The Double Passive in Swedish Benny Söderberg

The Double Passive in Swedish  Benny Söderberg
The Double Passive in Swedish
A case of creating raising verbs in the Scandinavian languages.
Benny Söderberg
Institutionen för lingvistik
Examensarbete för kandiatexamen 15 hp
Allmän språkvetenskap
Vårterminen 2013
Handledare: Fredrik Heinat, Henrik Liljegren
Examinator: Henrik Liljegren
2
The Double Passive in Swedish
A case of creating raising verbs in the Scandinavian languages.
Abstract
The primary aim of this thesis is to map the syntactic and semantic nature, and the frequency of the
Double Passive in Swedish. The results showed that the Double Passive is a control construction
where the internal argument (OBJ) of the embedded verb is raised to subject of the s-passive matrix
verb, and the verb of the infinitival complement co-occurs as an s-passive infinitive. In the thesis
Lexical functional grammar (LFG) is used as a model for semantic and syntactic analysis. The
analysis showed that when the AGENT in a Double Passive construction is suppressed, it creates an
argument structure that triggers an equi verb to occur as a raising verb (cf. Ørsnes 2006:404). Overt
agents within constructions containing the Double Passive showed an even lower frequency than the
low frequencies documented in previous research of passive constructions by Silén (1997) and
Laanemets (2010). The lower frequency is partly a result of the fact that agents in a Double Passive
construction are suppressed twice. The results of a corpus study showed a frequency of 3.57 % of
overt agents within constructions containing Double Passives. The complementizer att ‘to’ in the
subordinated infinitive clause of a Double Passive is overtly expressed, partly depending on the degree
of modality of the matrix verb (cf. Sundman 1983; Teleman 1999; Lagerwall 1999), and the degree of
semantic bonding between the matrix verb and the complement (Givón 2001b). The data (matrix
verbs) collected in the corpus study were analysed according to a categorising-system in SAG
(Teleman et al. 1999) and in Givón (2001a) and Givón (2001b). The matrix verbs with strong nominal
(lexical) properties, e.g. planera ‘plan’, showed a high frequency of co-occurrence with full
infinitives, as compared to matrix verbs with largely grammatical meaning, e.g. avse ‘intend’.
Keywords
Double Passive, Complex Passive, control, equi, raising, agent, infinitival complement,
complementizer, LFG.
3
Abstrakt
Det primära syftet med denna uppsats är att kartlägga dubbelpassiv-konstruktionens syntaktiska och
semantiska natur samt frekvens i det svenska språket. Resultaten visade att dubbelpassiven är en
kontrollkonstruktion där det inbäddade verbets interna argument (OBJ) lyfts till positionen som det spassiva matrisverbets subjekt, och där verbet i infinitivsatsen uttrycks som en s-passiv infinitiv. I
uppsatsen används Lexical functional grammar (LFG) som modell för semantisk och syntaktisk
analys. Analysen visade att då AGENTEN undertrycks, så skapas en argumentstruktur som får ett
equi-verb att framträda som ett raising-verb (jmfr Ørsnes 2006:404). Explicita agenter, i
konstruktioner med dubbelpassiver, visade en ännu lägre frekvens än den redan låga frekvens som
dokumenterats i tidigare forskning om passiv-konstruktioner av Silén (1997) och Laanemets (2010).
Den lägre frekvensen, är delvis ett resultat av faktumet att agenterna i en dubbelpassiv-konstruktion
undertrycks två gånger. Resultaten av en korpusstudie visade att frekvensen av explicita agenter, i
konstruktioner som innehåller dubbelpassiver, uppgick till 3.57 %. Komplementeraren "att" i den
underordnade infinitivsatsen i en dubbelpassiv uttrycks explicit – delvis beroende på matrisverbens
modala egenskaper (jmfr. Sundman 1983; Teleman 1999; Lagerwall 1999), samt beroende av grad av
semantisk länkning mellan matrisverbet och komplementet (Givón 2001b). Den insamlade datan
(matrisverb) i korpusstudien analyserades enligt ett kategoriseringssystem hämtat ur SAG (Teleman et
al. 1999), Givón (2001a) och Givón (2001b). Matrisverb med starka nominella (lexikala) egenskaper,
till exempel planera, visade en högre frekvens i förekomst med fullständiga infinitivsatser, i
jämförelse med mer funktionella matrisverb som avse.
Nyckelord
dubbelpassiv, komplex passiv, kontrol, equi, raising, agent, infinitivkomplement, komplementerare,
LFG.
4
5
Contents
Abbrevations ........................................................................................ 8
1. Introduction ................................................................................... 9
2. Background .................................................................................. 10
2.1 Swedish in brief ................................................................ 11
2.2 Passive voice .................................................................... 11
2.3 Lexical functional grammar ................................................. 12
2.4 Constituents of the Double Passive ..................................... 14
2.4.1 Infinitival complements and PRO ...................... 14
2.4.2 Matrix verbs ................................................. 15
2.4.2.1 Equi verbs ................................. 15
2.4.2.2 Raising verbs ............................. 15
2.4.3 Demoted agents ............................................ 16
2.4.3.1 Non-overt agents ........................ 16
2.4.3.2 Animacity ................................... 16
2.5 Double Passive constructions ............................................. 17
2.6 Delimiting the Double Passive ............................................ 19
2.6.1 Expletive SUBJ and extra PREP ........................ 19
2.6.2 Lack of control .............................................. 19
2.7 Delimiting the verbs in the matrix clause ............................. 20
2.7.1 Deponents .................................................... 20
2.7.2 Parasitic marking ........................................... 20
2.8 Subject and object control ................................................. 21
2.9 Complementizers and integration......................................... 22
3. Purpose ........................................................................................ 26
4. Method ......................................................................................... 27
4.1 Corpus research ............................................................... 27
4.1.1 Data and material .......................................... 27
4.1.2 Procedure of the corpus research (in brief) ....... 28
4.2 Syntactic and semantic mapping ........................................ 28
4.2.1 Control and argument structures ...................... 28
4.2.2 Semantic bonding .......................................... 29
4.2.3 The Double Passive in LFG ............................... 29
5. Results ........................................................................................ 30
5.1 The Corpus research ......................................................... 30
6
5.1.1 Primary collected data .................................... 30
5.1.2 Full and bare infinitives .................................. 30
5.1.3 Agents ......................................................... 32
5.2 The syntactic and semantic mapping .................................... 34
5.2.1 Mapping control and argument structures ......... 34
5.2.2 Mapping semantic bonding ............................. 38
5.2.3 Mapping the Double Passive in LFG .................. 39
6. Discussion ................................................................................... 41
7. Conclusion ................................................................................... 45
7.1 Suggested further study ..................................................... 45
8. References .................................................................................. 46
9. Appendix ..................................................................................... 48
A. LFG-trees ........................................................................... 48
B. The procedure of the corpus study ........................................ 50
B1 Primary searches .............................................. 50
B2 Collecting of data .............................................. 50
B3 Creating verb lists ............................................. 50
B4 Secondary searches .......................................... 51
B5 Searches in AntConc .......................................... 52
C. Givón’s semantic sub-groups ............................................... 54
D. The corpora ....................................................................... 56
7
Abbreviations1
ACC
ADV
AG
ARG
AUX
COMP
CONJ
COP
DEF
DEP
DET
IE
INF
INFL
MED
N
NP
NOM
NEG
OBJ
OBL
OBLagt
PL
PP
PASS
PRED
PREP
PRS
PRO
PROP
PST
PTCP
RECP
REFL
SFO
SUBJ
SUP
XCOMP
V
Vmtx
Vinf
VP
1
accusative
adverb(ial)
agent
argument
auxiliary
complementizer
conjunction
copula
definite
deponential
determiner
complementizer
infinitive
inflectional morpheme
medial
noun
noun phrase
nominative
negation
object
oblique
oblique agent
plural
preposition phrase
passive
predicate
preposition
present tense
an unspecified noun phrase
(action) proposition
past tense
participle
reciprocal
reflexive
s-form
subject
supine
open complement
verb
matrix verb
infinitive verb
verb phrase
The abbreviations are almost exclusively taken from the Encyclopedia of Language & Linguistics Second
Edition, Elsevier, Oxford, (2006).
8
1. Introduction
It is possible in Swedish, as in several other languages, for a certain class of matrix verbs, with lexical
properties, to take an infinitival complement (SAG 3 1999:573-575). Such verbs are also typically
able to assign semantic roles to its subject. This type of construction, shown in (1), is generally
referred to as control in the literature:2
MATRIX CLAUSE INFINITIVAL COMPLEMENT CLAUSE (1)
John
planera-r
att
sälja
bilen.
John
plan-PRS
to:COMP
sell:INF
car:the.
‘John is planning to sell the car.’
At passivization of the construction in (1), two s-passive verbs co-occur in (2), forming a Double
Passive:
(2)
Bilen
planera-s
att
Car:the
plan-PASS
to:COMP
PRO
sälja-s
av John.
sell:INF-PASS
by John.
‘As for the car, it is being planned to be sold by John.’
In (2), the raised object bilen (now surfacing as the passive subject) and the morphologically
passivized verb planeras are both parts of the matrix clause. The matrix verb takes an infinitival
complement, of which the non-overt subject (PRO) is controlled by the SUBJ ‘bilen’ in the matrix
clause (Kreuger 2004:122). And the verbal complement is morphologically passivized. In (3) a
reduced form of the construction in (2) is shown – neither the optional complementizer att ‘to’ in the
infinitive clause, or the agentive adverbial phrase is overt.
(3)
Bilen
planera-s
sälja-s.
Car:the
plan-PASS
sell:INF-PASS
‘As for the car, it is being planned to be sold.’
The reduced number of overt constituents in (3) leaves some linguistic information out of the utterance
for consideration, e.g: “Who is doing the planning? – and who is doing the selling?”. Both overt and
non-overt constituents of the Double Passive will be explored in the thesis.
The Double Passive is interesting to analyse, especially since little research on this construction have
been done. This fact alone motivates this study. And also since the research will contribute with
linguistic insights of use for further studies of this construction in Swedish, as well as for comparative
use in future cross-linguistic studies.
2
Where no explicit reference is given, the examples are constructed by the author.
9
2. Background
In a governmental writing guide (Myndigheternas skrivregler 2009:24) it is suggested to avoid the
Double Passive in “correct” Swedish writing. Instead, the use of active voice is recommended. And in
the literature there are “complaints” regarding the grammaticality of the Double Passive. E.g.
Wellander (1939:293) considers the double passive not being grammatically acceptable, and he argues
for the use of its active counterpart. Consider Wellander’s examples in (4)3:
(4)
a) (?)Saken
Issue:the
har
forsökt-s
tysta-s
ned.
have:AUX
try:SUP-PASS
quiet:INF-PASS
down.
‘As for the issue, it has been tried to be avoided’ (by someone).
b) (?)Ersättning
Payment
som
vägrat-s
(att)
utbetala-s.
which
refuse:SUP-PASS
(to)
pay:INF-PASS
‘As for payment, which has been refused to be payed out’ (by someone).
Sundman (1987:467) agrees with Wellander, and argues for the unacceptability of the Double Passive
in Swedish. Consider Sundmans example in (5):
(5)
(*)Patienten
Patient:the
beslöt-s
operera-s.
decide:PST-PASS
operate:INF-PASS
‘As for the patient, she/he was decided to be operated’ (by the doctor).
In the thesis there is no evaluation of the grammaticality or un-grammaticality of the Double Passive
being done. The Double Passive is used in both spoken and written Swedish, despite the
recommendations to avoid it.
Furthermore the constituents of the Double Passive will be described, as well as delimitations on the
Double Passive and on matrix verbs. The delimitations are required when collecting and analysing
data in a corpus study in the thesis, and also for a semantic and syntactic mapping of the Double
Passive. The similarities to the Complex Passive in Danish will also be described (cf. Ørsnes 2006).
I will also take up a model for analysing subject and object control of matrix verbs (cf. 2.8). In (2.9), I
will describe aspects of integration between a matrix clause and a complement clause, involving
semantic bonding and the co-occurrence of explicit complementizers in relation to the degree of
modality of the matrix verb.
3
The translation ”As for the (…)” is indicating the topicality of a referential subject in the Double Passive
(cf. Ørsnes 2006:388).
10
But first, short presentations of the Swedish language (cf. 2.1), passive voice in Swedish (cf. 2.2) and
Lexical functional grammar (LFG) are given below (cf. 2.3). LFG will be used in the thesis as a model
for analysing the semantic and syntactic relations of the Double Passive.
2.1 Swedish in brief
Swedish basically has the word order subject - finite verb - object (SVO). It is partly an analytic
language – lexemes, word order and prepositions are often used to indicate semantic and syntactic
relations, which in other languages might be indicated morphologically (SAG 1 1999:23). In (6), an
example of an auxiliary verb (a lexeme) indicating a semantic and syntactic relation to a head verb in
Swedish is shown:
(6)
Hon
får
dansa.
3SG
may:PRES
dance:INF
‘She is allowed to dance.’
In other aspects, Swedish also has synthetic characteristics, i.e. rich systems for morphological
marking to indicate semantic and syntactic relations. The suffixes are mostly agglutinated – each one
carrying a grammatical function (SAG 1 1999:23), as in (7):
(7) Hon
3SG
dansa-r.
dance-PRES
‘She is dancing.’
2.2 Passive voice
Here the basic typological characteristics of passive voice in Swedish will be shown. At passivation
there is a shift in the assignment of grammatical relations. The object of the active in (8a) takes subject
position in the passive, and the subject in the active occurs as a “degraded” oblique argument (an
optional agentive adverbial phrase ‘by …’) in the passive in (8b), cf. Kroeger (2008:53-54).
(8) a) Active:
John
servera-r
Jane.
3SG
serve-PRS
3SG
SUBJ
OBJ
‘John is serving Jane.’
b) Passive:
Jane
servera-s
av
John.
3SG
serve-PASS
by
3SG
SUBJ
OBLag
‘Jane is being served by John’.
11
In Swedish, verbs can be passivized in two ways – by marking the passive verb morphologically as in
(9a) with the suffix ‘-s’, or as in (9b), with a periphrastic copula verb bli ‘become’ or vara ‘be’ cooccurring with a past participle.
(9) a) Bilen
laga-s.
Car:the repair-PASS.
‘The car is being repaired.’
b) Bilen
blir
Car:the be:COP
lagad.
repair:PST:PASS:PTCP
‘The car is being repaired.’
Most of the transitive verbs in Swedish can take s-passive form4, as in (8b), and in some cases
intransitive verbs take s-passive form (henceforth s-passive) (SAG 2 1999:554). Even if the two
constructions in (9) seem basically equal in meaning, there are two specific differences.
The periphrastic passive usually requires that the subject have some control over the event in focus.
And the periphrastic passive is used when the inception or completion of the events are in focus
(Engdahl 2006:21,25,35). The s-passive is used in additional contexts and in co-occurrence with more
verbs. The s-passive is most common when expressing general norms, describing incomplete events
and generic statements (Engdahl 2006:21).
2.3 Lexical functional grammar
In the thesis Lexical functional grammar (LFG) is used as a model for semantic and syntactic analysis.
LFG is a theory where the explicit representation of morphosyntactic information is displayed by
syntactic structures. Essential components in the grammar are the lexicon, words and unification, cf.
Van Valin (2001:82), Kroeger (2008) and Bresnan (2001). A special feature of LFG is that it analyses
clauses in terms of at least three5 distinct parallel levels of representation (Austin 2001:6-16):
C-structure – The constituent structure analyses the constituents in terms of word order, and phrasal
grouping in the form of context-free phrase structure trees.
F-structure – The functional structure deals with functional information/features such as grammatical
functions like SUBJ, OBJ and also with functions of discourse like TOPIC. The information is
displayed in matrices of attribute-value pairs.
4
”S-passive” is a common expression in Swedish that symbolises the addition of the morpheme ’–s’ which
is added to a verb at passivization.
5
There are several other structures which are hypothesized in LFG work. However, solely the structures
relevant in the thesis are displayed in (2.3) (cf. Falk 2001).
12
A-structure – The argument structure deals with predicate argument information. E.g. number and
type of arguments of an argument and the semantic role assigned to arguments, cf. (12). A-structures
are displayed as arrays and predicates and argument slots with associated semantic roles such as
AGENT, PATIENT and EXPERIENCER6.
Below the relations between the f- and c-structures are shown according to an example of an English
passive clause taken from Van Valin (2001:191) in (Figure 1).
The example is simplified compared to a standard LFG-analysis:
‘The bagel was eaten by Mary'.
F-STRUCTURE
C-STRUCTURE
SUBJ
PRED
DEF
‘BAGEL’
+
TENSE
PRED
PAST
‘EATEN’
<(áSUBJ)(áOBL0)>
OBL0
PRED
OBJ
’by’
‘Mary’
S
NP
(áSUBJ)=â)
AUX
(á=â)
The bagel
V
(á=â)
VP
(á=â)
was
(á=â)
(áPRED) = ‘EATEN’
<(áSUBJ) (áOBL0)>
V
(á=â)
eaten
NP
(áOBL0)=â
by Mary
Figure 1. Showing the relation between the c- and the f-structure.
The functional annotation in the c-structure in (Figure 1) shows relevant grammatical information
explicitly. The VP, AUX and the V have the notation
(á=â),
which means that features passed to it
from its daughters are passed on to be features of its mother node (Van Valin 2001:192). In simple
terms;
á =
(áSUBJ)=â)
6
info about the words mother, and
â =
info about the word itself (Austin 2001:6). The
signals that ‘the bagel’ is the subject. In simple terms, the arrows show that information
The semantic roles are taken from Kroeger (2008:9) and Lyngfelt (2007). Lyngfelt divides the AGENT
role into AGENTIVE/CAUSE, which is partly applied in the thesis. EXPERIENCER: animate entity, which
perceives a stimulus or registers a particular mental or emotional process or state. INSTRUMENT:
inanimate entity used by an agent to perform some action. PATIENT: entity which is acted upon,
affected, or created – or of which a state or change is predicated.
13
about the word´s mother´s SUBJ is information about the word itself (Austin 2001:8). This is also the
case regarding the
(áOBL0)=â.
And the given c-structure with functional annotations, enables the
projecting of an f-structure matrice, as also is shown (Figure 1).
The c-structures receive the annotations out of given LFG phrase structure-rules. Consider (10):
(10) Mary ate the bagel.
The following lexical rule for passive acts on the active (basic) form in (8a) to produce the passive
form in (8b) above (Kroeger 2008:57,124). The ’Ø’ symbolises an optional non-overt agent:
(11)
SUBJ à OBLagt / Ø
OBJ à SUBJ
The rule in (11) changes the subcategorised grammatical functions of the verb ‘eat’, and “relinks” the
semantic roles in the a-structure, as shown in (12) (cf. Kroeger 2008:62).
(12) ate
<agent
SUBJ
patient>
b) eaten
OBJ
<agent
OBL
patient>
SUBJ
As shown in (12), the argument structure in LFG represents the number and type of arguments
associated with a particular predicate.
2.4 Constituents of the Double Passive
Now, a description of constituents of a Double Passive construction will be shown according to the
literature.
2.4.1 Infinitival complements and PRO
An infinitive clause as in (13), consisting of an infinitive verb as the head verb, in co-occurrence with
an optional complementizer att ‘to’ (SAG 4 1999:376), may partially form the Double Passive. One of
the obligatory features of the Double Passive is passivization of the infinitive verb in the complement
(cf. 2.5). Consider the non-overt subject labelled PRO, and the morphologically passivized infinitive
verb in the passive (13):
(13) att
PRO
to:COMP
sälja-s
(av
Jane).
sell:INF-PASS
(by:PREP
3SG).
PRO
‘(…) to be sold (by Jane).’
An infinitive clause lacks a subject in Swedish (SAG 3 1999:609). So the subject of the matrix clause
(the controller) is interpreted as functioning as the non-overt (henceforth also implicit) subject of the
14
infinitive clause (cf. Kroeger 2008:109). This non-overt subject (the controlee) is often referred to and
labelled ‘PRO’ in the literature. The missing, but understood, argument (PRO) in the infinitival
complement is controlled by the controller (cf. Kroeger 2008:109). Kroeger describes the controlee as:
(…) a kind of invisible anaphoric element, a phonologically empty pronoun (…), which
antecedent can be determined by the lexical entry of the main verb or by the particular
requirements of the particular construction it appears in. (Kroeger 2008:107)
Lyngfelt (2002:27) adopts the definition in NRG (the Norwegian reference grammar) as a
coreference7 relation between the empty subject (in Swedish ‘tankesubjekt’) and its antecedent. And
Lyngfelt also mentions arbitrary control and pragmatic control (cases when the antecedent is nonovert) – in these cases the controller can be generic or interpreted through the context.
2.4.2 Matrix verbs
The matrix verbs forming the Double Passive are obligatory control verbs (Ørsnes 2006:387). Control
verbs can be divided into two groups – equi and raising verbs (anaphoric and functional control). Even
if raising and equi constructions basically are similar in terms of grammatical relations (Kroeger
2008:111,122), there are crucial differences regarding the assignment of semantic roles. But the
borders between these two classes of control verbs are not clear, as often shown in the literature.
Ørsnes (2006:387) mentions verbs like börja ‘begin’ and vill ‘want’ as showing both equi/raising
properties depending on the discourse.
2.4.2.1 Equi verbs
Equi verbs8 assign semantic roles to its subject. Equi verbs lexical properties include features that are
needed in a lexically governed active control construction (Kroeger 2008:111,122). The semantic role
that equi predicates assign to the agent in the active is known in the literature as anaphoric control.
Equi verbs can co-occur as a matrix verb in an active control construction, partly because they belong
to a minor group of verbs that are able to take an infinitival complement as object (SAG 3 1999:573575) A few examples of equi verbs are given in Sundman (1987:106): planera ‘plan’, vägra ‘refuse’,
besluta ‘decide’.
2.4.2.2 Raising verbs
Raising verb does not assign semantic roles to its subject. Ørsnes (2006:397) mentions token-identity
when describing the relation in functional control between the controller and the controlee (cf. 2.4.1).
Dubinsky and Davies (2006:131-132) define raising constructions as “(…) constructions that involve
an agent (NP) that appears to be syntactically disconnected from the element that assigns its semantic
7
Coreference – A relationship in which the ”missing” argument of the subordinated clause (PRO) is
interpreted as being coreferential whith some argument of the matrix clause (cf. Kroeger 2008:127).
8
Equi – a short term for Equivalent noun phrase deletion. A.k.a. NP deletion (Sundman 1987:104), or
PRO (Lyngfelt 2002). Also often refered to as control verbs in the literature.
15
role”. What is known as functional control link the ”unfilled subject position” of the XCOMP9 and the
subject of the matrix predicate, this linking is defined in the lexicon by stating that the subject of the
embedded predicate is also the subject of the matrix verb (Bresnan 2001:283-286). Matrix verbs that
are raising verbs, e.g. får ‘may’, kan ‘can’, in the active cannot passivize, and can therefore not occur
as a matrix verb in the Double Passive.
2.4.3 Demoted agents
Passivization is often described in the literature as an agent demoting process, where the semantic role
that an active verb assigns to its subject cannot be assigned to the subject by the corresponding passive
verb. But the demoted animate or inanimate agent (cf. 2.3.4.1) remains in the semantic structure
(Laanemets 2010:3). The semantic role AGENT is defined as “(…) Whoever or whatever controls and
intentionally performs (or does not perform) a certain action.” (SAG 1 1999:151). The syntactic unit
agentive adverbial phrase (in Swedish labelled ‘av-phrase’ in the literature, e.g: av Jane ’by Jane’ in a
passive clause, has the semantic relation to the verb as the subject in a corresponding active clause
(Silén 1997:9). There are two basic criteria of the agent (Silén 1997:30) which figurate in most
definitions of the agent in Swedish and in several other languages; 1) the agent occurs in a passive
clause, and 2) the action that the verb assigns, is being performed by the agent and aimed at the
passive subject.
2.4.3.1 Non-overt agents
An agentive adverbial phrase may also be non-overt by option, as in (14):
(14) Bilen
Car:the
köp-s
Ø.
buy-PASS
Ø.
‘The car is being bought’.
A non-overt agent can be described as “an underlying notion of an action being performed by an
agent” (Holm 1952:19). In a study by Laanemets (2010), 35 000 words of both written and spoken
Swedish were compared. Overt agents were found in 12,9 % of passive constructions of written
Swedish and in 8.9 % of the data of spoken Swedish.
2.4.3.2 Animacity
There is also a distinction between animate and inanimate subjects and agents, depending on the status
of the nominal phrase within the matrix clause or in the av-phrase. Silén (1997:209) characterizes the
semantic role AGENTIVE as; “(…) a human causer responsible for a deliberate and conscious
action”. Consider (15), where John is a human causer, and therefore both the semantic role
AGENTIVE and AGENT, but not the CAUSE:
9
XCOMP: An open complement that lacks an overt subject (Kroeger 2001:109-110).
16
(15) Bilen
Car-the
köp-s
av John.
buy-PASS
by 3SG.
(animate)
AGENTIVE
‘The car is being bought by John.’
The NP ‘the earthquake’ in the av-phrase in (16), is both the semantic role CAUSE and AGENT, but
not the AGENTIVE. This is due to the earthquake being inanimate (Lyngfelt 2007:90):
(16) Byn
Village:the
raserade-s
av jordbävningen.
destruct:PST-PASS
by earthquake:the.
(inanimate)
CAUSE
‘The village was destroyed by the earthquake.’
Now that the constituents of a Double Passive construction have been described in (2.4), a following
description of the Double Passive is suitable.
2.5 Double passive constructions
A Double Passive construction can be constructed in a few ways in Swedish. As its labelling hints, it
needs to be composed out of two passive predicates – a matrix verb, followed by a subordinated verb
of an infinitival complement (cf. 2.4.1). As mentioned in chapter (1), this relationship between two
clauses is referred to Control (cf. Kroeger 2008:103). In (17), an s-passive in co-occurrence with a
periphrastic passive, occurs in the Double Passive (also referred to in the literature as the Complex
Passive in other Scandinavian languages):
(17) Bilen
Car:the
förvänta-s
bli
såld.
expect-PASS
be:COP
sell:PST:PASS:PTCP
‘As for the car, it is being expected to be sold.’
In (18), there are two cases of morphological passive (-s) marking corresponding to two cases of
morphological passivity:
(18) Bilen
Car:the
planera-s
att
sälja-s.
plan-PASS
att:COMP
sell:INF-PASS
‘As for the car, it is being planned to be sold.’
I.e. there are two passive clauses in one construction in (18), in which both of the verbs are s-passive.
A similar construction to the Double Passive in Swedish is the Complex Passive in Danish, as in (19)
(Ørsnes 2006:387):
17
(19) (Danish)
Bilen
forsøge-s
repareret.
Car:the
try-PASS
repair:PTCP
‘As for the car it is being tried to be repaired.’
Ørsnes (2006:390) mentions that the Complex Passive appears only to be observed in Danish and
Norwegian. The author recognizes a resemblance between the Double Passive and the Complex
Passive regarding control. One crucial difference in the surface structure between the Complex Passive
in Danish, and the Double Passive (the kind with two s-passives) in Swedish is that the verbal
complement in the Double Passive surfaces as an s-passive infinitive verb – whereas in the Complex
Passive, the verbal complement must surface as an embedded participle.
Example (20) shows the matrix verb planera ‘plan’ in an active construction.
(20) Jane
planera-r
att
reparera
bilen.
Jane
plan-PRS
to
repair:INF
car-the.
‘Jane plans to repair the car.
When the verb is passivized as in (21a-c) two different kinds of passives are observed. The first kind
in (21a) and (21b), follows the pattern of passivization of transitive verbs – the whole infinitival
complement raises to subject (the personal passive), or the infinitival complement retains its
grammatical function and the passive matrix verb co-occurs with an expletive det ‘there/it’ (cf. Ørsnes
2006:387). The second kind, a Double passive, is shown in (21c) – where the internal argument bilen
of the embedded verb is raised to subject of the passive matrix verb. The verb in the infinitival
complement surfaces as an s-passive infinitive, and the agent is non-overt by option (cf. Ørsnes
2006:387).
(21)
a) Att
To:COMP
reparera
bilen
planera-s.
repair:INF
car:the
plan:INF-PASS
‘To repair the car is being planned.
b) Det
planera-s
att
reparera
bilen.
It
plan-PASS
to:COMP
repair:INF
car:the.
‘It is being planned to repair the car.
c) Bilen
Car:the
planera-s
att
reparera-s.
plan-PASS
to:COMP
repair:INF-PASS
‘As for the car it is being planned to be repaired.’
Further on in this thesis, solely the Double Passive in Swedish formed with two s-passives will be
studied and referred to due to the limitations of the study.
18
2.6 Delimiting the Double Passive
Identifying the Double Passive can be difficult in some cases. In sections (2.6) and (2.7), constructions
and verbs that cannot occur in a Double Passive are shown according to the literature.
2.6.1 Expletive SUBJ and extra PREP
Matrix verbs in a control construction do not allow expletive (non-thematic) subjects (Ørsnes
2006:391), as shown in (22a-b).
(22)
a) *Det
planera-r
att
reparera
bilen.
It
plan-PRS
to:COMP
repair:INF
car:the.
‘It (?) is planning to repair the car.’
b) ?Det
It
planera-s
att
reparera-s
plan-PASS
to:COMP
repair:INF-PASS
‘As for the it (?), it is being planned to be repaired.’
Control constructions with expletive subjects will be excluded from the data. Verbs selecting
infinitival complements marked by prepositions cannot occur in the Double Passive (prepositions take
OBJ, and not XCOMP (cf. Ørsnes 2006:392). Consider (23a-b):
(23)
a) De
3PL
varna-r
för
att
laga
bilen.
warn-PRS
for:PREP
to:COMP
fix:INF
car:the.
‘They warn against trying to fix the car’.
b) ?Bilen
Car:the
varna-s
för
att
laga-s
warn-PASS
for:PREP
to:COMP
fix:INF-PASS
‘As for the car, there´s a warning against trying to fix it.’.
Verbs selecting infinitival complements marked by prepositions and will be excluded from the data.
2.6.2 Lack of control
There is no control relation between the clauses (or verbs) in (24) since the matrix verb does not take a
subordinated infinitival complement.
(24) De
3PL
nykomling-ar
som
inte
lyckade-s
ersätt-s
nu
av veteran-er.
rookie-PLR
that
no:NEG
succeed:PST-PASS
replace-PASS
now
by veteran-PLR.
‘The rookies who did not succeed, are now being replaced by veterans.’
Constructions lacking a control relation, as in (24), will be excluded from the data.
There is no control relation between the clauses (or verbs) in (24) since the matrix verb does not take a
subordinated infinitival complement.
19
2.7 Delimiting the verbs in the matrix clauses
2.7.1 Deponents
Some verbs in Swedish verbs (referred to as deponent verbs/deponents) are s-passive in form but
active in meaning. Deponents are almost exclusively in present tense, and intransitive. A way of
identifying a deponent is to check how it occurs in active voice (SAG 2 1999:555) – as in (25b) where
the verb changes meaning compared with (25a):
(25)
a) John
3SG
hoppas
kyssas
av Jane.
hope:DEP
kiss:DEP
by 3SG.
hoppa-r
kyssa
John.
jump-PRS
kiss:INF
3SG.
‘John is hoping to be kissed by Jane’.
b) *Jane
3SG
‘Jane jumps to kiss John.
Reflexives and reciprocals are defined as deponents in SAG 2 (1999:556), consider (26) and (27).
(26) Kartellen
hoppas
Cartel:the hope:DEP
enas
om
att
öka
oljeproduktionen.
unite:RECP
about
to:COMP
increase
oil production:the.
‘The cartel is hoping to reach an agreement to increase the oil production.’
(27) Vi
2PL
hoppas
samlas
kring
brasan.
hope:DEP
gather:REFL
around
fire:the.
‘We hope that we will be able to gather around the fire place.’
In SAG 2 (1999:554-557), the most frequent deponents are listed and defined as non-passive.
Deponents will be excluded from the data.
2.7.3 Parasitic marking
Some raising verbs in Swedish appear to be passivized when they are not. E.g. a raising verb
(functional verb) might be mistaken for a passivized equi verb (lexical verb) due to an active raising
verb’s given -s form. In SAG 3 (1999:575), it is mentioned that some language-users prefer to use the
-s form on an active matrix verb like behöva10 ‘need’ in a passive clause, as in (28):
(28) Bilen
Car:the
(?)behövs
laga-s.
need:PRS
repair:INF-PASS
‘The car needs to be repaired.’
10
In SAG (1999) behöva ‘need’ is partly described as possessing several main verb-features, whilst
Sundman (1983:323) classifies ’behöva’ as being considered an auxiliary verb (AUX). The verb ‘behöva’
is a case of a continuum – i.e. the function of the verb might vary depending on the context.
20
In contrast, grammarians recommend the use of a present tense “-s less” form, according to SAG 3
(1999:575), as in (29):
(29) Bilen
Car:the
behöv-er
laga-s.
need-PRS
repair:INF-PASS
‘The car needs to be repaired.’
It is suggested that the use of -s form on (raising) matrix verbs is a case of phonological expression
(spoken Swedish), rather than a syntactic feature (Wiklund 2001:199). This proposed phonological
phenomenon is often referred to in the literature as parasitic marking11. In simple terms, the -s form on
an active verb like behövs, in (28), might be a case of copying of the morphological marking from the
passive -s form of the infinitive verb lagas ‘repair’. This can be considered a gap between meaning
and form (Wiklund 2001:199). Matrix verbs that might be a case of phonological expression will be
excluded from the data.
2.8 Subject and object control
Here I will take up a control model that is used (in HPSG12) to differentiate the control patterns of
three verb classes of control predicates in English. These classes will be applied in the thesis to
manually analyse and map subject and object control of matrix predicates of Double passive
constructions according to this model. Pollard and Sag (1991:78) argues that relations are grouped
hierarchically in much the same way as parameters. Consider the hierarchy of relations in English
according to Pollard and Sag’s example:
Figure 2. The hierarchy of relations according to Pollard & Sag (1991:78).
In (Figure 2), the branch ”influence” consists of order/permit type predicates of object control. The
branch ”commitment” consists of promise type predicates of subject control. And the third branch
consists of want/expect type predicates of subject control (Pollard & Sag 1991:78). Ørsnes (2006:390)
argues that both subject and object control verbs can occur in the Danish Complex Passive.
11
Also refered to in the literature as copying and multiple exponance (Sadler et al. 2004:191).
12
HPSG – Head-Driven Phrase Structure Grammar (Pollard & Sag 1994).
21
The following classes of verbs in English, exhibit uniform control constraints according to Pollard and
Sag:
ORDER/PERMIT (object control): order, persuade, bid, charge, command, direct, enjoin,
instruct, advise, authorize, mandate, convince, impel, induce, influence, inspire, motivate, move,
pressure, prompt, sway, stir, talk (into), compel, press, propel, push, spur, encourage, exhort,
goad, incite, prod, urge, bring, lead, signal, ask, empower, appeal (to), dare, defy, beg, prevent
(from), forbid, allow, permit, enable, cause, force.
PROMISE (subject control): promise, swear, agree, contract, pledge, vow, try, intend, refuse,
choose, decline, decide, demand, endeavour, attempt, threaten, undertake, propose, offer, aim.
WANT/EXPECT (subject control): want, desire, fancy, wish, ache, hanker, itch, long, need,
hope, thirst, yearn, hate, aspire, expect. (Pollard & Sag 1991:66)
In semantic analysis, the verbs of the order/permit type all involve states of affairs – where the
referent of the object is influenced by the referent of the subject to perform an action – denoted by the
VP complement. The influencing participant may be an agent. The semantics of all verbs in this class
is of the INFLUENCE type (Pollard & Sag 1991:66).
The semantic analysis of the promise-type verbs involves states of affairs of COMMITMENT, which
involve a typically animate participant identified as COMMITTOR, and the action, which the
committor commits to performing (or to NOT performing, in the case of verbs like refuse or decline)
(Pollard & Sag 1991:66).
Similarly, the want/expect-type verbs all involve desire, expectation, or similar mental orientation
toward a given state of affairs. Pollard and Sag (1991:66) refer to these as ORIENTATION relations,
and characterizes their associated roles as EXPERIENCER.
2.9 Complementizers and integration
Another aspect in analysing control and the relation between a matrix clause and a complement clause
is event integration (Givón 2001b:39). Event integration is described as semantic and syntactic
classification of complement-taking verbs with infinitival complements and the correspondence
between the semantic and syntactic dimensions of complementation. The grammar of
complementation shows iconicity in syntax. The correspondence between the syntax and semantics of
complementation involves two parallel dimensions (Givón 2001b:39):
•
semantic: event integration (semantic bond)
•
syntactic: clause integration (clause union).
22
A general prediction of iconicity regarding event integration and clause union is given by Givón as the
following principle:
The stronger is the semantic bond between the two events, the more extensive will be the
syntactic integration of the two clauses into a single though complex clause.
The embedding of one clause inside another – is but a natural consequence of cognitivesemantic complexity – nesting one event inside another. (Givón 2001b:39-40)
Givón’s principles above are applicable predictions regarding the event integration and clause union of
Double passives.
According to Givón (2001a:69-80) the semantics of infinitival complements correlate closely with the
semantic properties of the matrix verb (Cf. Appendix C). The syntactic structure of clauses is dictated
by the argument structure of the verbs. Matrix verbs taking complements can be divided into three
major classes:
•
Modality verbs (‘want’, ‘begin’, ‘finish’, ‘try’ etc.)
•
Manipulation verbs (‘make’, ‘tell’, ‘order’, ‘ask’ etc.)
•
Perception-cognition-utterance (PCU) verbs (‘see’, ‘know’, ‘think’, ‘say’ etc.)
The semantic dimension of event-integration (the semantic bond between the matrix clause and the
complement) appears to be a continuum. At the top of the scale, modality verbs and manipulation
verbs show similar semantic and syntactic transitions. In the midst of the scale, both classes gradually
move into PCU verbs, and then down to the bottom of the scale (cf. Figure 3).
Figure 3. The shape of the overall scale resembles a “tuning-fork”
(Givón 2001b:41).
Givón (2001b:59-68) describes devices of syntactic coding which perform some distinct sub-task in
the syntactic integration of the complement and main clause – e.g. the complementizer att ‘to’ in
Swedish. These devices are related to distinct aspects of the semantic integration of the two events.
Amongst these devices inter-clausal gap occurs – it can be realized by the separation, by subordinator
morpheme or intonation break, between the main and subordinate clause.
23
The occurrence of an explicit complementizer att ‘to’ is related to the degree of modality of the matrix
verb (c.f. Sundman 1983:330)13. The lower a matrix verb is placed on this modality scale, the more
frequent is the explicit complementizer (Givón 2001b:59-68).
In Swedish, an infinitival complement following a raising verb or an AUX in active voice lacks a
complementizer (except for the temporal komma ‘come’. Consider (30) taken from SAG 3 (1999:572):
(30) Hon
kan/måste/får/behöver/brukar
spela
schack.
She
can/must/may/needs to/use to
play
chess.
And at an infinitival complement following an equi verb in active voice in Swedish, a complementizer
is being considered obligatory or close to obligatory. Consider (31) taken from SAG 3 (1999:573574):
(31) Hon
She
älskar/slutar/avser/beslutar/diskuterar/ämnar/accepterar
att
spela
schack.
loves/stops/intends/decides/discusses/aims/accepts
to
play
chess
In SAG 3 (1999:573) an overview of the lexical context of infinitival complements (as
object/XCOMP) is given, arranged and sorted semantically. In category 1-4 the character of auxiliary
verbs is strong, and in the latter almost non-existent. Verbs where a following complementizer is
considered being as good as impossible is marked “–“, and the corresponding verbs (where the
complementizer is considered obligatory or close to obligatory) is marked “+”. A limited number of
examples of verbs in the sorting below are shown. Some of the verbs may occur in several groups:
a. Epistemic verbs: behöva – ‘need’, lär – ‘may’.
b. Deontic verbs: borde – ‘aught’, måste – ‘must’.
c. Actional verbs: börja – ‘start’, fortsätta – ‘continue’.
d. Verbs determining the ingressive art of action at the infinitival complement: få – se
‘get (to see)’.
e. Intentional verbs: planera + ‘plan’, besluta + ‘decide’, hota + ‘threaten’, avse +
‘intend’.
f. Dynamic verbs: förmå – ‘induce’, förtjäna + ‘deserve’.
g. Verbs determining the subject referents fear, expectation etc. of an action to occur:
frukta + ‘fear’, vänta + ‘expect’.
h. Verbs determining the subject referents valuation of the action: hata + ‘hate’, gilla +
‘like’.
13
In spoken language, the ‘att’- complementizer is generally realised as [o:].
24
i. Verbs determining the subject referents initiative or omission to execute the action:
försöka + ‘try’, undvika + ‘avoid’.
In a corpus study14 investigating the use of “bare” infinitival complements (no complementizer) in
Swedish, Lagerwall (1999) observed constructions containing non-overt complementizers (cf. 30).
The total frequency of bare infinitives was over 99 % regarding matrix verbs with largely grammatical
meaning (e.g. böra ‘need’, kunna ‘need’, måste ‘must’, må ‘may’, lär ‘will’), as compared to matrix
verbs with strong lexical properties (i.e. planera ‘plan’), where overtly expressed complementizers in
co-occurrence with infinitival complements showed varying results.
Lagerwall (1999:6) discusses possible diachronic connections and refers to Mjölberg’s work.
Mjölberg (1950:71) argues that especially two verb groups that co-occur with bare infinitives appear
to be in different stages of a development – toward the exclusion of a complementizer. According to
Lagerwall (1999:6), Mjölberg’s results from the 50’s show a much lower frequency of bare infinitives
in co-occurrence with e.g. behöva, which shows a diachronic change within only a few decades. And
Lagerwall also supports Mjölberg’s idea, that the lacking complementizer can be traced to the
headline-style of Swedish newspapers, where form words like att ‘to’ often are excluded. Mjölberg
argues that this feature (the exclusion of form words) have been spread to “everyday-use” of language.
Teleman (1999:360) refers to grammaticalization processes regarding the borders between auxiliaries
and head verbs. Verbs in Swedish appear to be in different stages in the grammaticalization process in
a continuum between main verbs and suffixes. The grammaticalization processes of constructions (like
raising and control) has mainly resulted in that; a) the nominal character of the complement has been
weakened, b) the meaning of the verb has become less strong, and the verb has semantically become a
part of a system in occurrence with verb inflection (Teleman 1999:360-361).
14
The corpus study was done using the corpus PAROLE containing approx. 25 million tokens.
25
3. Purpose
The purpose of this study is to describe the syntactic and semantic nature of the Double Passive in
Swedish, and to explore the frequency of Double Passives in the Swedish language.
The following three hypotheses will be tested in the thesis
a) Equi verbs in Double Passive constructions in Swedish, function as raising verbs. The equi
verb assigns a semantic role to its subject in the active (anaphoric control). When passivized,
the equi verb behaves as a raising verb (functional control), and the passive equi verb no
longer assigns a semantic role to its subject.
b) Overt agents within passive constructions containing the Double Passive will show a low
frequency according to previous studies in passive voice in Swedish (cf. Silén 1997;
Laanemets 2010). In Laanemets (1997) study, overt agents were found in 12,9 % of the data
of written Swedish and in 8.9 % of the data of spoken Swedish. Since agents in Double
Passive constructions are suppressed twice the results will show an even lower frequency.
c) The complementizer att ‘to’ in the subordinated infinitive clause is overtly expressed in
Swedish, partly depending on the degree of modality of the matrix verb (cf. Sundman 1983;
Teleman 1999; Lagerwall; 1999), and the degree of semantic bonding between the matrix verb
and the complement (Givón 2001a; Givón 2001b).
Hypothesis (a) will be tested by using Lexical functional grammar in a semantic and syntactic
mapping. Hypothesis (b) will be tested by analysing data (matrix verbs) collected in a corpus study,
and by mapping control according to (Pollard & Sag 2001) and LFG. The frequency of agents within
Double Passive constructions, from data collected in a corpus study, will be compared with the results
from the previous studies. Hypothesis (c) will be mapped according to semantic sub-groups (Givón
2001a; Givón 2001b).
26
4. Method
This section describes how the hypotheses presented in section (3) will be tested. A corpus study is
designed in order to execute collecting of data, and to map and analyse the frequency of Double
Passives, agents and complementizers in the Swedish language. A manual procedure for executing a
semantic and syntactic mapping of control relations, semantic bonding and raising is also designed.
4.1 Corpus research
The corpus study aims at documenting the over-all presence of control verbs in the Swedish language
– and to analyse Double Passives containing 10 of the most frequent control verbs. Two types of
methods are combined – a corpus research-based method, and a manual analysis. Several corpora will
be used to collect data, as well as a concordance program for analysis of syntactic and semantic
structures of the data. An empirical, quantitative and comparative corpus study will compare two
given syntactic categories – the co-occurrence or non-co-occurrence of a complementizer att ‘to’ in
the infinitival complement (“bare” and “full” infinitives). This corpus study is partly influenced by a
study by (McEnery et al. 2010:227-246), where the constructions V INF (non-overt COMP) and V to
INF (overt COMP) were compared using a concordance tool for analysing the collected data‚
‘help’/’help to’. Data of frequency, animacity and overt/non-overt agents in the infinitival complement
of Double Passive constructions in written Swedish will be recorded and compared. The key to using
corpus data is to find the balance between the uses of corpus data combined with a manual analysis.
The two are complementary in linguistic research (McEnery et al. 2010:7). Since testing the
hypotheses requires collected data, search strings will be constructed in order to locate and collect the
data of clauses containing possible Double Passives.
4.1.1 Data and material
Data needed are control verbs (cf. 2.4), and clauses containing Double Passive constructions (cf. 2.5).
A balanced and representative corpus is being considered a reliable source for grammatical studies –
e.g. for measuring frequency of syntactic co-occurrence and variation, and for testing hypotheses
(McEnery et al. 2010). The collection of data in the research is achieved by using Korp (URL1) – an
internet-based application that allows search in its 86 corpora, all and all, containing 919 997 572
tokens and 58 154 615 clauses/constructions (Aug 10, 2012). See (Appendix B) for a detailed list of
all of the chosen 81 corpora (331 501 855 tokens) and statistics. Each corpus within Korp has a file
with statistics for each word, containing a list, sorted by frequency, of words and part-of-speech,
lemgram, raw frequency and relative frequency. 27
In addition to the manual analysis, the collected data will also be analysed using AntConc – a Unicode
compliant freeware concordance program. AntConc can generate keywords in context concordance
(KWIC) lines and concordance distribution plots. It also provides tools to analyse word clusters
(lexical bundles), n-grams, co-occurrence, word frequencies, and keywords.
4.1.2 Procedure of the corpus research (in brief)
In the primary automated searches, data (matrix verbs) will be collected and recorded (cf. appendix
B1). In order to execute the searches, search strings will be designed (cf. appendix B2).
The collected data will be used to create verb lists (cf. Appendix B3 and B5) for use in the secondary
searches.
Ten of the most frequent equi verbs will be chosen out of the data of the primary searches. The ten
verbs will be part of search strings that will be designed for collecting data. And the following features
will be analysed:
•
Frequency of equi verbs.
•
Frequency of full and bare infinitives in Double passives.
•
Distribution of overt and non-overt agents in the infinitival complement of Double passives.
•
Frequency of animate and inanimate agents in Double passives.
A manual sorting (cf. Appendix B5) of the collected constructions will also be executed. The verb lists
(cf. Appendix B3) will be used in Antconc (4.1.1) during the evaluation of the data.
Cf. (Appendix B) for a fully detailed step-by-step description of the procedure of the corpus research.
4.2 Syntactic and semantic mapping
4.2.1 Control and argument structures
In order to test the hypothesis that a non-overt agent in a Double Passive is suppressed twice, the 10
most frequent matrix verbs collected in the corpus research will be manually analysed and sorted
according to Pollard and Sag´s (1991) theory, Hierarchy of relations (cf. 2.8), to determine subject
control and object control of the matrix verbs and of PRO (cf. 2.4.1). The argument structures of the
verbs will also be manually mapped according to LFG (cf. 2.3), to test if the equi verbs in a Double
Passive can be both object and subject control verbs, and if PRO is “understood” as referring to the
object/subject, according to Kroeger (2008:106,111,126,127).
The mapping will also test whether a raising verb does not assign a semantic role to the agent (cf.
2.4.2.2), and if the functional control can link the ”unfilled subject position” of the XCOMP and the
subject of the matrix predicate, according to Bresnan (2001:283-286) and Kroeger (2008:127).
28
The results of the mapping will be given in examples (cf. Figures 5-10 and examples 47-54),
illustrating all of the relations (according to the literature).
4.2.2 Semantic bonding
Ten of the most frequent verbs will be chosen from the corpus research and sorted according to
Givón’s semantic sub-groups, cf. (2.9) and (Appendix C), in order to map the degree of semantic
bonding between the matrix verb and the infinitival complement of Double passives (Givón, 2001a;
Givón, 2001b). The semantic sub-groups categorise the probability of given matrix verbs taking an
infinitive clause as object with or without an complementizer att ‘to’.
4.2.3 The Double Passive in LFG
The hypothesis that equi verbs in Double Passive constructions in Swedish, function as raising verbs,
will be tested using Lexical functional grammar (cf. 2.3). The procedure for this mapping is based on
an LFG-study of the Complex passive in Danish (cf. Ørsnes 2006:386-405). The most frequent control
verb in the data of the corpus research will be analysed, co-occurring in control constructions of both
active and passive voice.
The results will be given in a presentation of the a-, c- and f-structures (cf. 2.3) of an active control
construction vs. a Double Passive construction in order to map a case of creating a raising verb out of
an active equi verb. In the f-structure, abstract syntactic relations such as control and raising will be
captured (Asudeh & Toivonen 2009:2-4).
29
5. Results
5.1 The corpus research
5.1.1 Primary collected data
In order to collect data (matrix verbs) for the secondary searches, ten of the most frequent equi verbs
of the corpora were chosen15 out of the primary searches for further analysis. Note that frequencies of
equi verbs in the primary searches (cf. Table 1) were not necessarily part of a Double Passive
construction.
The over-all frequency of the ten chosen equi verbs (212 675) formed 0.0314 % of the tokens of the
81 chosen corpora. The distribution of each of the ten matrix verbs (Vmtx) individually is shown in
(Table 1):
Table 1. The over-all frequency of the 10 chosen equi verbs in the
81 Corpora selected in Korp.
Vmtx
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
avse ‘intend’
beräkna ‘calculate’
föreslå ‘suggest’
förvänta ‘expect’
hota ‘threat’
Planera ‘plan’
påstå ‘argue’
riskera ‘risk’
tillåta ‘allow’
tvinga ‘force’
Total:
Frequency of individual
Vmtx in 81 corpora.
13 672
27 163
21 500
15 671
12 094
14 960
9 406
554
12 403
85 252
212 675
%
6.43
12.77
10.11
7.37
5.69
7.03
4.42
0.26
5.83
40.09
100
5.1.2 Full and bare infinitives
Now, in the secondary searches, the equi verbs (4 691) formed 1.952 % of totally 240 220 tokens of
the 6 collected data files. The high total percentage of equi verbs was due to the high precision of the
search strings, where the searches where aimed at specific verb-verb constructions.
A total frequency of 1 905 Double Passive constructions containing any of the ten chosen matrix verbs
was documented. The distribution of each of the ten verbs within the search strings, are presented in
(Table 2). The total percentage of the ten matrix verbs (Vmtx) co-occurring with bare infinitives (Vmtx +
Vinf ) was 57.69 %, as compared to 42.31 % in co-occurrence with full infinitives (Vmtx + IE + Vinf ).
15
Note that the 10 selected verbs were chosen manually. Some of the most frequent matrix verbs were
considered unclear cases e.g. ’behöva’ (need’) regarding the lexical properties of the verbs, and
therefore excluded (cf. 2.7.3).
30
Table 2. Frequency of the 10 chosen equi verbs co-occurring in Double Passives, according to the
searches of full and bare infinitives. The numbers within brackets show the frequency of
deponents removed from the collected data.
Vequi
Vmtx + IE + Vinf
DEP
% Vmtx + Vinf
DEP
%
Total:
1
avse
81
(1)
10
119
(3)
10.83
200
2
beräkna
11
(2)
1.36
238
(72)
21.66
249
3
föreslå
10
(-)
1.24
15
(-)
1.36
25
4
förvänta
12
(2)
1.49
248
(37)
22.56
260
5
hota
76
(-)
9.43
10
(-)
0.91
86
6
planera
499
(4)
61.91
156
(2)
14.19
655
7
påstå
(-)
26
(46)
2.37
26
8
riskera
34
(-)
4.22
3
(-)
0.27
37
9
tillåta
40
(-)
4.96
109
(27)
9.92
149
10 tvinga
43
(19)
5.33
175
(153)
15.92
218
Total:
806
(28)
100
1 099
(340)
100
1 905
(Figure 4) below shows the frequency of full and bare infinitives individually for each of the ten verbs
co-occurring in Double passives in bars. Notice the high frequency of planera ‘plan’, especially when
co-occurring with full infinitives (499), in comparison to the other nine verbs.
600 500 400 300 Vequi + IE + Vinf 200 Vequi + Vinf 100 0 Figure 4. Frequency of the 10 chosen equi verbs in comparison, in co-occurrence with full or bare infinitives.
In (Table 3), the distribution of full and bare infinitives co-occurring in Double passives is shown
individually for each of the ten verbs in percent:
Table 3. Distribution of the 10 chosen equi verbs according to
the searches of full and bare Infinitives in %.
Vmtx
Vmtx + IE + Vinf %
Vmtx + Vinf %
1
avse
40,5
59,5
2
beräkna
4,4
95,6
3
föreslå
40
60
4
förvänta
4,6
95,4
5
hota
88,4
11,6
6
planera
76,2
23,8
7
påstå
0
100
8
riskera
91,9
8,1
9
tillåta
26,8
73,2
10
tvinga
19,7
80,3
31
The matrix verbs planera ‘plan’, hota ‘threat’ and riskera ‘risk’ had a higher frequency at full
infinitives than in the bare infinitives. A few of the examples from Korp are given in (32) to (34)16:
(32) Ett interimmöte planeras att hållas i Kairo om några dagar, den 19 november.
‘A preparatory meeting is scheduled to be held in Cairo in a few days, on November 19.’
(33) Thaksin Shinawatra hotas att ställas inför rätta för ekonomiska brott och korruption om han återvänder till
Thailand.
‘Thaksin threatened to be tried for economic crimes and corruption if he returns to Thailand.’
(34) Paanajärvi som riskerats att utplånas av kraftverksbygge och i flera repriser finns på World
Monuments Watchs lista över hotat kulturarv.
‘Paanajärvi which risks being obliterated by the power plant construction and on several occasions found
on the World Monuments Watch list of endangered heritage.’
And among the matrix verbs being most frequent with bare infinitives, e.g. beräkna ‘estimate’,
förvänta ‘expect’ and tvinga ‘force’, a few examples from Korp are given in (35) to (37):
(35) Bara ett tiotal affärer beräknas stängas.
’Only a dozen stores are being scheduled for closure.’
(36) Slutsatserna förväntas antas vid rådets möte i slutet av januari.
‘The findings are expected to be adopted at the Council meeting in late January’.
(37) Men nu kan planerna tvingas skrinläggas.
’But now the plans have to be shelved.’
5.1.3 Agents
The distribution of overt or non-overt agents in the Double Passives with bare infinitival complements
is shown in (Table 4):
Table 4. Frequency and animacity status of AGENTS of the bare infinitival
complement in the Double passives of each of the 10 chosen equi verbs.
Vmtx
Freq. of AGENT in INF complement: (Vmtx) Vinf AG
animate
overt
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
16
avse
beräkna
föreslå
förvänta
hota
planera
påstå
riskera
tillåta
tvinga
Total:
5
4
1
13
2
4
2
1
4
36
Non-ov
112
233
14
232
4
152
23
2
109
171
1 052
inanimate
overt
2
1
3
3
1
10
Non-ov
1
1
Since the focus is set at illustrating the nature of the constructions in which Double Passives were
located, there is no detailed glossing given in the examples in (5.1). The Double Passives are underlined
in all of the examples.
32
As seen in (Table 4), there’s a dominance of non-overt animate agents (1 052) in the Double Passives
with bare infinitival complements. There’s a high frequency of the matrix verb ‘planera’ in Double
Passives with full infinitives with non-overt animate agents (152), in comparison to the other nine
verbs, as shown in (Table 5):
Table 5. Frequency and animacity status of AGENTS of the full infinitival
complement in the Double passives of each of the 10 chosen equi verbs.
Vmtx
Freq. of AGENT in INF compl: (Vmtx) IE + Vinf AG
animate
overt
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
avse
beräkna
föreslå
förvänta
hota
planera
påstå
riskera
tillåta
tvinga
Total:
2
6
1
9
Non-ov
79
11
10
12
70
499
34
39
43
784
inanimate
overt
-
Non-ov
1
8
2
1
1
13
-
The animacity status regarding non-overt agents in the infinitival complement were almost exclusively
being animate (784). There was a high co-occurrence of both animate and inanimate agents at hota
‘threat’, especially in the category full infinitives in comparison to the other nine verbs. At hota, the
only “clear” case of an inanimate non-overt agent was located. Consider (38) (from Korp):
(38) Beslutet att införa studieavgifter 2011 kritiseras av prorektorer vid KTH, Göteborgs universitet och Lunds
universitet för att vara förhastat, för att masterutbildningar hotas raseras och att 60 miljoner i stipendier är
otillräckligt.
‘The decision to introduce tuition fees in 2011 is criticized by the vice-rectors at KTH, University of
Gothenburg and Lund University to be hasted, since the master programs are threatened to collapse and
that 60 million in scholarships is insufficient.’
The frequency of overt agents in co-occurrence with förvänta was high in the category bare infinitives
in comparison to the other nine verbs. There were some cases of inanimate overt agents, consider (39)
(from Korp):
(39) Jag är glad att jag inte är den förhandlare som förväntas vägledas av sådana rekommendationer.
‘I am glad that I am not the negotiator who is expected to be guided by such recommendations.’
The verb ‘planera’ with full infinitives was the largest of the 20 categories in (Table 5). Despite this
high frequency (in comparison to the other nine verbs) the overt agents in all were low (2 hits). In
(40), an example of the hits of overt agents in co-occurrence with Double Passives partly consisting of
‘planera’ (from Korp):
33
(40) Flertalet flaskor planerades auktioneras ut av Ålands landskapsregering.
‘Several bottles were being planned to be auctioned by the Government of Åland.’
A few more examples (cf. 41 and 42) of constructions with inanimate agents is displayed below (from
Korp):
(41) Samtliga tjuktji-kamtjatkanska språk hotas att ersättas av ryskan.
‘All tjuktji-kamtjatkanskian languages are being threatened to be replaced by Russian.’
(42) Nu under våren blev det också klart att Robot 75 (Maverick) inte avses bäras av svenska JAS 39 Gripen.
’During the spring, it was clarified that Robot 75 (Maverick) is not intended to be carried by the Swedish
JAS 39 Gripen.’
A few examples from Korp of constructions containing animate overt agents is given below (43-45):
(43) (…)
en
rekommendation
om
kreativt
innehåll
på
Internet
som
avses
antas
av
rådet
och
Europaparlamentet, (…).
’(…) a recommendation on creative content online which is intended to be adopted by the Council and the
European Parliament (...).’
(44) Det är därför olyckligt att pilotförslaget i Göteborg har fått en sådan utformning att det knappast kan
förväntas accepteras av allmänheten och ligga till grund för en ny lagstiftning.
‘It is therefore unfortunate that the pilot-proposal in Gothenburg have been given such a design that it
can hardly be expected to be accepted by the public, and provide the basis for new legislation.’
(45) Haggwårtas skola hotas att invaderas av souvenirtokiga Muddlarfans.
‘Haggwårtas school is threatened to be overrun by souvenir-crazy Muddlarfans.’
5.2 Syntactic and semantic mapping
5.2.1 Mapping control and argument structures
The mapping showed that an equi verb (cf. 2.4.2.1) in Swedish assigns a semantic role to its subject,
which in turn controls the non-overt subject PRO (cf. 2.4.1) of the infinitival complement (Figure 5).
CONTROLLER
CONTROLEE
SUBJ CONTROL
Jane
planera-r
att
PRO
sälja
AGENT
3SG
(XCOMP)
plan-PRS
to:COMP
sell:INF
‘Jane is planning to sell the car.
Figure 5. An active equi verb with subject control.
34
bilen.
PATIENT
car:the.
The equi verb in (Figure 5) has subject control, and assigns two arguments in the argument structure
which is shown in (46):
(46) planerar
<agent,
prop>
SUBJ
XCOMP
The mapping also showed that an equi predicate in Swedish (figure 6) can have object control – PRO
is “understood” as referring to the object.
CONTROLLER
CONTROLEE
OBJ CONTR.
Jane
övertala-r
John
AGENT
att
PRO
EXPERIENCER
3SG
persuade-PRS
3SG
sälja
(XCOMP)
to:COMP
bilen.
PATIENT
sell:INF
car:the.
‘The car is being planned to be sold by Jane’.
Figure 6. An active equi verb with object control.
The mapping of the argument structure of (Figure 6) shown in (47), showed that the equi verb assigns
three arguments:
(47) övertalar
<agent,
experiencer
SUBJ
OBJ
prop>
XCOMP
The mapping showed that a raising verb does not assign a semantic role to its subject (cf. 2.4.2.2). The
functional control link the ”unfilled subject position” of the XCOMP and the subject of the matrix
predicate, the subject of the embedded predicate is also the subject of the matrix verb. The functional
control of the raising verb is shown in (Figure 7):
CONTROLLER
Jane
Token-identity è
får
AGENT
3SG
CONTROLEE
(Ø)
köra
bilen.
drive:INF
car:the.
(XCOMP)
may:AUX
‘Jane is allowed to drive the car’.
Figure 7. The subject of the embedded predicate is also the subject of the matrix verb.
The mapping also showed that subject relation is not associated with a semantic role in the argument
structure of (Figure 7), cf. (48):
35
(48) får
<proposition>
XCOMP
Ø
SUBJ
Example (49) and (50), illustrates the mapping of subject and object control verbs, and to which
category each of the ten verbs was manually sorted.17
Subject control verbs: riskera ’risk’, planera ’plan’, beräkna ’calculate’, avse ’intend’, påstå ’argue’.
(49)
a) Pete
3SG
avse-r
att
slå
Patty.
intend-PRS
to:COMP
beat:INF
3SG.
avse-r
Patty
att
slå
intend-PRS
3SG
to:COMP
beat-INF
‘Pete intends to beat Patty’.
b) *Pete
3SG
‘Pete intends Patty to beat’.
Object control verbs: tvinga ’force’, hota ’threat’, förvänta ’expect’, tillåta ’allow’, föreslå ‘suggest’.
(50)
a) *Pete
3SG
tvingar-r
att
renovera
huset.
force-PRS
to:COMP
renovate:INF
house:the.
‘Pete forces to renovate the house.’
b) Pete
3SG
tvingar-r
Patty
att
renovera
huset.
force-PRS
3SG
to:COMP
renovate:INF
house:the.
‘Pete forces Jane to do the renovations of the house.’
The mapping of the ten verbs collected in the corpus research (cf. Table 2), regarding subject and
object control, is shown in (Table 6).
Table 6. Subject and object control of the 10 chosen equi
verbs chosen in the corpus research.
Subject control verbs
avse ‘intend’
beräkna ‘calculate’
planera ‘plan’
påstå ‘argue’
riskera ‘risk’
Object control verbs
tvinga ‘force’
tillåta ‘allow’
föreslå ‘suggest’
förvänta ‘expect’
hota ‘threat’
In the passive counterparts of (49a) in (Figure 9), and of (50b) in (Figure 10) – the agents are overt in
both examples. The subject control in (Figure 10), and the active counterpart in (49a) shows that both
the matrix predicate and the infinitive predicate assigns a semantic role each to the one and same
“underlying notion” of an agent, (cf. 2.4.3), even if it “occurs” once in each clause. The overt agent in
the matrix clause is not normally expressed (nor is the agent in the infinitival complement) but used in
the mapping in (Figure 8) and (Figure 9) fore illustrative purposes:
17
Note that the (*) in example (51b) and in (52a) marks non-subject control or non-object control.
36
CONTROLLER
Patty
CONTROLEE
avse-s
(av Pete)
PATIENT
3SG
att
PRO
AGENT
intend-PASS
(by 3SG)
slå-s
av Pete.
PATIENT
to:COMP PRO
AGENT
beat:INF-PASS
by 3SG.
‘As for Patty, she is intended to be beaten by Pete.’
Figure 8. The one and “understood” same agent occurs in each passivized clause.
In (Figure 8) the object control predicate assigns a semantic role to one “understood” non-overt agent
(within brackets), and the embedded predicate also assigns a role to an agent. Consider (Figure 9) in
comparison to (50b):
CONTROLLER
Huset
CONTROLEE
tvinga-s
(av Pete)
PATIENT
House-the
att
AGENT
force-PASS
(by 3SG)
PRO
renovera-s
PATIENT
to:COMP
av Patty.
AGENT
renovate-PASS
by 3SG.
‘As for the house, Patty is being forced by Pete to renovate it.’
Figure 9. One agent occurs in each passivized clause. Note that ‘the house’ – the SUBJ of the matrix clause
– is the controller. The complement predicate assigns two arguments.
The surface structure of the two types of matrix verbs in the Double Passive constructions in (Figure
8) and (Figure 9) appears to be similar considering the agents of the matrix clauses as being non-overt.
Consider the Double Passives where the agents are non-overt in both examples below:
(51) Patty
3SG
avse-s
att
slå-s.
intend-PASS
to:COMP
beat-INF-PASS
tvinga-s
att
renoveras
force-PASS
to:COMP
renovate:INF-PASS
‘As for Patty she is intended to be beaten.
(52) Huset
House:the
‘As for the house (someone) is being forced to renovate it.’
The mapping showed that “Who intends” and “who beats” in (51) is not obvious, and “who is forcing”
or “who is forced to renovate” is neither obvious in (52). The mapping of agents and the type of
control function of the matrix verbs is also depending on the information that can be noted out of the
context. The mapping of Double Passives above showed that the Double Passive in Swedish behaves
in the same way as the Complex Passive. The equi verbs may turn into raising verbs as a result of
operations in the argument structure without any shift of the semantic roles similar to the Complex
Passive (cf. Ørsnes 2006:405).
37
In (Figure 10), the agent is suppressed, which creates an argument structure that triggers an equi verb
to behave as a raising verb. The mapping in (Figure 10) also illustrates that the agent is suppressed
twice.
Bilen
planera-s
Car:the
plan-PASS
(Ø)
skrota-s
(Ø)
scrap:INF-PASS
‘As for the car, it is being planned to be scrapped’.
Figure 10. Non-overt agents in the Double Passive creates a raising construction.
The subject relation is not associated with a semantic role in the argument structure of (Figure 10), so
the Double Passive is a functionally controlled raising construction, cf. (53):
(53) planera
< Ø,
OBLag
prop>
XCOMP
5.2.2 Mapping semantic bonding
When the ten verbs chosen from the corpus research (cf. Table 2) were sorted according to Givón’s
(2001a:69-80) semantic sub-groups (Cf. Appendix C), they co-occurred in the following categories:
Modality verb
Positive modal attitude: avse ‘intend’, planera ‘plan’,
förvänta ‘expect’, beräkna ‘calculate’, riskera ‘risk’.
Manipulation verbs
Successful manipulation: tvinga ’force’.
Attempted manipulation: tillåta ‘allow’, föreslå ‘suggest’,
hota ‘threat’.
PCU verbs
Non-factive (positive): påstå ‘claim’.
The modality verbs are dominating in frequency (1 401 hits), and among several groups of modality
verbs, the modality verbs solely co-occurred in the group “Positive modal attitude” (Givón 2001a).
There are four Manipulation verbs according to the mapping, but the total frequency (578 hits) is
much lower than the dominating modals. Out of the ten verbs, one hit of a PCU verb was identified
(26 hits). The same information regarding the distribution of the 10 verbs according to group of
semantic bonding is illustrated in (Table 7):
38
Table 7. Distribution of the 10 chosen equi verbs according to group of
semantic bonding. (+) marks Yes. (-) marks No.
Vmtx
Modality V
Manipulation V
PCU V
1
avse
+
2
beräkna
+
3
föreslå
+
4
förvänta
+
5
hota
+
6
planera
+
7
påstå
+
8
riskera
+
9
tillåta
+
10
tvinga
+
Total:
1 401
578
26
5.2.3 Mapping the Double Passive in LFG
The LFG-analysis showed that in the active construction in (54) the agent mapped to SUBJ, and the
propositional argument mapped to XCOMP (the infinitival complement), which resulted in a lexical
entry requiring a SUBJ and an OBJ where the PRED-value18 of the embedded SUBJ is labelled PRO
(c.f. 2.4.1).
(54) a) Jane
planera-r
att
3SG
plan-PRS
to:COMP
PRO
skrota
bilen.
scrap:INF
car:the
(Appendix A)
‘Jane is planning to scrap the car.’
b) a-str:
c)
< [ ag ]
[ prop ] >
SUBJ
XCOMP
PRED
’PLAN’ <SUBJ OBJ>
SUBJ
“JANE”
XCOMP
VOICE
TENSE
18
à
<SUBJ OBJ>
(áOBJ SUBJ PRED) = ‘PRO’
PRED
‘SCRAP’ <áSUBJ áOBJ>
SUBJ
PRED ’PRO’
OBJ
PRED ‘CAR’
ACT
PRS
The PRED value demonstrates the standard LFG treatment of pro-drop: the verb optionally specifies that
its SUBJ has the PRED value ‘pro’. This allows the f-structure for a pro-drop sentence, since the thematic
SUBJ that the verb governs is present and has a PRED (Asudeh et al. 2009).
39
In the Double Passive in (55a), given that there was no most prominent argument (AGENT) mapping
to SUBJ, the verb raised the subject of the infinitival predicate in order to fulfil the subject condition,
which created a canonical argument structure of a raising construction. The propositional argument
could be mapped to an XCOMP with functional control shown in (55b-c):
(55) a) Bilen
Car:the
planera-s
att
skrota-s
plan-PASS
to:COMP
scrap:PASS-INF
(Appendix1)
‘As for the car, it is being planned to be scrapped.’
< [ ag ]
b) a-str:
[ prop ] >
Ø
c)
à <XCOMP> SUBJ
XCOMP
PRED
’PLAN’ <XCOMP> SUBJ
SUBJ
“CAR”
PRED
XCOMP
(áSUBJ) = (áXCOMP SUBJ)
(áXCOMP VFORM) =c PASS.SFO.
(áXCOMP VOICE) =c PASS.
‘SCRAP’ <áSUBJ>
SUBJ
VFORM PASS.SFO.
VOICE PASS.
VOICE
TENSE
PASS
PRS
A typical instance of an XCOMP is the complement of a raising verb. The connecting line in the fstructure in (55c) represents the functional control relation, which in this case is lexically specified by
the matrix verb planera ‘plan’. In simple terms: “my SUBJ is my XCOMP’s SUBJ”.
40
6. Discussion
This thesis studied the syntactic and semantic structures of the Double Passive in Swedish, partly by
using Lexical Functional Grammar (LFG) as a theoretical describing model. A corpus research was
executed in order to collect and analyse statistical data. Three hypotheses were tested.
In the first hypothesis it was suggested that the matrix verbs that are not otherwise raising verbs will
function as raising verbs in the Double Passive depending on the present argument structure
properties, similarly to the Complex Passive in Danish. The first hypothesis was confirmed. This is the
case regarding passivization of verbs (in Complex Passives) with propositional complements where
the most prominent argument is suppressed. It was shown that the internal argument of the embedded
verb is raised to subject of the passive matrix verb in a Double passive, and the verb in the infinitival
complement co-occurs as an s-passive infinitive. If the agent is suppressed, it creates an argument
structure, which triggers an active equi verb with anaphoric control to surface as a raising verb with
functional control when passivized, which the argument structure in (56) illustrates:
(56)
planeras
< Ø,
OBLag
prop>
XCOMP
This depends on the difference between a passive equi verb with anaphoric control and a passive
raising verb with functional control (cf. 5.2). The study showed that raising constructions may not
only arise depending on semantics, but also depending on the argument structure properties without
any shift in semantics, as shown in section (5.2).
One crucial difference in the surface structure between the Complex Passive and the Double Passive
(the kind with two s-passives) is that the verbal complement in the Double Passive surfaces as an spassive infinitive verb – whereas in the Complex Passive, the verbal complement must surface as an
embedded participle.
It was also shown in the mapping that active equi verbs in the Double passive select anaphorically
controlled objects (XCOMP), and that the Double Passive can be considered a functionally controlled
raising construction.
The mapping in (5.2) also showed that both subject and object control predicates form the Double
Passive. An active equi verb with object control assigns three arguments, and that the equi verb
assigns two arguments in the argument structure at subject control. And the controller of the matrix
clause has coreference with the controlee of the infinitival complement.
41
However, the LFG-analysis failed to explain the imposed restrictions on the voice of their embedded
complement (Ørsnes 2006:401). As a fact, the LFG-analysis does not explain the presence of
constraining equations in the lexical entry shown in (57):
(57) (áXCOMP VFORM) =c PASS.SFO
(áXCOMP VOICE) =c PASS
Since raising constructions do not otherwise impose restrictions on the voice of their embedded
complement (Ørsnes 2006:401), this fact is left unexplained. The failure to explain the imposed
restrictions on the voice of their embedded complement signals that LFG is not optimal for analysis of
the Double Passive.
The second hypothesis that explicitly expressed agents within passive constructions containing the
Double Passive will show a low frequency, was confirmed based on the results of the data of the
corpus study (cf. 5.1.3).
It was also suggested that the frequency of overt agents would be even lower, than the results shown in
previous research of agents in passive voice, partly depending on a suggestion that the agents in a
Double Passive are actually suppressed twice. The mapping in (5.2) led to this conclusion (cf. Figure
10).
Both overt animate and inanimate agents within infinitival complements of Double Passives
(containing any of the ten chosen matrix verbs) showed a low frequency (3.57 %) out of a total
frequency of 1 905 collected constructions containing Double Passives. In comparison to previous
studies, the frequency of overt agents is even lower in co-occurrence with Double Passives. In
Laanemets (1997) study (cf. section 2.4.3), overt agents were found in 12,9 % of the data of written
Swedish and in 8.9 % of the data of spoken Swedish.
The low frequency of inanimate agents of the infinitival complement of a Double Passive is suggested
by the author to depend on the relations of the matrix verbs of commitment, promise and orientation
types. These types of relations are most often related to an action being/not being performed by an
animate agent (SAG 1 1999:152), cf. sections (2.4.1) and (2.4.3).
A major time consuming problem during the procedure of the corpus study, was the inability to
copy/paste the hits of clauses in Korp. A manual copy/paste procedure from Korp into TXT-files had
to be executed due to the lack of a proper file-export function. When using the clusters function in
AntConc, the frequency had to be manually counted since the words appeared multiple times in
AntConc and therefore automated export and counting was not possible (Example: 3 hits of ‘planeras’
in an excel file, was shown as 1 ‘planeras’ in AntConc). The lack of a representative corpus of spoken
Swedish language was seemingly strong, due to the fact that a true comparison between spoken and
42
written Swedish regarding the ability to express full or bare infinitives was not possible. This is
especially the case when analysing constructions of low frequency in the Swedish language.
In the third hypothesis it was suggested that the complementizer att ‘to’ in the subordinated infinitive
clause is overtly expressed in Swedish, partly depending on the degree of modality of the matrix verb
and on the semantic dimension of event-integration (the semantic bond between the matrix clause and
the complement) which appears to be a continuum (Givón 2001b:59). C.f. (Figure 11):
Figure 11. The complementation scale of event integration (taken from Givón, 2001).
Givón (2001b:59-68) argues that the lower a matrix verb is placed on this modality scale (i.e. weaker
the event-integration), the more frequent is the explicit complementizer. Givón (2001b:149)
characterizes modality verbs which form a coherent group, both in terms of the range of meanings
they code and their syntactic structure. Cf. (Appendix C).
There is no clear indication that Givón’s “tuning-fork scale” (cf. Figure 11) is representative for the
Swedish language, however the mapping showed that most of the matrix verbs in a Double Passive
can be referred to Givón’s group “Modality verbs”.
The verbs in the groups “Modality verbs” (1 401) and “Manipulation verbs” (578) show both strong
and weak semantic bonding according to the corpus research. And in the case of the matrix verb
‘påstå’ in the group “PCU verbs” (26), where the bonding is weak according to Givón (2011b), the
frequency of bare infinitives in the corpus study was 100 percent. This is the opposite compared to
Givón’s “tuning-fork scale”.
The grouping according to SAG 3 (1999), cf (2.9), neither showed clear indications regarding overtly
expressed complementizers in the infinitival complement in a Double Passive (cf. 2.9). One
explanation could be that some of the verbs can figurate in several groups.
The matrix verbs planera ‘plan’, hota ‘threaten’ and riskera ‘risk’ showed a high frequency of cooccurrence with full infinitives. The nominal (lexical) properties of these verbs are apparently strong,
e.g. plan-era ‘plan’. In contradiction to SAG 2 (1999), cf. chapter (2.9), there is variation regarding in
43
the ability to co-occur at a bare or full infinitival complement of the equi verbs, (cf. Table 3). The rest
of the equi verbs (part from tvinga) analysed, show a largely grammatical meaning compared to the
other three verbs mentioned above – and often occur with prefixes, e.g. av-se ‘intend’, för-vänta
‘expect’. In retrospect, a morphological analysis regarding the significance of the morpheme of the
matrix verb would have been preferred.
It is important to mention the continuum regarding the borders between control verbs with with strong
nominal (lexical) properties and control verbs with a largely grammatical meaning (both equi and
raising verbs) (Teleman 1999:360-361; Sundman 1983:330; Givón 2001b:59-68). In Sundmans (1983)
analysis, the frequency of bare infinitives at e.g. planera showed 5 %, and at hota also 5 %. The low
frequency partly corresponds to the results in this thesis.
The third hypothesis failed because of unclear results regarding the strong and weak semantic bonding
between the matrix verb and the infinitival complement.
Some additional results regarding the amount of deponents (which were removed from the data) cooccurring with the matrix verbs were observed. Beräkna ‘calculate’ showed a high frequency of cooccurrence with deponents (72 hits/23.2 %), and usually with the deponent finnas ’exist’ in the bare
infinitival complement. Also förvänta ‘expect’ co-occurred with a quite high frequency of deponents
(37 hits/12.9.%), also mostly in co-occurrence with finnas ‘exists’ in bare infinitival complements.
The verbs hota ‘threat’ and riskera ‘risk’ did not co-occur with any deponent in the data. The verb
with the highest frequency planera ‘plan’ only co-occurred 6 times (0.9 %) in the full and bare
infinitives in total with a deponent. Påstå ‘argue’ showed as much as 46 occurrences (63.8 %) with
deponents (mostly finnas). In the bare infinitives in co-occurrence with tillåta ‘allow’ the frequency of
deponents were 27 (19.86 %). Tvingas ‘force’ co-occurred in 19 of the 43 verb-verb constructions
(44.2 %) of full infinitives – common deponents were e.g. andas ‘breathes’, slåss ‘fights’, brottas
‘wrestles’, umgås ‘socialise’ and handskas ‘handles’, and in co-occurrence with bare infinitives, 153
deponents out of the 328 hits of the data (46.6 %). Note that the results also show that the annotation
in Korp was quite frequently erroneous, this despite the fact that the CQP-searches were aimed at
infinitives in the lower predicate (and not only any verbs in -s form).
Finally, the Swedish governmental writing instruction to institutions (Myndigheternas skrivregler
2009:38) is suggested by the author to be reformulated, since the results of the thesis show no reasons
to avoid the Double Passive in proper writing or speech.
44
7. Conclusion
The aim of this thesis – to map the syntactic and semantic nature, and the frequency of the Double
Passive in Swedish – was reached.
•
Equi verbs in Double Passive constructions in Swedish, function as raising verbs.
•
Overt agents within passive constructions containing the Double Passive show an even lower
frequency compared to previous studies in regular passives in Swedish.
•
The hypothesis that the complementizer att ‘to’ in the subordinated infinitive clause is overtly
expressed in Swedish, partly depending on the degree of modality of the matrix verb and the
degree of semantic bonding between the matrix verb and the complement, could not be
confirmed.
The results of my research have led to the suggestion that analysing the Double Passive and
functional/anaphoric control is synonymous with analysing presumptive equi or raising constructions,
and in turn by analysing agents. In Swedish, as in many other languages, verbs taking infinitival
complements can be divided into two groups – equi and raising verbs.
7.1 Suggested further study
Whether raising verbs – e.g. kunnas ‘can’ – can be part of the Double Passive or not, cf. section (2.5),
needs to be further investigated.
Since the focus were on Double Passives in Swedish formed with two s-passives in this thesis, spassive in co-occurrence with a periphrastic passive, see (2.2) and, in control constructions also needs
to be further investigated.
Negation in constructions containing Double Passives is an interesting field of further investigation.
A morphological analysis regarding the significance of the morpheme of the matrix verb is preferred.
In the thesis, it is suggested that use of -s form on at least some (raising) matrix verbs might be a case
of phonological expression (spoken Swedish), rather than a syntactic feature (Wiklund 2001:199).
This proposed phonological feature occurs to belong to verbs that correspond closely to the core or
periphery of restructuring verbs such as modals, aspectual and motion verbs. There is possibly a lot
more to investigate regarding parasitic marking on verbs in control constructions.
45
8. References
Anderson, Gregory D.S. 2004. Auxiliary Verb Constructions. Oxford: Oxford Scholarship Online.
Asudeh, Ash & Toivonen, Ida. 2009. ‘Lexical-Functional Grammar’. Heine and Herrog (eds.). The
Oxford Handbook of Linguistic Analysis. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Austin, Peter K. 2001. ‘Lexical Functional Grammar’. In Neil J Smelser and Paul Baltes (eds.).
International Encyclopedia of the Social Behavioral Sciences, 3.9.20:8748-8754.
Bresnan, Joan. 2001. Lexical-Functional Syntax. Malden: Blackwell.
Dalrymple, Mary and Lødrup, Helge. 2000. ‘The Grammatical Function of Complement Clauses. In
Butt, M. and King, T. H. (eds), Proceedings of the LFG2000 Conference. CSLI Publications.
Dalrumple, M. 2001. ‘Functional and anaphoric control’, in Lexical Functional Grammar Syntax and
Sematics, volyme 34. Emerald Group Publishing Limited. P 313-360.
Engdahl, Elisabet. 2006. Semantic and syntactic patterns in Swedish passives, In B. Lyngfelt & T.
Solstad (eds.). Demoting the Agent. Passive, middle and other voice phenomena. Amsterdam: John
Benjamins, 21-45.
Falk, Yehuda. 2001. ‘Lexical-Functional Grammar: An Introduction to Parallel Constraint Based
Syntax’. Number 126 in CSLI Lecture Notes. CSLI Publications.
Givón, Thomas. 2001a: Syntax An Introduction, Volume I. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins
Publishing Company.
Givón, Thomas. 2001b: Syntax An Introduction, Volume II. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins
Publishing Company.
Hellan, Lars. 2001. Complex Passive Constructions in Norwegian. NTNU, Stanford:
Trondheim/CSLI.
Holm, Gösta. 1952. Om s-passivum i svenskan: företrädesvis folkmålen och den äldre fornsvenskan,
Gleerup, Diss. Lund: Univ. Lund.
Kreuger, Paul. 2008 [2004]. Analysing Syntax, A Lexical-functional Approach. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Laanemets, Anu. 2010. ‘The passive voice in written and spoken Scandinavian, (2010)’, Marc Fryd,
(eds.). The passive in Germanic languages, GAGL 49:144-166.
Lagerwall, Marika. 1999. ‘Jakten på det försvunna infinitivmärket. Om definitionen av modala
hjälpverb och infinitiv utan "att".’ MISS 25. Göteborg: Göteborgs univ, 126-134.
Lyngfelt, Benjamin. 2002. Kontroll i svenskan: den optimala tolkningen av infinitivers tankesubjekt.
Diss. Göteborg: Göteborgs univ.
Lyngfelt, Benjamin. 2007. ‘Between the poles. Reflexive and deponent constructions in Swedish’.
Språk och stil 17. Uppsala: Uppsala univ, 86–134.
Lyngfelt, Benjamin. 2011. ‘Om subjekt med infinitiv, särskilt i passiv’. Edlund, Anne-Catrine &
Mellenius, Ingmarie (eds.) (2011). Svenskans beskrivning: [SvB.] 31, Förhandlingar vid
Trettioförsta sammankomsten för svenskans beskrivning, Umeå den 20-21 maj 2010. Umeå: Umeå
univ, 230-241.
McEnery, Tony & Xiao, Richard & Tono, Yukio. 2010. Corpus-based Language studies, an advanced
resource book. Routledge, New York.
Mjölberg, Josua. 1950. ‘Infinitivmärke på glid’. In Modersmålslärarnas förenings årsskrift. Skåne:
Skånska centraltryckeriet, 71-80.
Myndigheternas skrivregler (Ds 2009:38). 2009. Sjunde upplagan. Statsrådsberedningen. Stockholm:
Edita Sverige AB, Stockholm.
Sadler, Louisa & Spencer, Andrew. 2004. Projecting morphology. Stanford, Calif.: CSLI Publications
Silén, Beatrice. 1997. Agentadverbialet i modern svenska. Svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland, Diss.
Helsingfors: Univ. Helsingfors.
Sundman, Marketta. 1983. ‘Svenska modalverb – ett continuum från hjälpverb till huvudverb?’ in
Struktur och varation, Festskrift till Bengt Loman, 7.8.1983. Åbo: Åbo akademi, 321-334.
46
Sundman, Marketta. 1987. Subjektval och diates i svenskan. Diss. Åbo: Akad. Åbo,
Teleman, Ulf. 1999. ‘Var går gränsen mellan huvudverb och hjälpverb?’ Svenskans beskrivning 20,
360-369.
Teleman, Ulf & Hellberg, Staffan & Andersson, Erik. 1999. Svenska Akademiens grammatik 1, 2, 3,
and 4. Svenska Akademien. Stockholm: Nordstedts.
Van Valin, Robert. 2001. An introduction to syntax. Cambridge: Cambidge University Press.
Wiklund, Anna-Lena. 2001. ‘Dressing up for vocabulary insertion: the parasitic supine’. In Natural
Language and Linguistic Theory 19. Holland: Kluwer Academic Publishers:199-228.
Wiklund, Anna-Lena. 2005. The Syntax of Tenselessness: On Copying Constructions in Swedish. Diss.
Umeå: Umeå Univ.
Ørsnes, Bjarne. Miriam Butt and Tracy Holloway King (eds.) 2006. Creating Raising Verbs: An LFG
Analysis of the Complex Passive in Danish. The proceedings of the LFG06 Conference. Stanford
CA: CSLI publications, 386-405.
URL 1: Språkbanken (Korp). Göteborgs universitet. <http://spraakbanken.gu.se/korp/> (Aug 10,
2012)
47
9. Appendix
A. LFG-trees.
The LFG-trees in the appendix are based on Dalrymple (2001:340), Ørsnes (2006:399-401). The
COMP in Dalrymple is changed to XCOMP (and moved) according to Ørsnes in Example 1. Also cf.
section (5.2.3).
Example 1.
Jane
planerar:PRS
att
skrota:INF
bilen.
‘Jane is planning to scrap the car.’
IP
(á=â)
NP
(áSUBJ)=â)
I’
(á=â)
N
(á=â)
VP
(á=â)
Jane
(áPRED =’Jane’)
(áNUM = SG)
(áXCOMP)=â
”Jane”
V’
(á=â)
V
VP
(á=â)
(áOBJ)=â
planerar
(áPRED) = ‘PLAN<SUBJ,XCOMP>’
(áOBJ SUBJ PRED) = PRO
V’
”plans”
(á=â)
V
(á=â)
att
”to”
VP
(á=â)
V’
(á=â)
V
(á=â)
skrota
(áPRED) = ‘SCRAP<SUBJ,XCOMP>’
”scrap”
48
NP
(á=â)
N
(á=â)
bilen
(áPRED =’car’)
(áNUM = SG)
”the car”
Example 2.
Bilen
planeras:PASS
att
skrotas:INF:PASS
‘As for the car, it is being planned to be scrapped.’
IP
(á=â)
NP
(áSUBJ)=â)
I’
(á=â)
N
(á=â)
VP
(á=â)
bilen
(áPRED =’bilen’)
(áNUM = SG)
(áXCOMP)=â
”the car”
V’
(á=â)
V
VP
(á=â)
planeras
(áPRED) = ‘PLAN<XCOMP>SUBJ’
(áSUBJ) = (áXCOMP SUBJ)
(áXCOMP VFORM) =c S-PASS
(áXCOMP VOICE) =c PASS
”plan”
V’
(á=â)
V
(á=â)
att
”to”
VP
(áXCOMP)=â
V’
(á=â)
V
(á=â)
skrotas
(áPRED) = ‘SCRAP<SUBJ,XCOMP>’
”scrap-S”
49
B. The procedure of the corpus study.
B.1 Primary searches
The purpose of the primary searches was to collect the data necessary to locate an over-all presence of
control verbs within 81 chosen corpora of Korp, (cf. Appendix D) – and to map the most frequent
matrix verbs within Double Passives, which were to be used in the secondary searches.
B.2 Collecting of data
The primary searches were executed in 6 steps according to the following search strings in order to
perform CQP19 searches in Korp (advanced mode), for the collecting of data. All s-passive verbs in
present tense in co-occurrence with a passive s-infinitive verb, with bare infinitive (58a) and full
infinitive (58b). Explanation: “[msd
= "VB\.PRT\.SFO"]“
is the matrix verb, “[pos
= "IE"]“
is the
complementizer and “ [msd = "VB\.INF\.SFO"]“ is the infinitive verb:
(58)
a) [msd = "VB\.PRS\.SFO"] [msd = "VB\.INF\.SFO"]
b) [msd = "VB\.PRS\.SFO"] [pos = "IE"] [msd = "VB\.INF\.SFO"]
All s-passive verbs in past tense in occurrence with a s-passive infinitive verb, with bare (59a) and full
infinitive (59b).
(59)
a) [msd = "VB\.PRT\.SFO"] [msd = "VB\.INF\.SFO"]
b) [msd = "VB\.PRT\.SFO"] [pos = "IE"] [msd = "VB\.INF\.SFO"]
All s-passive verbs in supine tense in co-occurrence with a s-passive infinitive verb, with bare (60a)
and full infinitive (60b):
(60)
a) [msd = "VB\.SUP\.SFO"] [msd = "VB\.INF\.SFO"]
b) [msd = "VB\.SUP\.SFO"] [pos = "IE"] [msd = "VB\.INF\.SFO"]
The data of all of the 6 searches were exported and saved separately into 6 TXT.-files (labelled e.g.
[All-PRS-att-INF / All-PRS-INF]. Data of frequency was recorded and documented.
B.3 Creating verb-lists
In the following procedure, a list of control verbs (i.e. s-passive equi verbs in matrix clauses) was
assembled for the secondary searches. The 6 TXT-fies were opened as a directory in AntConcs
interface. The ‘word list’-tool was selected. The search string [*s] was entered, and the option ‘word’
was chosen. In the ‘Sort menu’, the term ‘Word end’ was selected. All of the hits for words ending on
–s were shown marked in blue. These hits were exported and opended in MS Excel where all of the
verbs in s- form were located and analysed manually, and then saved as TXT-file labelled [VL1]. The
19
CQP – corpus query processor query.
50
[VL1] was also manually analysed according to an assembled list of deponents labelled [DEP], which
had been manually created according to definitions in SAG 2 (1999:§45-§49). This list was primary
used to locate and remove the deponents from [VL1] manually. This procedure was carried out in MS
Excel by pasting the verbs from [VL1] and [DEP] into the same column, after having set all of the
deponents into bold font style, and leaving the verbs from [VL1] in regular font style. After an
alphabetical sorting, the doublets were located and removed. The list [VL1] manually analysed
according a list of control verbs listed in SAG (1999) and Lyngfelt (2011). The final list of control
verbs was labelled [equiVL] and saved as a TXT-file. The list [equiVL] contained 127 equi-verbs
(several inflections of the one and same verb were counted as 1). Data of frequency were recorded and
documented.
Files
Verb lists
VL1
all s-verbs (from the collected clauses of the corpora)
DEP
deponents (SAG)
EquiVL
equi verbs (in s-form)
Figure 12. The verb lists.
Two CQP-strings were designed, consisting of 10 of the most frequent equi verbs chosen from
[equiVL], consider (61a-b):
(61)
a)
[word=avses|avsetts|avsågs|beräknades|beräknas|beräknats|förelås|föreslagits|föreslogs|förv
äntas|förväntades|förväntats|hotas|hotades|hotats|planerades|planeras|planerats|påstås|påst
ods|påståtts|riskeras|riskerades|riskerats|tillåts|tilläts|tillåtits|tvingas|tvingades|tvingats"]
[pos = "IE"] [msd = "VB\.INF\.SFO"]
b)
[word=avses|avsetts|avsågs|beräknades|beräknas|beräknats|förelås|föreslagits|föreslogs|förv
äntas|förväntades|förväntats|hotas|hotades|hotats|planerades|planeras|planerats|påstås|påst
ods|påståtts|riskeras|riskerades|riskerats|tillåts|tilläts|tillåtits|tvingas|tvingades|tvingats"]
[msd = "VB\.INF\.SFO"]
B.4 Secondary searches
The procedure continued in Korp, where the files of 10 equi verbs was used for the secondary CQPsearches in Korp (advanced mode), for the collecting of data. The data of the two searches (the 10 equi
verbs in co-occurrence with a) full infinitives, b) bare infinitives) was saved into separate TXT-files,
and frequency was documented.
51
Now, the following similar searches were carried out in Korp separately for each equi verb using
reduced search strings. Consider (62a-b):
(62)
a)
[word=beräknades|beräknas|beräknats "] [pos = "IE"] [msd = "VB\.INF\.SFO"]
b)
[word=beräknades|beräknas|beräknats "] [msd = "VB\.INF\.SFO"]
The data was saved into separate TXT-files and frequency was documented.
B.5 Searches in AntConc
In AntConc the window ‘File view’ was chosen, and the assembled list of deponents [DEP] was
inserted via the advanced options window as a regular expression (63).
(63) hoppas|lyckas|andas|knoppas… etc.
The ‘Search term’ and the options ‘Words’ and ‘Case’ was left marked. Then, the files of data of each
equi verb were opened (one at the time) – and the search was started. In the interface of AntConc each
manually pre-numbered clause containing a deponent “hit” (marked in blue) was manually removed.
And the data (the pre-numbered clauses containing the possible Double Passives) was manually
analysed. Erroneously annotated data and non-Double Passives were removed. After this analysis, all
of the data were “re-saved” into the TXT-files and the statistics of frequency was updated. During this
process, the searches for overt agentive adverbial phrases were executed by simply searching for the
word ‘av’ within each loaded TXT-file, using the concordance function in AntConc. The hits of
clauses containing the word ‘av’ marked in blue, was manually validated. The data of frequency was
recorded. Since all of the clauses within the TXT-files were pre-numbered, the overt agents could be
manually documented. By a simple subtraction the non-overt agents were calculated. The data of
frequency was documented. The animacity-status of each counted agent was also manually analysed,
recorded and documented during the process.
52
Figure 13. The interface of AntConc showing hits of a deponent and Double Passives within the window
‘File view’.
53
C. Givón’s semantic sub-groups
Note that only the groups used in the thesis are listed here. Cf. Givón (2001a:69-80) for a full list of
groups and definitions.
” Modality verbs
Semantic characterization of modality verbs
a. The complement clause is semantically a proposition, coding a state or an event.
b. The subject of the main clause is co-referent to – i.e. refers to the same discourse
entity as – the subject of the complement clause.
c. The main verb codes either inception, termination, persistence, success, failure,
attempt, intent, obligation or ability—by the subject of the main clause—to perform the
action or be in the state that is depicted in the complement clause.
Syntactically, modality verbs may be characterized as:
a. The co-referent subject of the complement clause is left unexpressed (zero).
b. The complement-clause verb may appear, in many languages, in an infinitive or
nominalized form, commonly lacking any tense, aspect, modality or pronominal
(agreement) morphology.
c. The complement clause tends to appear in the characteristic object position,
and is normally packed under the same intonation contour with the
main clause.
Modality verbs may be further divided into two major semantic sub-groups:
• Modal attitude: volition, intent, attempt, ability, necessity, probability.
• Aspectuality: initiation, duration, achievement, termination.
Modal attitudes may be further divided into positive and negative ones:
a. Positive modal attitude: want, intend, plan, hope, expect, decide, agree, try,
can/could, must, shall/should, may/might.
b. Negative modal attitude: refused, be afraid, be reluctant.
Aspectual verbs may be divided into a number of semantic sub-groups:
a. Initiation: start, begin, commence.
b. Duration: continue, persist, go on, keep doing, be doing.
c. Termination: finish, stop.
d. Success: succeed, manage, remember, be able.
e. Failure: fail, avoid, decline, forget, shirk.
Manipulation verbs
Manipulation verbs form a coherent group both semantically and syntactically.
Semantic definition of manipulation verbs
a. The main clause has a human agent that manipulates the behavior of another human,
the manipulee.
b. The agent of the complement clause is co-referential with the manipulee of
the main clause.
c. The complement clause codes the target event to be performed by the
manipulee.
Syntactic definition of manipulation verbs
a. The agent of the main clause is the subject.
b. The manipulee of the main clause is either the direct object or indirect object.
c. The manipulee is also the coreferent-subject of the complement clause,
where it is left unexpressed (zero).
54
d. The complement-clause verb often appear in a non-finite or nominalized
form, lacking any tense, aspect, modality or pronominal agreement
morphology.
Manipulation verbs are further sub-divided according to their semantic properties.
a. Successful manipulation: cause, make, have, force, trick, help, let, persuade, enable,
tempt
b. Successful prevention: prevent, block, stop, dissuade, scare out of, talk out of
c. Attempted manipulation: tell, order, permit, allow, ask, suggest, encourage, beg,
want, expect
d. Attempted prevention: forbid, tell not to, enjoin from
Perception, cognition or utterance (PCU) verbs
The subject of verbs in this important group either perceives or cognizes a state ore
vent, or utter a proposition concerning a state or event. The perceived, cognized or
uttered proposition is coded in the complement clause. The complement clause thus
functions, in a way, as the object of the mental or verbal activity depicted in the mainclause, although there are good syntactic reasons for not assigning it the direct-object
role.
Semantic definition of PCU verbs
a. The verb in the main clause codes either a mental state ore vent (perception,
cognition) or a verbal act (utterance).
b. The subject of the verb is either a dative or agent.
c. The complement-clause state or event is the object of the main-clause state
or event.
Syntactic definition of PCU verbs
a. No co-reference restrictions hold between the subject or object of the main
and the subject of the complement clause.
b. The complement clause is more likely to have the normal finite structure of
a main clause (no zero subject).
c. The subordinate clause may be preceded by a subordinator morpheme.
a. Perception: She saw (that) she was leaving
b.Cognition: He knew (that) she had done it
c.Utterance: The say (that) she’s going to recover
PCU verbs may be further divided into factive and nonfactive verbs.
a. Factive: (i) Positive: know, understand, learn, find out, see, remember, forget,
regret, be aware, (ii) Negative: pretend, lie
b. Non-factive: (i) Positive: think, believe, guess, suspect, suppose, assume, be sure,
hope, decide, wish, agree, hear, feel, say, claim, ask, demand, hope, expect, (ii)
Negative: doubt, wonder, be afraid, deny
PCU verbs can be further divided into those that carry a purely epistemic modality, i.e.
code various shades of truth, knowledge, belief or certainty, and those that carry a
deontic modality, i.e. code preference or valuation. While factive verbs tend to carry
mostly an epistemic modality, non-factive verbs may carry either:
a. Epistemic: think, doubt, believe, guess, suspect, assume, be sure, decide,
hear, feel, say, claim, ask, agree, suppose, wonder, deny
b. Deontic: wish, hope, be afraid, demand, (expect)”.
55
D. The corpora (AUG, 2012)
Corpus
8 SIDOR
Astra Nova 2008–2010
Clauses/
constructions
Tokens
Corpus
59 241
678 771
Magma kolumner
Åbo Akademi 2002–2010
10 655
203 414
August Strindbergs brev
143 314
1 507 917
Myndighetsprosa 1990–2000
August Strindbergs samlade verk
Norstedtsromaner (1999)
Clauses/
constructions
Tokens
1308
26600
32913
599128
6549
134812
194779
2534468
11617
229596
258 369
4 310 270
Bonniersromaner I (1976–77)
499217
6579290
Nya Argus 2010–2011
Bonniersromaner II (1980–81)
307916
4305708
ORDAT: SvD årsbok 1923–58
DN 1987
365138
5142362
PAROLE
14129
228210
Pargas Kungörelser 2011
5420
86850
7687
57606
Pargas Kungörelser 2012
13770
219162
25787
423883
Press 65
53629
1120332
FNB 1999
269763
3413880
Press 76
90008
1351243
FNB 2000
524451
6862608
Press 95
515062
7684066
DiabetologNytt (1996–1999)
Dramawebben (demo)
Essäistisk litteratur 1970–2011
Forskning & Framsteg
74282
1525484
1647991
24333583
44564
744004
Press 96
449351
6530956
GP 1994
0
21374691
Press 97
980818
13732162
GP 2001
1022980
17471722
Press 98
804995
10762892
GP 2002
1232205
21135867
Psalmboken (1937)
10992
163574
GP 2003
1109499
19132627
SNP 78–79
249847
4867942
GP 2004
1303813
22410986
SUC 2.0
74243
1166593
GP 2005
1407640
23193914
SUC-romaner
330293
4653801
GP 2006
1378405
22517264
Sakprosa 1970–2011
GP 2007
1168548
18674752
Skönlitteratur 1970–2011
GP 2008
1023063
16960800
GP 2009
1320126
17385702
GP 2010
1282548
GP 2011
1487971
82634
1036278
7354
123860
Svenska-danska
Hufvudstadsbladet 1991
52053
810743
Svenska-nederländska
Hufvudstadsbladet 1998
637696
10179810
Svenskbygden 2010–2011
Hufvudstadsbladet 1999
656358
10623991
SweWaC – Swe Web Corpus
Humaniora
GP – Två dagar
Hanken 2008–2011
66051
1274186
183383
2644146
Smittskydd
41117
693039
Studentbladet 2011
10503
152574
17241746
Svensk författningss. 78–1981
42242
704116
19972573
Svenska Wikipedia (maj 2012)
0
80095369
Sv. Partiprog. 1887–2010
50822
822498
1470592
33299398
94696
1364020
0
163304
6468996
115441892
597304
12716695
Vasabladet 1991
18885
286014
Jakobstads tidning 1999
69946
960872
Vasabladet 2012
6170
89804
Jakobstads tidning 2000
199132
2727176
11422
188934
1321056
26730679
Källan 2008–2010
LB
Lagtexter 1990–2000
24348
328325
LäSBarT
104061
1129083
Läkartidningen 1996
118542
2025727
Läkartidningen 1997
110967
1977971
Läkartidningen 1998
121895
2196917
Läkartidningen 1999
113568
2076526
Läkartidningen 2000
109289
2001314
Läkartidningen 2001
115012
2095741
Läkartidningen 2002
110830
2010965
Läkartidningen 2003
96778
1750144
Läkartidningen 2004
103881
1832909
Läkartidningen 2005
85023
1506767
Vuxna bloggare
Äldre svenska romaner
Total:
56
61588
965965
283859
4347449
349 913 70
331 501 855
Stockholms universitet/Stockholm University
SE-106 91 Stockholm
Telefon/Phone: 08 – 16 20 00
www.su.se
57
Was this manual useful for you? yes no
Thank you for your participation!

* Your assessment is very important for improving the work of artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project

Download PDF

advertisement