEN DEM work NEG-COP.PRS.3SG
it is not the king’s job (a king’s power, a king’s ability)
113
ki
ā
bādišā-ī
kan-t
SUB DEM king-NOMZ SUBJ.do.PRS-3SG
to make him rule as a king.
114
ē
xudā-ī
kār=ant
DEM God-GEN work=COP.PRS.3PL
These are God’s job (who is able to do these things).
115
ē
rang=int
duktur ǰān
DEM manner=COP.PRS.3SG doctor dear
It is like this, dear Doctor.
391
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