‘Here lie I because I am poor’ Anglican Churchyard Pauper Cemetery

‘Here lie I because I am poor’  Anglican Churchyard Pauper Cemetery

‘Here lie I because I am poor’

The History and Archaeology of the St. Mary’s

Anglican Churchyard Pauper Cemetery

By Ashley Matic, BArchaeol (Hon)

Submitted to meet the requirements of

Master of Arts

Department of Archaeology

School of Humanities

Faculty of Education, Humanities, Law and Theology

Flinders University of South Australia

Adelaide

i

Table of Contents

Title Page

List of Charts

Summary

i

Table of Contents

List

ii iv

v

vi

Declaration

Acknowledgments

Opening Quote

vii

viii

ix

Chapter

1.1. Sources of Data

1.2. Site Location and Archaeological History

1

1

2

1.3. Significance of Research

1.4. Chapter

5

6

1.5. Limitations

Chapter 2: Theoretical Background and Literature Review

Background

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10

2.2. 16

Chapter

3.1. The Anglican Church in Colonial South Australia

3.2. History of the parish of St. Mary’s

3.3. Anglican Burial Practices of the Nineteenth Century

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37

Chapter

Data

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Coffin

4.1.2. Materials

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47

Documentary

4.1.4. Arrangement

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Methods

4.2.1. Material

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4.2.2.

4.2.3.

Materials

Documentary

50

50

4.2.4.

4.3

51

51

Limitations

4.3.2. Study

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53

Chapter 56

Material

5.2. Analysis

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91

Discussion 101

6.1.

Economic

6.3. ii

6.4. The Church in Control

6.5. The Significance of Children’s Burials at St. Mary’s

6.6. Gender Differences at St. Mary’s

Individual

6.8. Contribution to Australian Archaeological Studies

Appendix 3: Causes of death for individuals buried in ‘free ground’

Appendix 4: Family groupings buried in ‘free ground’

Appendix 5: Multiple interment data from excavation

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References

135

Appendix 1: List of known burials in ‘free ground’ at St. Mary’s

Appendix 2: List of materials excavated at St. Mary’s

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List of Figures

Figure 1.2.1. Map of South-Eastern Australia, Adelaide at centre

Babbage

Figure 3.2.2. St. Mary’s church photographed ca.1920, Looking South-East

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Figure 1.2.2. Map of St. Mary’s district church site marked by grey shaded box 3

Figure 3.2.1. Drawing of St. Mary’s church in 1860 by Benjamin Herschel

34 from Main South Road

Figure 3.2.3. Church at St. Mary’s photographed July 2002

Figure 4.1.1.1. Exploded view of a nineteenth century hexagonal (single-break) coffin

Figure 5.1.1. Examples of hexagonal and rectangular coffins excavated at

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36

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Mary’s

Figure 5.1.2. Upper right sideboard of B23 showing grooves for kerfing 59

Figure 5.1.3. Coffin handle mounting plate from B80 featuring winged cherub design

Figure 5.1.4. Iron coffin handle from B35

Figure 5.1.5. The sideboard of B69, showing the X shaped oxide stains

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66

67

Figure 5.1.6. X-rays of iron handle conglomerations from St. Mary’s 67

Figure 5.1.7. Lid of B79 showing decoration, stains from breastplate at centre 72

Figure 5.1.8. Fabric lining from B78 showing stain from twin row lace design, and fragments of single row lace design from B11 75

Figure 5.1.9. Fragment of external fabric lining from B53a

Figure 5.1.10. Foot end of coffin from B79, showing stains from decorative lace

78 lid

Figure 5.1.11. Oxide stains of lid motifs found at St. Mary’s

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Figure 5.1.12. Lower half of B57, showing escutcheon attached to footboard 82

Figure 5.1.13. Selection of nails used in coffin construction at St. Mary’s

Figure 5.1.14. Heads of coffin tacks from B54

Figure 5.1.15. Base of B73 showing pitch sealed joints

Figure 5.1.16. Copper and glass buttons from B6

Figure 5.1.17. Safety pins from B53a, and early twentieth century catalogue illustration showing pins of similar design

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Figure 5.1.18. Personal items from B83; a pocket watch and pencil

Figure 5.2.1. Map of St. Mary’s churchyard; showing the church structure,

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Marked grave sections and areas of archaeological investigation. 93

Figure 5.2.2. Map of rear section of churchyard, showing location of pauper pits

Figure 5.2.3. Map of pauper section showing possible grave rows, with overlapping burials shaded grey

Figure 5.2.4. Map of the pauper section with cluster burials shaded grey

96

97

Figure 5.2.5. Illustration of B61, showing the common arrangement of burials excavated 100

Figure 6.7.1. The body of John Torrington, excavated in 1984 after 139 years frozen iv

List of Charts

Chart 5.1.1. Age and sex of individuals excavated at St. Mary’s

Chart 5.1.2. Coffin shapes excavated at St. Mary’s

Chart 5.1.3. Coffin shape by age of burial

Chart 5.1.4. Coffin shape by sex of burial

Chart 5.1.5. Number of handles fitted to coffins at St. Mary’s

Chart 5.1.6. Number of coffin handles against age of individual

Chart 5.1.7. Number of coffin handles by sex of individual

Chart 5.1.8. Number of coffin handles against shape of coffin

Chart 5.1.9. Coffin breast plates used at St. Mary’s

Chart 5.1.10. Age of burials compared to incidence of breast plates

Chart 5.1.11. Coffin shape against presence and material of breast plate

Chart 5.1.12. Different combinations of lace and exterior fabric lining found at

Chart 6.3.1: Amounts of fittings and decorations fitted to individual coffins at

St. Marys.

Chart 6.6.1 Populations of males and females in South Australia 1851-1921

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Summary

The aim of this thesis is to answer the question in what way does the material excavated from the St. Mary’s Anglican Churchyard give any indication as to attitudes towards the death and burial of paupers in Colonial South Australia? To do this, the thesis examines material and spatial data recovered from the excavations of an unmarked pauper graveyard, situated in the churchyard of the St. Mary’s Anglican Church in Adelaide,

South Australia. Two full seasons of excavation were carried out on the site in the year

2000, recovering the burials of 71 individuals in a cemetery that was used from 1851 to

1927.

To do this, the thesis looks at the theories of power in society, and how power is used by individuals and groups to shape society. Primarily, this involves the discussion of notions of power to and power over, a means of understanding the way individuals and groups use the power available to them to improve or reinforce their position in society.

Specifically, it looks at how these notions of power were used in nineteenth century

British, and by extension Australian, society, that which the people buried in the cemetery were members of.

There is also a review of past work carried out on historic period cemeteries around the world with an emphasis on those which have examined the non-skeletal material excavated as opposed to the skeletal remains, and those which have attempted to explain the spatial arrangement of cemeteries, in order to provide an archaeological context for the site. A brief history of the church and its cemetery is also given, so as well as that of the Anglican church in South Australia, and the burial practices used by the church, as to better understand the world at the time in which these people lived and died.

The analysis of the data recovered from St. Mary’s consists of two separate components: material and spatial. The material analysis focuses on the non-skeletal material excavated from the site, primarily the coffins and their associated decorations, but also looking at the personal items recovered from the graves of the individuals. The spatial analysis looks at how the St. Mary’s churchyard cemetery was arranged, how the pauper cemetery fits into the churchyard as a whole, and how the pauper cemetery itself is arranged.

The results from St. Mary’s are then compared with the theoretical aspects introduced earlier in the thesis to see if they have had any affect on both the materials buried with the individuals and how the cemetery was arranged. They are also compared to the findings from other sites around the world to see how St. Mary’s fits into the larger global picture.

Finally, the conclusion of the thesis discusses how the findings from St. Mary’s have added to the global archaeological landscape, problems encountered during the study, and suggestions for those looking to undertake similar studies in the future. vi

Declaration

‘I certify that this thesis does not incorporate without acknowledgement any material previously submitted for a degree or diploma in any university; and that to the best of my knowledge and belief it does not contain any material previously published or written by another person except where due reference is made in the text.’

Signed

Date vii

Acknowledgements

Many people have assisted me during the course of this project without whom it is unlikely that this project would have been completed successfully or on time. Thankyou to Dr. Claire Smith and Dr. Heather Burke, whose comments and suggestions in their supervisory roles have been greatly appreciated; to Dr. Bill Adams for his encouragement to undertake this research project; to Tim Anson for the information on the skeletal material from the site, and assistance in compiling historical data on both the church and the individuals buried in its cemetery; Reverend John Stephenson and the Anglican Parish of St. Mary’s for giving us the opportunity to excavate; Matt

Schlitz, Technical Officer for the Department of Archaeology at Flinders University, for the storage of the excavated coffin material in the department labs; Benson Radiology for the X-rays of the coffin handle concretions; Simon Hanson for multimedia assistance; all the staff and students who worked at the St. Mary’s site during 1999 and

2000; and finally to my family and friends for their continued support over the last two years. viii

‘Here lie I by the chancel door

Here lie I because I am poor

The further in the more you’ll pay

Here lie I as warm as they’

Church epitaph, Kingsbridge, Devon 1795

(in Boore 1986:23) ix

Chapter 1: Introduction

Question: In what way does the material excavated from the St. Mary’s Anglican

Churchyard give any indication as to attitudes towards the death and burial of paupers in colonial South Australia?

This thesis examines how social and economic status was represented in death through the analysis of materials and spatial data recovered during the excavations carried out in the pauper section of the St. Mary’s Anglican Churchyard, in Adelaide, South Australia.

To do this, the data recovered from St. Mary’s has been compiled and analysed, then compared to similar studies from around the world to identify differences and connections between this site and other historic period cemeteries that have been examined archaeologically. Through the analysis of the information from this and similar sites, combined with an understanding of related archaeological and social theory, it shows that the materials the individuals were buried with, and the arrangement of the cemetery reflect the rigid class structure of nineteenth century British colonial society, and also demonstrate how the methods used in this thesis can be applied to the interpretation of other sites.

1.1 Sources of Data

There are two primary sources of data for this study: material and spatial. The material that was examined was all non-skeletal material recovered during the course of archaeological excavations in the churchyard. This includes all burial hardware, such as coffins and their fittings; as well as personal items such as articles of clothing and any other artefact buried with an individual not directly related to the coffin itself.

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The spatial component of this thesis examines how the burials fit into the St. Mary’s cemetery: how the whole cemetery is set out, how the pauper section fits into this, and how the pauper section itself was arranged.

This primary data is supported by information from historical documentary sources and other archaeological studies, in order to understand the site’s historical and archaeological context.

Together, the two primary categories of data, combined with the historical documentation and results of related research, will present a clearer picture of how the social and economic status of the people buried in the pauper section is represented in the cemetery, and how this was connected with their station in life.

1.2 Site Location and Archaeological History

The St. Mary’s Anglican Church is situated in the Adelaide suburb of St. Mary’s, South

Australia, at 1167 South Road, around nine kilometres south south west of the Adelaide

Central Business District (Figure 1.1). It is one of the earliest established Anglican

Churches in South Australia, having been founded at its present location in 1847 (Jose

1937:14). The cemetery surrounding the church also stands as one of the first established in the state, with the first burial occurring in November 1847 (Nicol

1994:103-104). The cemetery is still in use today, although the section that forms the focus of this thesis ceased to be used for burials in the 1920s.

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Figure 1.2.1: Map Of South-Eastern Australia, Adelaide at Centre

(Click for Australia 2002)

Figure 1.2.2: Map of St. Mary’s district, church site marked by grey shaded box.

(Wilkins 2001)

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Archaeological interest in St. Mary’s began in July 1999 following discussions between

Dr. Bill Adams of Flinders University and Reverend John Stephenson of the St. Mary’s

Parish about an area of possible unmarked graves at the rear of the church that was being considered for new burials.

In August of that year a remote sensing survey utilising ground penetrating radar and soil resistivity technologies was carried out, the results of which were inconclusive, a result reflected in similar studies that also utilised these technologies (King et. al

1993:14). Based on what data could be inferred from this, a small test excavation was carried out by students of Flinders University that September to locate possible graves identified from the remote sensing survey, with several possible grave shafts located.

Based on the results of the test excavation, two large-scale archaeological excavations were carried out at the site in 2000: the first in January and the second in November and

December of that year. The two seasons focused on an area of 109 square metres in the rear of the churchyard (49 square metres in the first season an 60 square metres in the second), chosen to fit the geography of the churchyard, and to leave building features and flora undamaged.

The two seasons of excavation recovered the burials of 71 individuals, both male and female, ranging in age from newborns to elderly individuals. These burials are only a sample of the entire pauper cemetery, with another area of similar size to that excavated in the first two seasons left unexcavated. The skeletal remains were taken to Adelaide

University for analysis by staff and post-graduate students (a task in which the author had minimal participation), while the non-skeletal material was taken to Flinders

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University for further study, or in some cases stored on the site. Further explanations of the archaeological techniques employed during the excavations are given in chapter 4.

1.3 Significance of Research

The study of the non-skeletal material excavated from St. Mary’s, and the spatial information that was also recorded, is highly significant as an archaeological resource for a number of different reasons.

Firstly, there have been no similar studies carried out in Adelaide and very few at all in

Australia. For the most part, churches (and other places of worship) are archaeological resources that have not been fully utilised by Australian historical archaeologists in the past (Connah 1988:150). While archaeological excavations of historic period cemeteries have been carried out in Australia, such as the Old Sydney Burial Ground (Lowe and

Mackay 1992) and the Prince of Wales Hospital Project (Austral Archaeology 1995), very little in the way of results from these excavations have been published, and are often primarily concerned with the skeletal material recovered. This thesis focuses on the non-skeletal material and spatial data, and as such shows how this information can provide important information regarding status in colonial Australian society through the excavation of historic period cemetery excavations.

This leads on to the second reason for the significance of this research. While there are many examples of archaeological studies of historic period cemeteries in other countries, particularly the United States and United Kingdom, these often focus on the description of the materials found with the burials and offer very little (if any) interpretation of the objects recovered. One of this thesis’ primary aims is to examine

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the social identity of the individuals through the analysis of the non-skeletal materials: that is, to see if the materials they were buried with reflect their social and economic status in life. This will be achieved by looking at the results of various other projects, and applying their findings to the materials excavated at St. Mary’s. Through this, it will show that such information can be recovered through the analysis of burial hardware, which can only help in better understanding material recovered from similar sites.

The third point of significance for this project is the fact that it deals with people who, in the past, would have been ignored (for the most part) in the written record. Through the analysis of how the individuals interred in the pauper section of the cemetery were treated in death, it is possible to get a clearer understanding of how they fitted into society during life, something that was not well documented at the time.

1.4 Chapter Outline

In order to best present this information this thesis is divided into several chapters, each with a specific focus, set out as follows.

Chapter 1: Introduction- Here the thesis question will be introduced, the aims of the thesis discussed, and the importance of carrying out this research will be given. It also discusses how the various sections of the thesis will be set out, and any limitations that may be encountered during the research.

Chapter 2: Theoretical Background and Literature Review- This chapter will form the background to this thesis. The theoretical background examines the theory of power in society, how it is distributed through society, and how individuals or groups use that power. The literature review examines archaeological work carried out on other historic

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period cemeteries to find what other researchers have been looking for in their studies, and just how theories of power can be applied in cemetery studies.

Chapter 3: History- This chapter will be used to put the cemetery into its historical context. It not only looks at the history of the St. Mary’s church itself, but also at the history of the Anglican Church in colonial South Australia so as to understand St.

Mary’s place in the religious history of the state. Finally, it looks at the burial customs and practices of the Anglican church in the nineteenth century, in order to better understand the circumstances in which the individuals excavated from St. Mary’s came to be buried there.

Chapter 4: Methods- As the name suggests, this chapter outlines how the data from the excavations is to be collected and analysed. It shows the sources of the data from St.

Mary’s, how these were broken down and analysed, and any limitations that have had an impact on the data and its results.

Chapter 5: Results- This chapter summarises the information recovered from St.

Mary’s. It presents the data in the form of charts, images, and text discussing the various categories of information as set out in the methods chapter.

Chapter 6: Discussion- Here conclusions about the data in the results chapter are explored. Each category of data is examined to see what conclusions can be made about the information recovered from St. Mary’s, and how this relates to both the information recovered from other sites presented in the literature review and the theoretical issues raised in Chapter 2.

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1.5 Limitations

This project is subject to a number of limitations that will have an impact on the results that are given in this thesis.

Firstly, there are limitations on the data collected. Much of the information on who the people were that are buried in the pauper section of the churchyard comes from the church’s burial records, which were damaged in a fire in the 1950s and are therefore incomplete. Much of the material excavated from St. Mary’s was poorly preserved, meaning that detailed analysis was not possible, which also affected the results. Also some sources essential to the identification of the materials, such as catalogues, were not accessible which, again, affected the conclusions.

The study itself also has limitations that will affect its usefulness as an archaeological reference point. It is site and time specific; that is, it only represents what happened at

St. Mary’s during the period it was in use. Therefore, what is found to have been practiced in the St. Mary’s churchyard may or may not have been employed in other churchyards or at other times in the past. It is also specific to Anglican burial practices, and this information may not be useful in looking at, for instance, Jewish or Methodist sites.

These limitations and the effects they would have on the outcomes of this study are discussed further in the methods chapter, although as these have been taken into account during the research design for this project their impact on the final product are minimal, if anything at all.

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The compilation and analysis of the data from the excavations at St. Mary’s not only provides a record for this site, but when compared to other sites it also shows how the site fits into the larger archaeological picture, and if the Anglican church at St. Mary’s handled the death and burial of these people the same or differently than other institutions at other sites. More importantly, it sheds light onto the lives of the people who were buried in this section, lives that have gone almost unrecorded in history.

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Chapter 2: Theoretical Background and Literature Review

2.1 Theoretical Background

This thesis considers how the burial of paupers was handled in nineteenth century South

Australia, and as such it looks at how different social groups within this society buried their dead. A core concept in this is the notion of power, and how different social groups use power to signify their position in society. This section of the chapter will briefly attempt to answer the questions of what kinds of power exist, what the relationship between power and style is, and how people have used style to achieve social strategies in the past.

The concept of power and how it has been used by individuals or groups to shape societies has been a focus of social theorists (those who attempt to understand how human societies function) for years. It has been seen as either a property based on the actions of individuals or a structural feature of social systems; as either being possessed or exercised; and as either a negative, repressive phenomenon or a positive and productive element of life. These views are somewhat restrictive, and have been shaped by conceptions of power taken from the systems in which the theorists who created them worked, which are more often then not western capitalist societies (Miller and

Tilley 1984:5).

A simple way to look at how power exists in society is given by Paynter and McGuire

(1991:5). They present the conventional understanding of what constitutes social power as the case where a group or individual (A) has power over another group or individual

(B) if A can get B to do something that A desires. If the outcome (that is, B complies with A’s wishes) happens fairly regularly, then social power exists.

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For the most part, social theorists have held the view that power is a negative, repressive element at work in societies. Archaeologists Miller and Tilley (1984:5) have outlined the ways in which power has been seen as a negative influence on the shaping of societies: connecting it with force or coercion, or as clashes of interests. Lukes (in

Miller and Tilley 1984:5) sums this up well: “A exercises power over B when A affects

B in a manner contrary to B’s interests’. While this negative view of power can be justified, it is a very narrow view and does not take into account the more positive notion that power that can be used by all individuals or groups in society to further their own ends.

It is important to identify what meanings ‘power’ can actually have when considered in the social context. The commonly conceived negative notion of power is power over, which can be related to forms of social control, which is well illustrated in the use of the term in the quote given in the previous paragraph. However, there should be some effort made to emphasise the more positive concepts of power, which is possible by breaking away from the tradition of strict and defined definitions of power. As such, it is possible to distinguish power over from another use of the noun power, that of power to, which refers to power as an integral part of society that can be disconnected from the more negative notions of power, can be seen as a positive and productive element of society, and is a means for humans to achieve their potentialities. While there are great differences between the two, both concepts show power to be a means by which individuals or groups can alter (or attempt to alter) the conditions in which they live and the outcomes of situations: one by using power in a negative sense and the other by using it in a more positive sense (Miller and Tilley 1984:5).

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This distinction between power over and power to is made clearer nowhere else than in the traditional view held on its place in a class-structured society, where power is simply conceived as flowing from the top to the bottom of the social order; that is, those at the top of the social ‘ladder’ possess and exercise power over those ranked below them (Miller and Tilley 1984:5). This illustrates power in the limited light discussed earlier; not taking into account the positive and productive effect on society that power

to implies. It does not consider that people in the working classes on the social ladder also have, and exercise, power, and that the use of this power affects those ranked above them, just as they are affected by the power of those above them.

A material way in which power can be represented is through style. The concept of style itself is another area of research which has created a lot of discussion, and can include not only the physical style of objects, but also ‘the style of things’- i.e. social actions- both of which can aid archaeologists in understanding the ways in which past societies functioned.

Style itself has been an integral part of archaeological discourse since its use by culture historians as the primary method to develop chronologies and typologies based on the study of artefacts (Conkey 1990:5). It was only in the 1960s and 70s with the ‘new archaeology’ that style began to be used as a measure of social processes, in particular social interaction and exchange (Conkey and Hastorf 1990:3-4). The ‘new archaeology’ began to look at artefacts as having a place in a functioning cultural system, rather than simply looking for the active role of the artefact. As Conkey (1990:9) presents the conventional view of style as one in which it ‘is a passive aspect of material culture that

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speaks to us about things like social groupings or ethnic geography.’ In this respect, style is seen as a form of communication, and can be used to show the expression of social rank by individuals or groups. The problem in the past has been the belief that style somehow ‘reveals’ social groups, how they functioned, and how they changed over time. Conkey suggests that style is more about context than group, and can be used to show the context in which social groupings are brought into being (Conkey 1990:11-

13).

As such, style represents power in a physical form, as power is responsible for shaping the ways societies function, which in turn affects how different groups within these societies relate to one another. Individual groups will have styles, both physically represented in artefacts and in their ways of doing things, which will differ from those of others that are directly shaped by either the power that has been imposed upon them or by the power controlled by the group itself. Through the study of these styles, archaeologists can attempt to understand the structure of the society from which they came, and understand the places of specific individuals or groups’ places within the society.

The study of style in objects (artefacts) has been widely used to infer social status.

Artefacts have been ‘ranked’ on the materials used, the rarity of the artefact, and the amount of effort put into the production of the artefact (Dark 1995:95). This is a somewhat dangerous assumption, particularly when the discussions on power given earlier are taken into account, and as such the ‘ranking’ of artefacts based on such methods must be undertaken cautiously.

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Another concept of style that can be viewed as having value archaeologically is the

‘style of things’, or methods and techniques of carrying out actions. As style can be considered a way of ‘doing things’, it can be seen as a way to achieve social strategies through the use of power by the individual or group. As this research is examining a cemetery, it is useful to illustrate this concept in this context, and for this example it will be applied to mortuary practices in nineteenth century Britain. Here, examples of both

power over and power to can be seen to be represented in both the style of materials and in ways of doing things (i.e. the spatial arrangements of cemeteries, the hardware associated with burial, and the mortuary practices employed in the ceremonial aspect of laying the deceased to rest).

Viewed from a traditional Marxist perspective, money equals power, and in the context of power over, more money meant a higher social ranking. In Victorian England, during what has been referred as the ‘Beautification of Death’ period (see the literature review in section 2.2 for more information on this topic), those who had more money (and thus

power over) went to greater lengths to create a ‘proper’ burial for the dead. This included elaborate burial ceremonies, associated mourning rituals, and large monuments to the dead, as well as extensive burial hardware (such as triple shelled coffins). It also meant that the deceased or their family could afford to have a more prominent location for burial, such as next to a major walkway through a cemetery where more people would see it (Mytum 2000:57). This style of burial practice has been seen by some as an effort by the wealthier classes to affirm the ‘old order’ and demonstrate their power over the working classes (Wason 1994:68-69).

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However, this period and context can also be used to illustrate style as power to. As also discussed in the literature review, the availability of mass produced coffin furniture allowed people of the working classes to purchase coffins that, although made from different materials, looked almost identical to those used by the wealthy classes (Bell

1990:55). One way to interpret this is that the people of the working classes were undermining the wealthy class strategy of keeping the divide between rich and poor open, using power to as a means of advancing their social position, a chance that was often not available to them in life.

This emulation of burial practices was one significant way in which members of the working classes could use power to achieve a higher social status, and was dependant on a number of factors. Sarah Tarlow (1999:118) lists these factors as:

1. That commodities have social and symbolic meanings beyond the satisfaction of economic needs.

2. That the material goods signify personal wealth, which is in turn an index of social status.

3. That each person aspires to membership of the social class above that which they presently occupy.

4. Middle ranks of society will imitate (emulate) higher ranks and be imitated by those lower than them.

5. Those in the highest social ranks are thus those whose tastes and values will eventually spread throughout society. They are also the locus of innovation.

6. The consumption of material culture is significant in the articulation of social emulation.

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These factors are crucial to the notion of emulation, and as such its application to this study as evidence of power to.

The examples listed here illustrate the concepts of power to and power over, how these concepts are connected with concepts of style, and how in turn style can be used to implement social strategies. Although these can be demonstrated in many other areas of archaeological study, the study of burial practices and graveyards are perhaps one of the most commonly used approaches in reconstructing social structure, as mortuary practices may embody and reveal the workings of power and ideology in a society

(Dark 1995:90; Parker Pearson 1999:86).

2.2 Literature Review

The archaeological study of historic period burials, either in churchyards or other types of cemeteries, has been carried out on numerous sites around the world. Researchers have recognised the significance of burial practices to all cultures throughout history, and have realised that the study of both surface and sub-surface materials in cemeteries can show how individual cultural groups treated death and burial in their society, and how their views changed over time. The work of historians, and the physical remains that can be seen in cemeteries today, show that the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were periods in which the burial practices employed among communities with a

European (particularly British) background were altered as those societies’ attitudes towards the handling of death and burial changed.

As an unavoidable part of life, death and the ways in which people have dealt with it have been approached differently by all societies throughout history. In nineteenth

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century Britain and its colonies, there were changes to the ways in which people handled death, and this was reflected in the materials and practices associated with the burial of the dead. Aubrey Cannon (1991) has attempted to show that since the medieval period in England, British burial practices have been characterised by cycles of increasing ostentation and subsequent restraint. Cannon specifically discusses the period from the mid 1700s until the present, claiming that at the beginning of that period there was relative restraint shown in burial practices in England, followed by a period of ostentation in Victorian times, and another period of restraint from the early twentieth century which has carried on through until the present day (Cannon 1991:438).

According to Cannon, the early to mid-nineteenth century saw a change from quietly and unobtrusively laying the deceased to rest, to more public and visible funerals, which impacted on both the practices employed and materials the used.

In many papers that deal with the study of nineteenth century burials (the period of the burials that form the basis of this study) in countries like the United States and England,

Cannon’s period of ostentation is often connected to the so-called ‘Beautification of

Death’ movement (Bell 1990; Elia and Wesolowsky 1991; Little et. al. 1992). This applies to a period from 1820 until around 1900, a time in which popular opinion towards death and burial moved into a more public ‘celebration’ of death (Jupp and

Gittings 1999:232). This included a movement away from the traditional local and churchyard cemeteries, which were then considered dirty and unhygienic, to the rural or

‘garden’ cemetery such as the Oakland cemetery in Atlanta, where archaeological work was undertaken in the early 1980s (Blakely and Beck 1982; Blakely 1984). This particular concept was held in suspicion by Anglicans, who laid stress on the importance of consecrated burial places (Nicol 1994:4). Other manifestations of the

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Beautification of Death movement included an increase in public mourning, and in other material expressions of grief and mourning such as the increased decoration of coffins (Bell 1990:56). Morley (in Nicol 1994:8) has summed this period up well:

…it softened the terrors of dissolution and made possible death’s celebration as a passage to perfect happiness.

This period is also one of the times in world history when social stratification is highly evident: there was a huge social divide between rich and poor, which was reflected in all aspects of social activity at the time, and mortuary practices were no exception. The society of the time went to great lengths to ensure the social persona of the deceased individual was expressed in mortuary ritual, both material and non-material (Maurer

Trinkhaus 1984:675), and through this power was shown. The amount of money an individual had (and the power that it bought) was reflected in all aspects of burial practice, from material items such as the coffin and grave marker, through to other nonmaterial aspects such as the location of the individual’s final place of rest. As in life, the wealthy classes would be remembered, with the poor out of the way and forgotten

(McGuire 1988:463).

However, for the poor, death became an opportunity to achieve a social advancement that was unattainable for them in life, a concept that was introduced earlier in this chapter (Cannon 1989:438, Elia and Wesolowsky 1991:254). The feeling that, through emulation of the wealthier classes, further social advancement was possible was fairly widespread throughout the working classes of societies of Britain and its colonies (Bell

1990:59). In fact, an 1843 British Parliamentary Report on burial practices and funeral expense found that although expense varied with social and economic status, the desire for a respectful interment was a strong and widely diffused feeling among working

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people, often resulting in neglect of themselves and their family to secure a proper burial (Cannon 1989:438).

The increased mechanisation and mass production that occurred as a result of the industrial revolution was a major reason that the poor felt social advancement was possible for them. Mechanisation made the cheap, large-scale manufacture of coffins and associated hardware possible, and as a result the poorer sections of the community could afford to buy coffins that, although not made of the same materials as those of the wealthy classes, looked almost identical, thus masking or lessening the socio-economic distance between the classes (Bell 1990:55; McKillop 1995:92). As a result, coffins became stock items for sale by cabinetmakers from the early nineteenth century

(Rauschenberg 1990:31), and the same designs were available to both rich and poor alike (Jamieson 1995:53-54). Therefore, simply categorising coffin design stylistically into ‘rich’ and ‘poor’ groupings for this period is almost impossible, and should be done with caution, as a coffin style itself may not be an indicator of rank. Also, the desire for a ‘good’ burial may have resulted in higher expenditure by people of lower social rank than can be assumed based on their known economic status, which could mean that people of lower social ranking may have purchased materials outside of the social groups assigned to them by their social ranking (Parrington 1987:57-58).

However, studies have found that the materials used in coffin construction may give an insight into the social and economic status of the individual contained within. In the archaeological work carried out at the Church of SS Peter and Paul in Healing, South

Humberside, Hal Bishop identified three grades of metal used in coffin decoration in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries: ‘white metal’ (tin or silvered tin), ‘black’ (painted

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brass), and gilt (Bishop 1978:31). Through the study of coffin furniture catalogues from the period, it was found that these materials varied in price, with the ‘white metal’ fixtures being the cheapest and gilt the most expensive. However, despite the variation in cost of the actual materials used, the objects were stamped using the same process, giving the same design no matter what metal was used. As such, a person or their family who could not afford the more expensive metals for the coffin had the ability to have the same designs as those who could. This emulation did not sit particularly well with those of a higher class, and as a result there was continual innovation by the higher classes in order to keep the divide between rich and poor evident (Cannon 1989:439).

Other material evidence from archaeological work that has been carried out on cemeteries from the same period comes from the actual coffins themselves. The work carried out at Spitalfields in London in 1984-85 uncovered 983 interments of middle class individuals from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries in burial vaults beneath the church. These were people who were described in Margaret Cox’s work as middle class people who ‘wanted for little’ (1996:68), and as such it is possible to assume that the containers which held the remains of these individuals were the standard for people of their social standing at the time. These coffins were often found to be two or three layered with at least one wooden shell and a lead liner, a method employed to preserve the body for a longer period and also to prevent the leakage of body fluids from the decomposing corpse (Cox 1996:99). All featured decorations of some description, often to the fullest possible extent of the time. Similar coffins of the triple shell construction from the same period were found at the Church of St. Augustine the Less in Bristol, also in vaults and brick lined burial shafts below the ground floor of the church (Boore

1986a:211-213; Boore 1986b:29). In addition to the information on the status of the

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buried individuals that can be derived from the coffins themselves, the location in which the individuals were interred (beneath the church floor) shows them to have been of a higher social status to be able to attain such a burial, a concept that will be examined more fully later in this chapter.

The rise of the Beautification of Death as a popular movement has been found represented in materials recovered from several archaeological excavations from around the world. One of the best examples of how this movement manifested itself in the coffin materials of the wealthy is the Weir family cemetery in Virginia, United States

(Little et. Al 1992). Here four distinct periods of burial were identified in the period from around 1842 until 1907, with the decoration of coffins rising in the first two periods (1842-1862), peaking in the third period (1867-1907), then declining in the fourth period (1886-1907) (Little et. al 1992:412). This matches Cannon’s hypothesis of cycles of ostentation and restraint in burial practices in Britain during this time.

Compared to this, the coffins used in the burials of the working classes and disenfranchised people from the same period have been found to be markedly different.

For instance, David Watters (1994) discusses the Harney site slave cemetery on

Monserrat in the Caribbean, where the material evidence points to individuals being buried in coffins devoid of decoration, some even appearing to have been buried on simple planks (Watters 1994:64). The work at the Oakland cemetery in Atlanta, Georgia uncovered the late nineteenth century burials of African-American paupers, and found that despite the change in location, people from the working classes were also laid to rest in less ornate coffins. However, the Oakland cemetery also illustrates the difficulty in assigning variations in coffin design to different socio-economic groups, as one

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individual was interred in a rectangular casket with a glass viewing window rather than a plain hexagonal coffin, a design that has been associated with burials of higher social rank (Blakely and Beck 1982:189).

Heather McKillop (1995) has looked at burials of children as another indicator of social status. McKillop believes that, although children were buried with coffins and accoutrements that were different from those used for adults, the container in which the body of the deceased child is interred may be used to show the social status of the family from which the child came. This is because it is showing first hand what the family of the child could afford, and like the adults, there were differences between the quality of materials used for the burials of both upper and lower class children

(McKillop 1995:90). McKillop demonstrates this through the examples of children’s burials excavated in the St. Thomas Anglican Churchyard in Belleville, Ontario, where children’s graves from working class families were found to have handles used in regular household furniture construction, long after the period in which mass produced coffin handles had become readily available (McKillop 1995:81). This is possibly an indicator that, despite the availability of stock items, the cheaper alternative may have been the only option for those who had not been saving for the burial of one of their children.

Another aspect of eighteenth and nineteenth century European burial practices that should be considered archaeologically is the spatial arrangement of cemeteries. In many cases, the sub-surface materials associated with the burial that have been discussed throughout this chapter can be completely decomposed or in such a state that the retrieval of any information from the excavated material is impossible. However, the

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arrangement of the cemetery is an aspect that often alters very little (if at all), and can in itself offer important information on the people buried within its boundaries.

The socio-economic divide between rich and poor in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries is reflected in the ways in which cemeteries were arranged and marked. The amount of social and economic power an individual had was reflected, not only in what materials were used in their burial, but also where they were buried. The examples from

Spitalfields and Bristol given earlier show how the power that came with a higher social rank was reflected in the location of burial directly beneath the church. For the working classes, this period saw specific sections of cemeteries put aside for paupers, unbaptised, non-members (if in a churchyard) and (later) suicides (Bowman et al

1992:91). These paupers’ graveyards, such as that which is the focus of this study, were placed in locations that were out of the way, often at the back of the graveyard. Also, individual graves were left unmarked, or marked by a simple wooden or stone marker.

This particular aspect shows how cemeteries reinforced inequality between the classes, as if the poor couldn’t afford the ‘best’ in life, they also wouldn’t be able to in death, and the example of the use of grave markers is one physical way of demonstrating this

(McGuire 1988:463).

Such spatial information has been retrieved archaeologically from various sites. In the archaeological work carried out in recognised pauper sections of graveyards, such as that at the Oakland cemetery, the Uxbridge Almshouse cemetery, and the graveyard of the Massachusetts Correctional Facility, it has been found that the sections that had been used for the purpose of burying the poor had been forgotten. In all three cases the areas were unmarked, which made pinpointing them difficult, and the records that were

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kept for them did not allude to exactly how many individuals were buried there (Blakely and Beck 1982:180; Elia and Wesolowsky 1991:4-18; Talmage 1982:48-49). This reinforces the concept put forth by McGuire (1988), who argues that immortality is desirable, and power affects how desirable things are distributed (1988:435). The people buried in the pauper sections of these graveyards, through their circumstances, left no material manifestations of their power and as such were forgotten in death.

Another aspect that has been uncovered through archaeological work is how pauper sections of graveyards were set out; that is, how the space allotted for burials of the poor was used. In both the Uxbridge and Oakland cemeteries, the burials were arranged into tightly packed rows within the area put aside for pauper burials. In Uxbridge, pauper burials and their cost were the responsibility of the town, and such tight packing can be seen as a method of conserving valuable land, and thus money, by the city of Atlanta

(Bell 1990:59).

Examples of disenfranchised peoples, including Indigenous groups, emulating the burial practices of the higher classes have also been found. For instance, at the Valley Sweets site in Michigan, nine human burials believed to be of Native Americans who died in the late nineteenth century were uncovered, and the burial practices used seem to show that there was the use of both traditional and introduced European practices (Brose

1966). While most of the burials were found in coffins that were uniformly placed and precisely oriented, one individual was found in the same burial pattern but buried in a textile bag, a traditional Native American process (Brose 1966:10). However, the use of coffins and the precise patterning of the burials seems to show that although still

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practising traditional burial practices in some capacity, the dominant European ideology of the time controlled the majority of the burial practices employed.

Although the high degree of social stratification that was in place in this period has formed the basis for many other comparative projects in archaeology, there have been very few attempts to compare burial practices across varying socio-economic groups within a given area to see how people of varying economic status in that region handled disposal of the dead. One example where this has been attempted is in the work of

Michael Parrington (1987). Parrington examined three Philadelphia Churchyard cemeteries used in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, whose members represented high, middle and low socio-economic groups, to find the burial practices employed by each group and if there were similarities or differences between them. Despite the limitation of being unable to examine excavated material representative of the middle classes from the cemetery as excavation had not been carried out at the time of writing,

Parrington discovered that there were similarities between the wealthy and working class cemeteries. Though there was use of some different coffin designs between the two (a concept briefly outlined earlier), the use of organised, systematic arrangement and uniform orientation of individual burials within each churchyard were common to both (Parrington 1987:58-63). Parrington’s work shows that the concepts of both inequalities between socio-economic groups and the efforts to emulate by the lower classes can be successfully applied in archaeological work. Although the potential of the work was not fully reached because a middle class example could not be examined, it shows how the theories of comparison between economic classes discussed earlier in this chapter can be applied to cemeteries of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

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Archaeological work that has investigated historic period human burials has not received as much coverage in publications in Australia as most other topics. Examples such as Lowe and Mackay’s work from the Old Sydney Burial Ground, Australia’s oldest permanent cemetery that was first used for burials in 1792 (Lowe and Mackay

1992:15), are few. This is because most work in this area is carried out for developers or private groups and, as such, the information recorded during excavation often goes no further than the report handed in at the end of the excavation. An example of this is the work carried out at the former site of the cemetery for the Destitute Children's Asylum in Randwick, New South Wales (Austral Archaeology and Godden Mackay Heritage

Consultants 1995:1-3). A thorough report was produced from the work, which uncovered 65 in situ burials and more than two hundred components of others.

Although a good detailed documentation of the excavation and its results, none of the information acquired archaeologically has been published in any archaeological journal in Australia. With this being the case, it makes accessing information from different projects extremely difficult, somewhat disabling the chance to put a project such as this into a more national context.

To summarise, the eighteenth and nineteenth century in Britain and its colonies was a period that saw a change in the way people viewed death, and changed the burial practices and associated materials used by those societies. The period was also a time of high social stratification, and due to the results of the industrial revolution, the lower classes could aspire, in at least one unavoidable part of life, to advance their social position. The archaeological study of burials from this period, in both the material culture and spatial arrangement of cemeteries, demonstrates the personal desires of the

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lower classes and their desire for equality in death, as well as those of the upper classes to keep the divide between rich and poor that was present during life.

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Chapter 3: History

Before the materials excavated from the St. Mary’s cemetery are analysed, it is important to understand the world at the time when they were used. To do this, this chapter looks at historical information that is relevant to the collection. Firstly, it examines the Anglican Church in South Australia as a whole, as the church here existed under different circumstances to those in England and other colonies, a fact which may be reflected in the information recovered from St. Mary’s. Secondly, it looks at the church of St. Mary’s itself, to better understand the development of the church through time and how the pauper graveyard fits into its history; and finally it examines the

Anglican burial practices of the period to see what was regarded as a ‘proper’ burial at the time. Through these three things, the religious environment in which these people lived and died should become apparent.

3.1 The Anglican Church in Colonial South Australia

In the nineteenth century, the Anglican Church was one of the primary religious denominations in the colony of South Australia. However, due to the circumstances in which the colony was created, the church did not have the same dominance of the protestant Christian component of the community as it did in England and in the other colonies populated primarily by English migrants.

One of the primary aims of those looking to establish the new colony of South Australia was to sever the long established link between the Anglican Church and the government; no individual church would be financially supported by the government, rather this would have to come from the members of each church (Pike 1957:15;

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Whitelock 1985:190). This concept is known as the ‘voluntary principle’, and was the most significant factor in shaping the religious aspects of colonial South Australia.

The primary reason for the implementation of the voluntary principle in the establishment of the new colony was growing discontent with the system in place in

England at the time. Religious ‘dissenters’ (which refers to non-Anglican members of

Protestant churches such as the Methodists and Baptists) were discriminated against in

England where, despite the belief that all were free to worship where they chose, they were struck with a number of restrictions that meant that the religious freedom they desired was not a reality. These disabilities included the inability to be married in their own place of worship, having to be buried in their own graveyards but by the Anglican

Book of Common Prayer; not being able to attend England’s most prestigious universities; and the lack of recognition in official eyes for those baptised in a dissenting church. Also, to further restrict the dissenting churches, members were required to pay church rates to the government that were used for the repairs and maintenance of Anglican churches (Pike 1957:21). All of this led to feelings of discontent among the members of dissenting churches in England, and this was a significant issue in the minds of those who set about creating the new colony in South

Australia.

Following the arrival of the first ships to the new colony in 1836, Anglican services had been carried out by the new settlers in whatever buildings were available, often with the readings from the Book of Common Prayer given by laymen. It was January 1837 before the first ordained Colonial Chaplain, Charles Beaumont Howard, led a service in

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Glenelg; and January 1838 before the first Anglican Church, Trinity church, was erected on North Terrace in the city (Hilliard 1986:5).

In the years that followed, Anglican churches became more common, although the

Church was still nowhere near as dominant in the new colony as in others. In fact, by

1844 there were only four Church of England buildings in South Australia. These were

Trinity Church and St. Johns in the city, St. Paul's in Port Adelaide, and St. Mary’s on

Sturt (Hilliard 1986:5-9). The truth was that the church was struggling financially in the new colony, and it was the removal of state funding that had been the primary reason for this. Things were at such a low point that Trinity Church itself had to be closed in

December 1844 as it was deemed unsafe, and the debt for the repairs was not cleared until 1848 (Hilliard 1992:66; Hilliard 1986:7). This lack of funding occurred despite the census of 1844 reporting that 54.8% of the colonial population claimed to be members of the Church of England (Pike 1957:274).

In 1846, Governor Frederick Robe introduced a scheme to give churches government assistance based on the number of adherents to that denomination (Hilliard and Hunt

1986:202). While the amount of assistance given out to the various denominations was small when compared to that given in the other Australian colonies, many saw this as being in direct violation of the principles of religious liberty on which the colony was founded, as the Church of England prospered under the new scheme. The issue came to a head in July 1851 when a vote was taken on the Church Ordinance Bill (as it had become known) in the Legislative Council. The bill was defeated and state aid for all

Churches abolished (Hilliard and Hunt 1986:202). The voluntary principle was

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reinstated as the only means by which a church could raise funds for its buildings and activities.

As a result of the defeat of the bill, the Anglican Church in South Australia completely severed links with the state in 1855. It became a self-governing body, with its own constitution, synod and rules of organization (Hilliard 1986:24). In the years following this up until the 1880s, the Anglican Church in the colony suffered in terms of the number of its adherents. As the population of the colony grew, more dissenting religious groups moved into the area and took members away from established Anglican

Churches; and also those dissenting groups that were already established found new members in those who were unhappy with the current state of the Anglican Church or lived in areas where it had not yet established itself (Hilliard and Hunt 1986:203-204).

By 1860, the percentage of South Australians adhering to Anglicanism had fallen to

45.6% (Jackson 1987:20), and by 1871 it had fallen further to 27.4% (Vamplew et al

1986:139-143).

However, the period of the early 1880s up until federation in 1901 is regarded as the

‘golden age’ of South Australian Anglicanism (Hilliard 1986:49). During this period the number of Anglican adherents began to rise again, while its percentage of the population ceased to decline, and by the early 1900s the number of churches in the diocese of Adelaide had more than doubled, despite the economic recession that affected the colony in the 1880s. The percentage of the population that stated their religion as the Church of England in the period from 1880 until 1901 remained constantly around 30%, and would remain around this mark well into the 1900s

(Hilliard 1986:49).

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In the period from settlement to federation, one of the primary features of the Anglican

Church was its popularity among the wealthier members of Adelaide society. Spatially, the church drew adherents from Adelaide’s wealthier suburbs, for two primary reasons: the first being the strong use of symbolism by the Anglican Church in South Australia

(such as the large and elaborate St. Peter’s College and Cathedral); and the second being because of the direct link to the crown in England (Hilliard and Hunt 1986:202-204;

Hilliard 1986:49). By the late nineteenth century, many of the ‘gentry’ families of the colony (whose parents may have helped establish the colony as dissenters themselves) were members of the Anglican Church. Conversely, many of the working class people in the colony were members of dissenting congregations, particularly the Methodists, whose emphasis was not on symbolism or large structures, and as such would have appealed to those who could not afford to pay for the more extravagant religious lifestyle attached to the Anglican Church of the period (Hilliard and Hunt 1986:206).

It was these circumstances in which the St. Mary’s Anglican Church was established in colonial South Australia, and these factors that affected the church throughout its early life.

3.2 History of the Parish of St. Mary’s

The Anglican Church of St. Mary’s on Sturt was one of the first Anglican Parishes established in South Australia, with the first Anglican church in St. Mary’s opened in

July 1841. The South Australian register records the event as follows:

On the 4 th

inst. This neat country church was opened by the Rev. C.B.

Howard, who preached an effective sermon from Neremiah IV. 6,(‘so we built; for the people had a mind to work’), and afterwards administered the rite of the Sacrament. (Jose 1937:14)

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This first church was constructed of stringy bark and pise and was established on land donated by Mr. John Wickham Daw. Given the sparsity of settlement in the district the church was described by one visitor as ‘a lonely building in the centre of a large but thinly populated district’ (Jose 1937:14). Here the residents of the St. Mary’s district, many of whom had participated in the construction of the church building, had an opportunity to attend the regular clerical services that were held every fortnight, and other services which were carried out by lay readers, such as Mr. J.W. Daw or Dr.

Handasyde Duncan (Hilliard 1986:12). The church also offered a day and Sunday school service for the children of the district that was conducted from this building.

However, this initial church did not stand up well to the harsh South Australian climate, and several episodes of flooding left the building significantly damaged (Edwards

1954:34-46). In 1846 the decision was made to build a new church at a site 200 metres further south from the city of Adelaide than the original structure, and on 27 October that year the foundation stone of a new church for the District of St. Mary’s was laid by

Reverend G. Newenham (the Colonial Chaplain) and Reverend W. J. Woodcock (Norris

1852:12). Officially opened on 12 September 1847, the church was used from this date onwards, although consecration of the church grounds did not occur until 11 March

1849 (Jose 1937:14). Following the opening of this new church, the structure that had previously been used became a schoolroom for the local district, and was finally pulled down in 1928.

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Figure 3.2.1: Drawing of St. Mary’s church in 1860 by Benjamin Herschel Babbage

(Davies 1991).

This new church, despite being an improvement on the old church, was still very basic.

As was noted at the time, the new church was ‘nothing more than a mere barn, excepting that the windows were to be of a lancet character, very small” (Edwards

1954:38). It seems that the building was not considered complete at this time as it was altered in 1849, when the church tower was erected to 18 metres in height, which was further extended in 1870 to a height of 36 metres. Further repairs and modifications were conducted on several occasions following minor earthquakes in July 1883, May

1897, and September 1902. Other buildings erected by the church in this period were the parsonage that was constructed between 1848 and 1849, and an Anglican schoolroom erected in 1865 (Edwards 1954:40-46). Both structures no longer stand in the churchyard, with photographic evidence pointing to them having been demolished sometime prior to 1920 (Figure 3.2.2).

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Figure 3.2.2: St. Mary’s church photographed ca.1920, looking southeast from Main

South Road (Mortlock Library of South Australiana).

Following the repairs of 1902, little change occurred on the lands of the church or to the building itself until 2 June 1953, when a fire in the night burnt out the interior of the church, and damaged a large section of its external structure (Gabbie Enright 14

February 2002, elec. comm.). Following the repairs made in the wake of the fire, further repairs were required following the earthquake of March 1954. This was the last major alteration to the church structure itself, and very little had been altered in the churchyard since this period when the archaeological excavation began in September 1999.

Burials in the churchyard around the second St. Mary’s church began with the burial of

James Penn, aged 85, on 19 November 1847 (Adams 1999). This date makes the site one of the earliest Anglican suburban cemeteries in the colony, although the land was not consecrated until 11 March 1849 after the arrival of the Colony’s first bishop,

Augustus Short (Nicol 1994:103-104). The land use for the marked section of the

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cemetery fills the north, south and western portions of the churchyard, and has continued to be used for burials up to the present day (Figure 3.2.3).

Figure 3.2.3: St. Mary’s Church photographed in July 2002, showing part of marked

Graveyard (Photo by the author).

In addition to the marked cemetery, the eastern section of the churchyard was set aside for pauper burials. This ‘free ground’ as it was called is described by a former rector of

St. Mary’s, Reverend John Davies:

This ground in the churchyard was set aside for the burial of those who did not have ten and sixpence to purchase a grave in the planned part of the churchyard. It was also used for the burial of many children who died from things such as tetanus, diphtheria, scarlet fever, whooping cough, typhoid and a myriad of other gastric wogs. In pioneer times water was a scarce commodity and personal hygiene was non-existent. Behind every tree was a midden. The free ground has about 80 known burials but probably several hundred, it stretched all the way to the fence on the northern side of the churchyard.

(Davies 1991:12)

An examination of the churches’ burial register shows 76 burials marked as ‘free ground’ burials (see appendix 1), close to Davies estimate of 80. The first of these

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burials was that of Frederick Norton, a one year old infant from St. Mary’s on 27 April

1851 (Burial register of St. Mary’s Anglican Church). Graves in this section of the cemetery were either left unmarked or marked only by means of a simple wooden marker, as when the site was first archaeologically inspected in 1999 no evidence of any grave markers existed on the ground surface.

While the churchyard continues to be used for burials to this day, the last recorded burial in the pauper section was that of William Denman on 27 September 1927 (Burial register of St. Mary’s Anglican Church). The church’s decision to expand the marked section of the cemetery into the free ground in 1999 started a new page in the history of the church, and also presented archaeology with a valuable opportunity to learn about an often neglected section of colonial South Australian society.

3.3 Anglican Burial Practices of the Nineteenth century

In the nineteenth century, the Anglican Church adhered to the principles of burial common to all Christian churches. One of the most significant of these relates to the orientation of individual burials, where the individual was buried with their feet at the eastern end of the grave and the head to the west. This east-west orientation is a common feature of Christian burials throughout history, and is well summed up by an old grave digger from Mississippi who stated that people should not be laid to rest

“crossways uv de world (sic)” so that “the dead won’t have to turn around when Gabriel blows the rising trumpet in the east” (Clow et. al. 2000:458). Christian belief has it that on judgement day the dead will sit up in their grave to face the rising sun in the east, as this quote illustrates. This east-west orientation has been found in many studies of

Christian cemeteries (Bachmann and Catts 1990:59; Boore 1986a:213; Parrington

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1987:62; Puckle 1926:148; Sweet and Hoare 2000:162; Watters 1994:60), and can be regarded as part of a ‘proper’ Christian burial.

However, this orientation could be varied. Almost as important (sometimes more so) as the east-west orientation was the necessity to be close to a source of spiritual power

(Reeve and Adams 1993:65), and in churchyard cemeteries this would mean being as close to the church as possible (hence the desire for vault burial beneath a church) or facing the church. As mentioned in previous chapters, the financial situation of the deceased dictated how close to this source of spiritual power the individual was buried

(Reeve and Adams 1993:65-66), a point illustrated by the epitaph reproduced at the beginning of this thesis.

In addition to the orientation of the burial, there were other factors that affected how the body was placed in the ground in an Anglican cemetery. One of the more interesting was the handling of suicides. In Britain prior to 1823, suicide victims were buried at a crossroads with a stake through the body, as it was believed that their spirit was restless and hostile at the time of death (Bowman et. al. 1992:91). In later years, however, it was decided that they would be buried in an area set aside for the unbaptised, people who were not members of the church and paupers; unless they were believed to be of

‘unsound mind’ at the time of death and would then be buried in a crypt or in the northern section of the churchyard (Bowman et. al 1992:91-94). This change also allowed the unbaptised to be buried in the churchyard, whereas previously this had been forbidden, and such burials were placed immediately to the outside of the fence surrounding the holy ground (Adams 1999).

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Christian burials are commonly carried out with the individual laid to rest on their back, called a ‘supine’ burial (Cox 1996:102). However, this too could be strayed from. The

‘prone’ or face down burial was a variation of the standard burial style commonly employed either when the individual being buried was thought to be a witch, or if the burial was of that a child to supposedly ensure that the next child of the family would live to maturity (Clow et. al. 2000:459). These methods illustrate just how important burial of the deceased was to the Christian people of the nineteenth century, and the lengths they would go to in order to make things ‘proper’. If any effort is going to be made to understand how one particular cemetery works, then it is important to understand this as it shows how significant a part the notion of death played in the lives of the people who used it.

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Chapter 4: Methods

The central question of this thesis is to what extent do the materials excavated from the

St. Mary’s Anglican Churchyard give any indication of attitudes towards the death and burial of paupers in colonial South Australia? This was answered through the analysis of data recovered from the excavations at the St. Mary’s Churchyard, both material and spatial, as well as any historical documentation relating to the church and its cemetery.

Through this, it was possible to conclude whether or not the information acquired from the archaeological excavation of the St. Mary’s pauper graveyard is indicative of how the burial of working-class people was handled in colonial South Australia, or whether it is difficult, if not impossible, to recover this information from archaeological data.

4.1 Sources of Data

To allow for these conclusions to be made several different categories of data from the excavations were examined to allow a clear picture of the history of the St. Mary’s pauper cemetery to develop. These ranged from excavated materials to spatial information and historical documentation.

4.1.1 Coffin Material- The primary source of data to be examined in this thesis in terms of material culture was the excavated coffin material. As discussed in

Chapter 2, the coffin played a significant role in the funerary processes of late nineteenth century Britain and was an important indicator of status. As such, it is these materials that provide the most direct evidence of the economic status of those interred within the excavated portion of the cemetery. This focuses on two primary aspects of the coffins: their designs and the materials used in their construction.

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Design information is significant as it is a means of discerning class differences between 19 th

century European burials. At the most basic level, this looks at the shape of the coffin. In the late 19 th

century, there were two primary coffin shapes in use in Britain and its colonies: the traditional hexagonal pinch-toed coffin (also known as a single break coffin) and the rectangular casket. However, examples of octagonal coffins have also been excavated in cemeteries from this period

(Blakely and Beck 1982:188). This in itself is useful in helping to determine the economic status, as the casket itself was more commonly used for the burial of those of a higher economic status, and thus it is unlikely they will be uncovered in the excavation of a pauper cemetery of the period (Blakely and Beck 1982:188-

189; Elia and Wesolowsky 1991:132-133). An example of a ‘standard’ nineteenth century single break coffin is shown in figure 4.1.1.1.

The analysis of design also examines the construction methods employed to make the coffins. Previous excavations have determined the common methods for constructing coffins in this period (Bloom et. al. 1985:50; Reeve and Adams

1993:78-83), and the material from St. Mary’s will be examined to see whether or not this ‘formula’ has been strayed from in any of the examples excavated there.

The process of constructing a single break coffin based on the evidence from previous research in this area (Reeve and Adams 1993:78-83), and the process that was looked for in the collection from St. Mary’s, is as follows:

1. Base board cut to shape.

2. Head and footboards attached to base, the headboard at 90 o to the base and the footboard at a slightly more obtuse angle.

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Figure 4.1.1.1: Exploded view of a nineteenth century hexagonal (single-break) coffin (Reeve and Adams 1993:79).

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3. Sideboards kerfed (a series of shallow gouges cut into the interior of the sideboard which are then steamed to curve the wood to create the shoulder of the coffin), then attached to the base.

4. Joints in coffin base sealed with pitch.

5. Interior of coffin covered in upholstery and padding.

6. Lid attached by nails at shoulders and corners.

Following this, the exterior of the coffin was decorated, the first stage of which was the covering of the coffin in upholstery (Litten 1991:103). This will be discussed in more detail later, but the choice of both materials and colours used to cover the coffin were significant as they were chosen to symbolise the individual buried within (Reeve and Adams 1993:86). This outer coffin lining was attached to the coffin by means of decorative copper tacks, or by strips of pressed metal designed to look like rows of upholstery tacks, known as ‘lace’.

The final stage in the construction of the coffin is the attachment of various fittings on the external surfaces of the coffin for practical or decorative uses, a difference that is sometimes hard to define. The objects that are examined in this thesis are as follows:

Handles- properly called grips, these were commonly constructed of cast iron, and mounted on plates known as grip plates or shields. Adult coffins of the period commonly featured three grips to a side, sometimes having a further one attached to both the head and foot boards, while children’s coffins commonly

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featured two handles to each side (Adams and Reeve 1993:78-83; McKillop

1995:83).

Breast Plates- As the name suggests, plates of pressed metal attached to the lid of the coffin above the deceased’s chest and featured biographical information of the deceased, commonly their name, age, and date of death (Cox 1996:103;

Bowman et al 1992:91). Also known as Depositum Plates (Litten 1991:102)

Lid Motifs- Pressed metal plates attached to the surface of the lid of the coffin, at the head and foot ends (Reeve and Adams 1993:78-83, Cox 1996:103).

Escutcheons- also known as drops, these are smaller pressed metal plates that serve a purely decorative purpose, and could be attached to any section of the coffin surface (Cox 1996:102).

Thumb Screws- Decorative screws used in place of nails to fasten the lid to the sideboards of the coffin (Clow et al 2000: 237-239).

Hinges- Another method of fastening the lid to the sideboards of the coffin, where one side of the lid was hinged to allow viewing of the deceased at the funeral

(Elia and Wesolowsky 1991:260).

Cap lifters- Metallic fixtures attached to the coffin that allowed the lid to be raised for viewing (Elia and Wesolowsky 1991:260).

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The objects listed above form the bulk of materials used for analysis of archaeologically excavated burials but, as with most archaeological projects, variations in techniques and materials should be expected. For instance, expensive coffins featuring a window in the lid for viewing at the funeral have also been found in other archaeological studies of working class cemeteries (Blakely and

Beck 1982:184; McKillop 1995:81).

Other materials that are directly related to the construction and design of a coffin include materials used on the inside. This includes any materials used to line the inside of the coffin, or any packing material used to create a mattress in the base.

Commonly, materials such as wool, horse hair, feathers and hay were used for this purpose, or for those who could not afford it, a layer of sawdust was spread immediately on top of the wooden base board as a means of absorbing the fluids emitted from the decaying body (Cox 1996:112; Reeve and Adams 1993:86). The primary purpose of the fabric lining in the interior was to provide a cover for the materials listed above, or to cover the rough wood of the base itself (Berg

1990:58).

In addition to design information, the excavated objects also provided data on the materials from which they were constructed. The coffins themselves were made of wood, and this can show whether or not the coffins were made of local materials or imported from overseas. Also, the woods used in the construction of the coffins also varied in price in the same way the other components used for their construction did (Rauschenberg 1990:35-36). However, the fittings used on the coffin are of much more use in this respect, as the materials used here are direct

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indicators of what an individual, their family, or an organization was able to spend on their burial.

The pressed metal decorations used to decorate the coffin could be made of various materials, ranging in price from low to high, although often the same design regardless of the material used (Bishop 1978:31). The materials used on the

St. Mary’s coffins should be able to give a reasonable indication of the social status of those who were buried there.

Also of use is outer fabric lining that remains on any of the coffins. As with the metallic fixtures, there were various materials used to line the exterior of the coffins that ranged in price. Silk and velvet linings were associated with aristocratic burials, while those of the working classes often used woollen fabric or linen (Reeve and Adams 1993:86). Various colours were also used for this fabric covering, commonly black or scarlet although there are cases of specific colours being used to represent different social groups, such as white or pale grey material for young unmarried women and children (Cox 1996:102; Reeve and

Adams 1993:86).

In addition to these materials, other artefacts associated with the coffins were examined to see if they provide insights into the people whom they were buried with. This will include whether nails or screws were used to join the coffin panels, what the nails or screws were made of, and if they also served a decorative purpose (for example, those used to seal the lid in place).

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The summary of these materials will give a relatively firm conclusion about the monetary value of the coffins excavated from St. Mary’s, which will make it possible to make some conclusions regarding the economic status of those buried within them.

4.1.2 Grave materials- This category refers to any material that was excavated with a burial that can be considered unrelated to the construction and decoration of the coffin. These are objects that came to be buried with the individual through either direct relationship, such as clothing or personal possessions; or as symbolic funerary items such as burial shrouds. These items will provide useful information on economic status of the individuals as they speak directly of the individuals themselves, and also the burial practices employed for people of their economic status and social ranking in the cemetery.

4.1.3 Documentary evidence- As the burials in the area of the churchyard that was excavated were unmarked, there is no information that is available from the archaeological evidence that will be able to put names to individual burials (unless there is some form of personal item buried with the individual that can be traced to a specific person); in order to determine who is buried in this portion of the churchyard cemetery an extensive documentary search was conducted. The church burial records were examined in order to confirm who is buried in the unmarked section of the cemetery, and then this information was correlated with any surviving death certificates relating to those individuals in order to ascertain their background information, such as where they lived and their occupation. Other information, such as obituary notices in newspapers, or personal documents, that

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relate to the church and specifically its cemetery were also used where possible, in the hope that this would make it possible to assign individual identities to excavated burials.

Other documentary sources analysed for this research include historical advertisements from newspapers and catalogues for coffin materials, as these are an important source of information on the cost of the materials used in the construction of coffins from the period.

4.1.4 Spatial Arrangement- This was undertaken as a non-material means of illustrating how the divide between rich and poor was continued from life into death in nineteenth century Adelaide.

As discussed in earlier chapters, a significant aspect of burial in the nineteenth century is that it reflected social rank, and was a means by which the rich could show their power over the poor. As most cemeteries were planned, it can be seen as no coincidence that the people who could afford it were buried in places where their graves could be easily seen, and went to great lengths to ensure they had a grave that would be noticed (Mytum 2000:57).

Through this it is hoped that the layout of the St. Mary’s cemetery will also provide information that illustrates the status of those buried within the various sections, and how this reflects the class structure that was in place during this period.

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4.2 Methods of Analysis

4.2.1 Coffin Material- As the primary material source of data for this project, a great emphasis was placed on the analysis of the coffins, specifically their designs and the materials used in their construction.

The coffins were examined by their size and shape. This meant recording their physical dimensions (i.e. length, width, thickness of wood, etc.), and classification according to their shape (i.e. hexagonal, rectangular). Following this, the decorations that were used on the coffin were examined, to see how much effort was put into their beautification. This looked for the various objects listed earlier in the chapter, and the presence or absence of these was used to determine the level of effort that has gone into the visual presentation of the coffin for burial.

Following the design and decoration analysis, the materials used in the construction of the coffins were analysed, primarily the metallic fixtures used on the coffin. As mentioned in previous chapters, the metals used in the decoration of coffins varied in price, and this was a significant key in understanding the economic status of those buried in the St. Mary’s cemetery. It was also hoped that woods used in the construction off the coffins would be analysed to determine what sort of wood was used and from where it originated, however time and financial restraints meant that this was not possible.

This information was entered into a database once it had been recorded, and here the data was broken down into various categories. Primarily this meant division of the data into groupings of age and gender, to see how these differences were

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reflected in the materials recovered. This was then compared to work carried out on other historic period burials and cemeteries, to see whether or not the conclusions drawn from this analysis of the St. Mary’s collection were the same or different from those of other sites.

4.2.2 Grave Materials- As mentioned earlier in this chapter, the analysis of grave goods focuses on all materials excavated with the burials not directly associated with the coffins. This includes articles of clothing (should any be preserved), including buttons and belt buckles. However, shoes should not be expected as

Anglican custom and economics dictated that these were not buried with the dead during this period (Blakely 1984:2). Buttons can be particularly useful as they can be identified by both their design and the materials from which they are made, and can provide information on what sort of garment they were fitted to and how much they cost, again useful indicators of economic status.

Burial shrouds were also commonly used at the time and these, too, were considered. These are useful in the same way as the outer coffin linings, as they varied in price depending on the material used.

4.2.3 Documentary Evidence- This was used to establish the names of the individuals buried in the cemetery when archaeological evidence was unable to do this (i.e. through breast plates), and where possible to determine their socio-economic background. It was also hoped that this would prove useful in determining the identity of whom remains of individual burials belong to when the analysis of the

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skeletal material had been completed, and this information was compared to the list of names that exists for the individuals buried in the pauper graveyard.

4.2.4 Spatial Arrangement- This data was collected at two different levels. The first was a large-scale overview of the churchyard looking at how the cemetery was set out. The aim here was to ascertain whether or not certain sections of the cemetery had been set aside for specific social groups based on economic wealth or social standing; or if different areas of the cemetery where used for burial at different times in the past.

The second level of special analysis focused on the excavated paupers graveyard, to see how this area was arranged to fit in with the rest of the churchyard. This analysis looked at how individual burials were arranged (i.e. which direction they were facing); whether or not there was any formal system for placement of burials that fits in with the arrangement of burials in marked sections of the cemetery; and whether or not there were efforts on the part of the church to save space in the area by ‘cramming’ burials (such as stacked/multiple burials).

4.3 Limitations

As with any archaeological study, there are limitations on this project that complicate certain aspects of the retrieval and presentation of data (and the abilities to draw definite conclusions from it);

4.3.1 Limitations of Data-The first limitation of the data being presented here comes from the excavations themselves. The sites were excavated by a large area

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excavation technique, where the 109 square metres that was excavated was dug manually to around 20 centimetres depth where any grave pits should show on the surface, then sterile soil between grave pits was removed by a backhoe to around 2 metres depth. The use of heavy equipment on any archaeological site should always be undertaken with caution (Hester et. al. 1997:74-75), although it is believed to have proven successful at St. Mary’s as no significant archaeological data was found to have been lost through its use.

The excavation of the burials themselves was carried out manually by staff and students from Flinders University. Soil removed from immediately around a burial was also wet-sieved through a 5mm sieve, as the heavy clay soil did not allow for dry sieving. This may have resulted in the loss of some smaller or more delicate materials, although in many cases it allowed for the recovery of materials that would have otherwise been lost as they were not seen during the initial excavation.

One of the significant aspects of this study, the analysis of the excavated coffin materials, is also one of the most difficult from which to draw information. Firstly, much of this depends on the preservation of materials from the site- if the coffins and their fittings are poorly preserved, it may not be possible to extract the maximum amount of information from them. The woods of the coffins from the

St. Mary’s site were preserved in varying conditions, although much of the ferrous material associated with them was so badly preserved it was at the point of being unrecognisable. The metallic fixtures were also poorly preserved, with many of the ferrous items having formed large oxide concretions, and many of the tin materials only recognisable as a white stains on the surface of the coffin wood

(Cronyn 1990:202-211).

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Secondly, a majority of the coffin material excavated in the first season was reburied at the end of the excavation due to the lack of suitable storage facilities for them, and although notes and images were taken, it cannot be guaranteed that these contained all the information that has been gathered from those examples that have been examined by the author (that is, those that were not reburied and had detailed notes taken on their dimensions, design features and decoration).

Many of the coffins excavated during the second season of excavation were examined by the author during the fieldwork, and several were examined in greater detail in the archaeology laboratory of Flinders University following the dig.

With regards to the documentary material, the significant factor here is that the individuals buried in the pauper graveyard, as people who had little historically visible impact on their society, had little about their life written down in places that are readily accessible. Also, some data directly related to the cemetery may have been destroyed in the fire at the church discussed in Chapter Three, and this information would not have been recorded anywhere else (fire damage was noticed on some materials examined for this thesis).

4.3.2 Limitations of Study- The biggest limitation of the study is that this is just one part of one site. Firstly, it is an Anglican cemetery, meaning that information from here should be compared to with caution to that gathered from the study of other religious denominations. It is also specific to this site- what was done at St.

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Mary’s may not have been carried out at other Anglican churches in South

Australia, or around the world.

A site-specific limitation of this study is the short period of time in which the cemetery was used, which was only around 70 years. This period of time cannot fully illustrate any changes in the burial methods of the Anglican Church as it simply does not cover a long enough period, although it is sufficient to illustrate the burial practices and ways people handled the death and burial of paupers from the period in which it was in use.

Another limitation to impact on this study was the recording carried out during the excavation itself. University students conducted the dig, and the recording forms used sometimes featured blank spaces for pieces of information related to the coffins and their fittings. In most cases it was found that these simply meant the item was not present, although for some it could not be determined if the item was not present or the student forgot to fill the data in. The only advice that can be considered here is to make sure that all field staff on similar excavations are well briefed on their requirements to record the materials they excavate.

Finally, as a study into the economic divide between rich and poor in 19 th

century

Adelaide, the collection only represents one end of the spectrum as a pauper graveyard. It lacks a local collection of middle and/or wealthy class burial material to be compared to, meaning that all the information must be evaluated next to materials from other sites around the country and world where the handling of pauper burials may not have been the same as in Adelaide.

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The discussion of the results given in the following chapters gives a complete record of the materials associated with the burials excavated from St. Mary’s, and provides an insight into the lives of those who were buried there and the world in which they lived and died.

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18

16

14

12

10

8

6

4

2

0

Chapter 5: Results

As discussed earlier, this thesis examines two distinct aspects of the non-biological information recovered from the excavation at St. Mary’s: the non-skeletal material that was excavated, and the spatial information that was also recovered. This chapter presents a summary of the results from these two fields of information, in terms of the categories outlined in Chapter 4.

5.1 Material Analysis

The excavations at St. Mary’s uncovered the remains of 71 individuals of both sexes, ranging in age from neonates to elderly individuals (see chart 5.1.1).

Male

Female

Unidentified

Age

Chart 5.1.1: Age and sex of individuals excavated at St. Mary’s

Chart 5.1.1 shows the ages and sexes of the individuals excavated from the paupers graveyard at St. Mary’s. Although this thesis primarily examines the materials associated with their burial, it is important to determine the age and sex profiles of the excavated individuals as this information is significant as a basis against which to assess

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burial features. On thing to note is that the large numbers of individuals under the age of five for whom it was impossible to designate sex. This is attributable to two things: firstly that the features used to determine sex in human remains may not have developed sufficiently for this to be possible, and secondly that the skeletal material necessary for sexing individuals may not have been preserved.

There are several points of interest on this chart. Firstly, the high proportion of individuals who were under ten years of age at death, particularly the significant amount of those under one year of age, who account for 45% of the total collection of skeletal material. The second point of interest is the low number of female individuals recovered from across the site, although it is possible that many of the unidentified individuals are female. Finally, there is also a significant number of male individuals in the 41 to 50 year age bracket.

These points give some interesting insights into life at St. Mary’s. Firstly, the high number of individuals who were under ten years of age at death, particularly those younger than five years, indicates a high infant mortality rate for the area. The low number of female individuals maybe a reflection of the early history of South Australia, where males outnumbered females, although not to the extent represented in the St.

Mary’s collection. Finally, the high number of males aged 41 to 50 years in the collection may be a result of working accidents, although this can not be proven without historical documentation.

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Coffin Design

The 71 burials at St. Mary’s that were excavated were found to have all been buried in wooden coffins of two different designs. The first of these was the traditional hexagonal coffin design as discussed in earlier chapters, and also several rectangular coffins were recovered. The preservation of all coffins varied from burial to burial, with sometimes the only evidence for the coffin being a dark stain in the soil.

Figure 5.1.1: Examples of hexagonal (left) and rectangular (right) coffins excavated at

St. Mary’s.

For the hexagonal coffins, the construction methods employed in making the majority of these coffins fits in with the example given earlier in this thesis (see Figure 4.1.1.1).

The starting point in every coffin was the base, which was first cut to shape to suit the individual for whom it was being constructed. In the St. Mary’s adult coffins, the base

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was often made of several planks. This often meant that there was one larger central plank, which then had either one or two smaller shaped planks attached to the sides to form the shoulders, attached by nails.

Following the manufacture of the base, the head and footboards were then attached. At

St. Mary’s, three or four nails were used to attach these to adult coffins and two or three nails for children’s coffins. Following this, the sideboards were curved at the shoulder by cutting a series of thin grooves (commonly six) into the board then steaming it, causing it to curve. While most of the adult hexagonal coffins were found to fit the basic method for creating the shoulders, two examples were found to have been constructed very differently.

Figure 5.1.2: Upper right hand sideboard of B23, showing grooves for kerfing.

Burial 78 (B78) was made in this method, although instead of several grooves being cut into the sideboard for the purpose of kerfing, only one groove, two centimetres long,

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was cut and this was used to create the curve. This particular coffin was made of a very thin, flimsy wood (only 1.2 cm thick), which allowed for this method to be employed.

Another adult coffin, B85, was not kerfed at all and the sideboards made of four separate boards. It appears that the longer sideboards were attached first, their ends cut at the same angle as the shoulders of the baseboard, then the upper sideboards attached to the end and also cut to complete the sides. This process also seems to have been used on an infant’s coffin, that of B82.

When attaching the sideboards, it would seem that coffin makers used a formula for how many nails to use. It seems that however many nails were used in attaching the short top plank, exactly double that number would be used to attach the longer plank. At

St. Mary’s, adult coffins had either three or four nails attaching the shorter portion of the sideboard, and either six or eight on the longer portion respectively. This was the same in children’s coffins, where either two or three nails were used on the shorter boards, and the longer boards attached with four or six respectively.

Following the completion of the base and sides of the coffin, the lid was attached and cut to shape. At St. Mary’s, lids were commonly constructed of one large plank, although the lid of B73 was made of two planks connected by four pieces of dowel in holes drilled at irregular intervals along the sides of the boards.

In the illustration, attachment of the lid in adult coffins was by means of 10 nails, one above the shoulder, one right through it, and three below. At St. Mary’s this was not found to be the case, with most adult coffin lids attached by six nails, one above the

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shoulder and two below on each side. This was also the case for all of the children’s hexagonal coffins that were preserved well enough for this data to be seen.

Construction of the rectangular coffins seems to have been much simpler, with the base cut to size, the head and footboards attached, the sides attached to this and then sealed with a lid. These rectangular coffins were the most poorly preserved on the site, which meant that only limited analysis of them could be carried out. Often these were made of very thin wood (some of the smaller examples appearing to be nothing more than tree bark), which makes it difficult for any solid conclusions to be made on the construction methods employed in their creation.

Due to time and financial constraints, detailed analysis of the wood from the coffins was not possible, although some observations were made on the actual fabric of the coffins.

The first point here is that the hexagonal coffins recovered were preserved much better than the rectangular coffins, with these often having completely deteriorated. For the hexagonal coffins, the wood used in the planks ranged in thickness from 20mm in some children’s coffins to 25-30mm thick in most adult coffins (save the B78 example given earlier). Also mentioned previously, some of the smaller rectangular coffins appear to have been nothing more than boxes constructed of extremely thin wood or even bark.

Following the completion of the coffin container for each design, the coffins were fitted with grips (handles) and decorated by various means. These features were also noted at

St. Mary’s, and description of these will be carried out later in this chapter.

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As mentioned earlier, the coffins found were of two designs, the traditional hexagonal

‘pinch-toed’ coffin, and rectangular casket style coffins. The hexagonal design was the most commonly used for burials at the St. Mary’s site, accounting for 49 (69%) of the coffins that were excavated from the site, as is illustrated in Chart 5.1.2.

40

30

20

60

50

10

0

Hexagonal

Coffin Shape

Rectangular

Chart 5.1.2: Coffin shapes excavated at St. Mary’s.

The use of hexagonal coffins for most of the burials on the site, and the limited number of rectangular coffins excavated, fits with what Blakely and Beck (1982:189) and Reeve and Adams (1993:77-80) have written on the period, with hexagonal coffins the most commonly used in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

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2

0

6

4

12

10

8

20

18

16

14

Hexagonal

Rectangular

Age of Individual

Chart 5.1.3: Coffin shape by age of burial.

Chart 5.1.3 illustrates the distribution of the two coffin shapes used at St. Mary’s according to the differing ages of the individuals buried there. As expected, given the data from Chart 5.1.1, the highest number of coffins is for children who died under five years of age. Significantly, this group also features the highest number of rectangular coffins, accounting for almost all of the examples of this coffin shape excavated from

St. Mary’s. However, this agrees with the information on children’s graves from the St.

Thomas Churchyard in Belleville Canada, where the ratio of rectangular to hexagonal coffins for children was much larger than for adults (McKillop 1995:82). Nevertheless, the closeness between the numbers of each coffin shape used for individuals up to ten years of age at St. Mary’s (30 hexagonal to 20 rectangular) also agrees with McKillop’s

(1995:82) conclusion that coffin shape alone cannot be used as a means of identifying children’s burials.

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35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

Hexagonal

Rectangular

Male Female

Sex of Burial

Unidentified

Chart 5.1.4: Coffin shape by sex of burial.

In Chart 5.1.4 the distribution of the two coffin shapes between the sexes is shown, demonstrating that no particular coffin shape was used for male versus female burials.

The ratio of usage for both coffin shapes for both sexes is around 3:1 hexagonal to rectangular (31:9 for identified male burials and 11:4 for identified female burials). This demonstrates that coffin shape cannot be used at St. Mary’s to infer the sex of the individual buried in it. The ratio between the two coffin shapes for the burials that could not have a sex identified from the skeletal remains was reversed (7:9 hexagonal to rectangular), although these coffins were from individuals who were buried at under five years of age, a category that was discussed in greater detail earlier.

Coffin Handles

The burials excavated from St. Mary’s were found to have been buried in either rectangular or hexagonal shaped coffins, but the fittings and decorations applied to each were much more varied across the site. Handles (or grips) were the primary fitting attached to a coffin, and many of the coffins recovered from St. Mary’s featured

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handles. In the majority of cases these were very poorly preserved, often being nothing more than large conglomerations of iron oxide and soil. However, this is useful as it shows that the majority of handles used were made of iron. This suggests that they were relatively inexpensive in comparison to those made of a more expensive metal, such as brass, which seems logical for fittings used in a pauper graveyard.

Figure 5.1.3: Coffin handle mounting plate from B80 featuring winged Cherub design.

Given the poor preservation of the handles, few conclusions can be drawn as to their design features. Of the recovered handles, only those from three coffins offered any information on the various designs used at St. Mary’s. The handles of B83 were encased in iron oxide concretion, although one such concretion was broken and showed the handle itself to be of a ‘twisted rope’ design, with a flaky green coating on the outside

(likely to be copper oxide) showing they might have been brass coated. B80, the coffin of an infant, featured four handles, and one of these was well preserved enough to show the pressed iron grip plate for the handle which featured two winged cherubs (shown in

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Figure 5.1.3), a design common to late nineteenth century children’s burials (McKillop

1995:80-86). Another child’s burial, B35, featured handles that seemed to be little more than poorly shaped rods of iron attached to two loops on a thin metal sheet (Figure

5.1.4).

Figure 5.1.4: Iron coffin handle of B35

A third child’s coffin with distinctive handles is B69, which are distinctive for the fact they may not be handles at all. Nothing remained of the metal used besides an oxide stain in the soil, but rather than an ovular stain on the side of the coffin, the wood was marked by four X’s, two to each side (Figure 5.1.5).

It is possible that these were the grip plates for the handles attached to the coffin, or possibly simply a metallic decoration attached to the sides. Given the limited amount of metallic oxide staining in the soil and to the coffin, the second possibility seems most likely, although lack of material information prevents either from being confirmed.

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Figure 5.1.5: The sideboard of B69, showing the X-shaped oxide stains

The majority of handles were attached to the sideboards by two nails hammered through the grip plate, although there was an exception. The handles of B23 were attached by pins that would appear to be part of the actual handle, pushed through holes drilled into the side of the coffin. These pins were then bent over, fastening the handle to the coffin.

However, this means of attaching the handles was only found on one coffin, the rest seem to have been attached by nails.

Figure 5.1.6: X-Rays of iron handle conglomerations from St. Mary’s.

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These handles, in conjunction with information gained through x-ray of some other conglomerations (Figure 5.1.6), show that the swing-bail handle design (with the bail used to lift connected to two lugs that are in turn attached to the coffin) was the most commonly used fitting for coffins at St. Mary’s.

Despite the fact that little design information could be recovered from the handles used at St. Mary’s, information regarding the number of handles used per coffin was recovered and was used to draw some conclusions about the collection. At the site, the coffins recovered had no handles fitted, or were fitted with four or six handles (Chart

5.1.5).

20

15

10

5

0

35

30

25

0 4

Number of Handles

6

Chart 5.1.5: Number of handles fitted to coffins at St. Mary’s

As discussed earlier, this shows that the majority of the coffins from St. Mary’s were fitted with handles, and of those that featured handles it was more common that they had four handles rather than six, with six handles being the ‘standard’ numbers of handles fitted to coffins in this period (Reeve and Adams 1993:78-83).

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Chart 5.1.6 shows the number of handles attached to the coffin against the age of the individual that was buried in it. This shows that there is a correlation between the number of handles fitted to a coffin and the age of the individual buried in it at St.

Mary’s.

As the chart shows, a coffin without handles or with only four handles is more likely to be from a child’s burial (that is, an individual up to ten years of age) than it is to be from an adult burial, as the under 11 age bracket accounts for 18 (95%) of the coffins with no handles and 28 (90%) of the four-handled coffins. Conversely, a coffin that has had six handles fitted is more likely to have come from an adult burial, as 17 of 23 (74%) coffins featuring six handles were from adult burials. However, anomalies to this conclusion can be seen in the chart, most noticeably the un-handled coffin in the 21-30 year age group and the six six-handled coffins for individuals under five years of age.

14

12

10

8

6

4

2

0

0 Handles

4 Handles

6 Handles

Number of Burials

Chart 5.1.6: Number of coffin handles against age of individual

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The number of handles on a coffin compared to the sex of the individual buried in it is shown in Chart 5.1.7. This reflects the male bias of the collection as discussed earlier in this chapter and, as such, it is not possible to say that the number of handles attached to a coffin reveals the sex of the individual interred within it. However, this chart does support similar conclusions as Chart 5.1.6, as all of the individuals for whom sex could not be assigned were less than five years of age, and this chart shows that among these individuals not one featured a coffin fitted with six handles.

14

12

10

8

6

4

2

0

20

18

16

0 Handles

4 Handles

6 Handles

Male Female Unidentified

Sex of Individual

Chart 5.1.7: Number of coffin handles by sex of individual

Another interesting comparison between the two fields of data is that between the number of handles fitted to a coffin and the shape of the coffin, as given in Chart 5.1.8.

70

25

20

15

10

5

Hexagonal

Rectangular

0

0 4

Number of Handles

6

Chart 5.1.8: Number of coffin handles against shape of coffin.

This chart shows that no rectangular coffins excavated from St. Mary’s featured six handles, instead they all featured four handles or none; while the hexagonal coffins were much more likely to have four or six handles as opposed to none at all. Comparing this with the data given earlier on coffin shape, it can be argued that a coffin featuring six handles is more likely to be from an adult burial than a child’s. However as with coffin shape, the number of handles fitted to a coffin cannot be used directly as an indicator of the age of the individual buried within it, but this data shows that it may be a good guide in helping to determine the age of the buried individual.

Breast Plates

Another of the more ‘standard’ coffin fittings in the 19 th

century was a breast plate.

Attached to the lid of the coffin, these were made of pressed metal and featured biographical information on the individual, such as their name, age, and date of death.

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Figure 5.1.7: Lid to coffin of B79 showing decoration, stain from breast plate

at centre.

For the burials at St. Mary’s, the majority of the breast plates were so poorly preserved that no biographical information could be recovered from them. There were, however, two burials where some lettering could be made out on the remaining fragments of metal. The breast plate of B57 was marked with ‘_BI___EAR_’, while that of B71 featured the lettering ‘_OWE___EMO_’. Comparison to the list of individuals known to be buried in the pauper section finds that none of the names feature these sequences of letters, however it is quite possible that they are from other pieces of text from the plates. Given their fragmentary status, retrieval of any meaningful data in terms of burial identification is difficult, if not impossible.

10

5

0

25

20

15

40

35

30

None Iron

Metal Used

Tin

Chart 5.1.9: Coffin breast plates used at St. Mary’s

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Chart 5.1.9 shows the use of breast plates on the coffins at St. Mary’s. Interestingly, it shows that 37 (52%) of the St. Mary’s coffins did not feature breast plates. Of those that did have a breast plate, two types of metal were used in their manufacture: tin and iron.

The use of tin to make breast plates for the St. Mary’s coffins was slightly more common, although the difference is very small (18 tin plates to 16 iron).

25

20

15

10

5

None

Iron

Tin

0

<1 1-5 6-10 11-20 21-30 31-40 41-50 51-60 60+

Age of Burial

Chart 5.1.10: Ages of burials compared to incidence of breast plates

Chart 5.1.10 shows the distribution of breast plates and manufacturing materials among the varying ages of burials that were excavated at St. Mary’s. Once again, the high number of burials under the age of ten years is evident, although this does not affect any of the conclusions that can be drawn from the data. This chart shows that individuals who died under one year of age often did not have breast plates on their coffins, as the ratio of burials without breast plates to those that featured them is much larger then for

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any other age grouping (1.6:1, with the 41-50 age bracket being the only other group where the ratio is larger than 1:1). The most significant piece of information that can be drawn from this chart is the higher use of tin in breast plate manufacture for individuals under ten years of age, whereas for individuals over ten years of age iron plates become more common and less tin plates where excavated. As tin plates would have been more expensive than iron (as discussed earlier), this may be an indicator of a desire to spend more on the burial of children than adults.

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

Rectangular

Hexagonal

None Iron

Metal used in Breast Plate

Tin

Chart 5.1.11: Coffin shape against presence and material of breast plate

The conclusion that the coffin of a child under ten years of age is more likely to have a tin breast plate than iron is also reflected in the information presented in chart 5.1.11.

This shows a higher number of tin plates on rectangular coffins than hexagonal, and as discussed earlier rectangular coffins were used in greater numbers for the burial of children rather than adults at St. Mary’s.

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Decorative Border Strips and External Fabric Lining

Another of the more common decorations found on the coffins at St. Mary’s was the strips of metal along the edges of the coffin used as decoration, commonly known as

‘lace’ (Reeve and Adams 1993:86). As discussed in chapter 4, these strips of metal were designed to look like rows of upholstery pins, and were commonly used as a means of attaching a fabric lining to the exterior of the coffin.

At St. Mary’s, the recovered examples of this were all found to be made from pressed tin, the same as many of the breast plates. Unfortunately, as with many of the other metallic decorations fitted to the coffins, often all that was left was a white stain on the coffin and small heavily oxidized fragments of the metal itself. A few larger pieces of the lace were recovered, and all featured one of two designs, either two rows of ovular depressions bordered by straight lines; or a single line surrounded by linear decoration.

Figure 5.1.8: Fabric lining from B78 showing stain from twin row lace design (left); and fragments of single row lace design from B51 (right).

Of the 71 burials excavated from St. Mary’s, 29 featured these decorative border strips, or 41% of the collection. Interestingly B82, the coffin of an 18-month male, did not feature any metal used for this style of decoration. Rather, a white line was painted around the coffin in the same style as the lace had it been attached. Upon excavation

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this was initially thought to be a stain from oxidizing metal (as with many other examples), though subsequent examination has shown that the lines were actually painted on. This coffin was one of the more highly decorated infant coffins recovered on the site, and the reason for painting the design rather than using actual metal is not known. It is possible that the cost saved from this may have allowed for money to be spent on other aspects of the coffin or burial.

Another aspect of external coffin decoration that is tied closely to the application of lace to the coffin is external fabric lining. As discussed in chapter 4, this was the attachment of coloured fabric to the outside of the coffin in order to cover the wood it was constructed from. At St. Mary’s, very few of the coffins found retained any evidence of having an external fabric lining (see Chart 5.1.12).

45

40

35

30

25

20

15

10

5

0

No Lace/No

Lining

No

Lace/Fabric

Lining

Lace/No

Lining

Lace/Fabric

Lining

Painted

'Lace'/No

Lining

Categories of Lace and External Fabric Lining

Chart 5.1.12: Different combinations of lace and exterior fabric lining found at St.

Mary’s

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Chart 5.1.12 shows the various combinations of metallic lace and external fabric linings found at St. Mary’s. Importantly it shows that 39 (or 55%) of the excavated coffins featured no lace or external lining, and it is in this that the first real evidence of expenditure on coffin decoration at the site is indicated. This is due to the fact that the lace and fabric lining decorations for the coffin were ‘optional’: that is, they were not basic items to be fitted to a coffin.

Other interesting data presented in this chart are the comparisons between the numbers of coffins that featured lace but no lining and those that featured both. The chart indicates that the number of coffins featuring both lining and lace is low when compared to those that only featured lace, an interesting fact given that the basic purpose of the lace is to attach the fabric to the outside of the coffin. However the presence of the coffin featuring the painted ‘lace’ may be an indicator that the lace itself was considered an important aspect of coffin decoration and was highly desirable, which may explain the high number of coffins with lace and no fabric lining.

Also interesting to note is that of the seven coffins found that did feature an external fabric lining, only five of these featured lace. Given the point raised in the previous paragraph on the use of lace to attach the liner, the fact that no lace was found on two of these coffins is hard to understand. What might be seen here is an example of

‘either/or’, where the money being spent on the burial would only cover the cost of a fabric lining or metallic lace, and therefore only a fabric lining was attached. This theory also agrees with that of the previous paragraph, that given the choice between lace or fabric lining, lace would seem to have been the more popular choice.

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A possibility here that cannot be dismissed is that the fabric lining itself had deteriorated to the point that no evidence of it could be found upon excavation. This explanation would also explain the high numbers of coffins without liners. However given the time and attention spent on excavating each burial this seems unlikely.

Figure 5.1.9: Fragment of external fabric lining from B53a.

For the coffins that did feature external fabric liners, only two different colours of lining were found. Six of the burials featured a black fabric lining, while B53a featured a red lining. The material lining on B53a was preserved much better than any of the other coffin liners, and appears to have been made from a thicker, better quality material.

To summarise this aspect of the St. Mary’s coffins, the important information to take from these results is that more than half of the coffins did not feature either of the forms of decoration, and of those that did feature them only four of the 71 coffins featured the

‘ideal’ arrangement of a liner attached with metallic strips to the exterior of the coffin.

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Lid Motifs

Another form of decoration common to nineteenth century coffins was the application of lid motifs. These were pressed metal plates that were (as the name suggests) attached to the lid of the coffin. Commonly, two were attached, one at the head end and another at the foot end; and as with the other categories of pressed metal decoration these ranged in cost based on the type of metal from which the plate was manufactured.

At St. Mary’s only seven of the 71 burials excavated featured lid motifs, or just under

10% of the total number of coffins recovered. Five of the seven burials which featured lid motifs were hexagonal coffins of adult burials (one individual was a female in her late teens), while the remaining two coffins were both of children under five years of age, one hexagonal and one rectangular. In all cases, the metallic plates of the motifs were made of tin and have not survived, and the only evidence of their existence was a white stain on the wood of the coffin lid (as with many cases of the lace).

Figure 5.1.10: Head end of coffin from B79, showing stains from decorative lace and

lid motif

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Based on the materials recovered from the site, the attachment of lid motifs to coffins was not a common practice at the St. Mary’s pauper graveyard. This may be due to the fact that these were also ‘optional’ fixtures, and the expense of fitting them may have outweighed the desire to purchase them. On those coffins that did feature the motifs, the metal used was the cheaper pressed tin that was used in other decorative metallic coffin fixtures. These two points once again illustrate a certain level of expenditure put into decorating the coffins.

At St. Mary’s, four different designs of lid motif were identified. As mentioned earlier, the actual plates themselves had not survived, and all that was left behind was a stain on the lid of the coffin where the plate had been attached. Even so, the stains themselves showed that a range of designs was used for lid motifs, as illustrated in figure 5.1.11.

These four designs were found on the three different adult hexagonal coffins, and were the only stains from lid motifs that could have their shape identified. Type A was featured on the head ends of B79 and B73, type B at the foot end of B73, type C at the foot end of B79 and head end of B23, and type D at the foot end of B23. The fact that motif designs A and C were used across two coffins is interesting as it shows that the burials either happened at around the same time, or that these plate designs were used over the whole period the cemetery was in use.

What is also interesting about these plates is that it seems there was no set way they were meant to be attached, for instance type C was found on B23 at the head end pointing upwards, while it was also on B79 but at the foot end pointing downwards.

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Figure 5.1.11: Oxide stains of lid motifs found at St. Mary’s

For children’s coffins it seems that less decorative motifs were used, with the only identifiable shapes being found on B71, and consisting of a rectangular shape at the head end and a triangular stain at the foot end.

Escutcheons

Another type of decoration found attached to some of the coffins at St. Mary’s were escutcheons. These were also pressed metal plates that could be attached anywhere on the coffin, to decorate it even further.

At St. Mary’s, very few examples of escutcheons were found. As with the lid motifs, only seven of the 71 excavated coffins featured escutcheons, and in all cases these were made of iron. Each of the seven burials featuring escutcheons had two, with one attached on both of the end boards, a place that was commonly used for positioning of decorative handles (Reeve and Adams 1993:78-83). These would have looked like smaller versions of the handles mounted to the sideboards, although their purpose was more for decoration than for use, and it is unlikely that they could have been used to lift the coffins.

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The fact that the St. Mary’s escutcheons were all made from iron and their positions on the coffins suggests that this is what the majority of these had been used for. As with the other iron materials recovered from the site, the preservation of many of these escutcheons was poor, and as such no in depth analysis of their design could be carried out. However, B57 featured the best example of an escutcheon recovered from the site, and this was indeed a simple iron handle attached to the footboard of the coffin.

Figure 5.1.12: Lower half of B57, showing escutcheon attached to footboard.

The coffins featuring the escutcheons were all from adult burials and hexagonal coffins, save for B28, which was a teenager buried in a rectangular coffin. As with the other

‘non-essential’ coffin fittings, it would seem that escutcheons were more commonly fitted to hexagonal coffins and used for adult burials. Five of the burials were of males and two were female, however this closely matches the ratio of 3:1 for identified male and female burials from the site, and as such it can’t be used to show that there was a higher usage of escutcheons for male burials.

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Nails, Tacks and Screws

The final aspect of the coffins that affected the outside appearance were the nails used for coffin construction; and the screws or tacks used to decorate them.

The nails used in the construction of the coffins from St. Mary’s, a process described in detail earlier in this chapter, were all made from iron. As with much of the ferrous material recovered from the site these were often poorly preserved, and as this was a time when many methods of nail manufacture were in use (Wells 2000:321:327), detailed examination of some of the better preserved examples was unable to identify the manufacturing techniques used in their production.

Figure 5.1.13: Selection of nails used in coffin construction from St. Mary’s.

Very few decorative tacks and screws were recovered from the coffins at St. Mary’s.

Only six burials were found to have featured decorative tacks, in all cases made from copper. On five of the coffins only one tack was found, while one burial featured two;

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extremely low numbers of these items given their sole purpose of decorating the coffin, but somewhat understandable for a pauper’s graveyard given the other limited forms of decoration discussed in this chapter. The five coffins featuring one tack each were all of individuals who died under ten years of age (four of them under one year of age), while the other was the burial of a 35 year old male. While it is difficult to draw any conclusions about the use of these tacks as coffin decoration at St. Mary’s, given the low number of them that were recovered, it would appear that they were more commonly used on coffins for children’s burials than those used for adults.

Figure 5.1.14: Heads of coffin tacks from B54.

Few examples of coffin screws were found, with only eight burials featuring these at the site. Properly called thumbscrews, these were used instead of nails to attach the lid to the sideboards of the coffin. At St. Mary’s, only one definite example of purpose-made decorative thumbscrews was found (on B73), while the other examples seem to be construction screws used for the same purpose. The difference was primarily in the designs of screws used, with only the screws from B73 featuring decorative heads

(although badly corroded), while all the others were standard construction screws. Also varied were the materials used, with the screws from five of the burials made of iron, two made from copper, while those of B73 were made from the same tin used on other

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coffin fixtures and decorations. Unlike the tacks, however, there was no single age grouping that seemed to feature thumbscrews more than another, with four coming from burials of individuals over 30 years of age and the remaining four from burials of individuals under five years of age.

Separate from these categories, but extremely significant, was a bolt found between

B25a and B25b, a neonate and six-month old male respectively. This bolt was found connecting the base of B25a to the lid of B25b, suggesting a connection between the individuals. Most likely this connection would have been as family, but a search of the known burials from St. Mary’s does not indicate any such relationship occurring where both individuals would have been buried at a time close enough to each other that joining them in such a way would have been possible. As such, this bolt and the purpose served by joining the two coffins remains a mystery, as no other examples of this practice have been found in the literature.

Coffin Interiors

The final aspect of coffin fitting and decoration to be examined is the work carried out on the interior of the coffin, and evidence exists for some of the St. Mary’s coffins having work carried out on the interior prior to burial.

The most common interior coffin work was the sealing of the joints between the sideboards and the base with pitch to prevent the leaking of body fluids from the decomposing corpse.

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Figure 5.1.15: Base of B73 showing pitch-sealed joints.

At St. Mary’s a total of 14 of the coffins that were excavated had remnants of the pitch used to seal them on the inside, and in all cases these were hexagonal coffins. The majority of the tar sealed coffins excavated were those of adults, with ten of the 14 burials from individuals who were ten years or older, and eight of these over the age of thirty. This would seem to show that it was more common for adults to be buried in pitch sealed coffins than children at St. Mary’s, however it was more likely in most cases that the coffin would be left unsealed regardless of the age of the individual being buried in it.

Another means of dealing with the fluids from the decomposing bodies that was found in the St. Mary’s coffins was the spreading of a layer of sawdust on the base of the coffin. Three coffins at St. Mary’s were found to have had sawdust laid down on the base: two adult burials and another of an individual aged between six and nine months.

Interestingly, the two adult burials featured the sawdust in addition to being sealed with pitch. Combined with the information on pitch sealing, this indicates that there may have been more effort to stop the body fluids leaking from adult coffins than those of children for burials at St. Mary’s.

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The final example of interior fittings found at St. Mary’s was fabric lining. One example of this was found, consisting of fragments of a heavily stained, dark coloured coarse fabric found with B78, which had also been pitch sealed. The fragments were very small and poorly preserved, but their presence showed that for at least one burial effort had been put into decorating the inside of the coffin. On the whole, however, it would seem that decoration of the interior of the coffins at St. Mary’s was not a priority.

Personal Items

The final category of non-skeletal material to be examined from the site is the personal items recovered. This category refers to any non-skeletal materials excavated that can be directly related to a burial but were not a component of the coffin.

By far the most common personal items found were buttons from clothing of the individuals. In all a total of 60 buttons were recovered from 17 burials at the site, of three different varieties: shell, glass, and copper. The 39 glass buttons found provided the bulk of the buttons collected. All were basic and undecorated, white, and either two- or four-holed, with diameters ranging from 9.5 to 12 millimetres. Seventeen simple shell (possibly mother of pearl) buttons were also recovered, also either two- or fourholed, although these ranged in diameter from 7.5 to 11 millimetres. Four copper coat buttons were recovered from two burials, three from B6 alone, with diameters of either

15 or 17 millimetres.

Due to the lack of variation in button design and decoration on any examples found, they are not particularly useful in dating individual burials. For instance, shell buttons

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found here were used throughout the whole nineteenth century and well into the twentieth (Bray 1979: 115).

Figure 5.1.16: Copper and glass buttons from B6.

Pins were another item found that served a purpose similar to the buttons, in that they fastened the fabric the individual was buried in. In the case of the pins, however they were used to secure burial shrouds rather than clothing around the body of the individual. At St. Mary’s, two different designs of shroud pin were recovered, regular dressmakers pins and safety pins. Ten dressmakers pins were recovered from burials at the site, all made from copper, while four safety pins were recovered, three made from copper and one of iron. The majority of the burials from which shroud pins were recovered were of individuals under one year of age, although pins were also found in

B61 and B75, those of a 40-45 year old woman and a 5-6 year old male respectively.

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The placement of the pins within the excavated burials provides a good indication of how they had been used to fasten the shrouds. From the placements of the dressmakers pins recovered in B30 and B75 and the safety pins from B53a, it can be seen that the shroud was wrapped around the body from behind, and fastened along the top at roughly the centre.

Figure 5.1.17: Safety pins from B53a (left), and early twentieth century catalogue illustration showing safety pins of similar design (Clow et.al. 2000:425).

The safety pins are one of the few items that could be used to provide a date for the burial of an individual, as different safety pin designs were introduced at different times.

The iron safety pin was too badly corroded for any meaningful dating information to be recovered, but at least one of the copper safety pins from B53a matches a design patented in the United States in 1900 (Clow et. al. 2000:425-426).

Besides these items, very few items that can be regarded as personal were found with burials at St. Mary’s. B84 featured a cluster of small glass beads 4.5 millimetres in diameter, possibly the remains of jewellery or a religious item such as rosary beads, although this seems unlikely given that St. Mary’s is an Anglican church.

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One of the more interesting personal finds that was excavated at St. Mary’s was a set of dentures found with B84, a 40 to 45 year old female. Unfortunately, these dentures provided little in the way of dating information as they were of a design common in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and the vulcanised rubber from which they were made was also commonly used for the manufacture of dentures in this period

(Weledniger and Zerounian 2002). However these dentures do give some indication of the economic status of the individual with whom they were buried, as vulcanised rubber dentures were relatively inexpensive in this period, which may be a good indicator of the economic status of B84.

Figure 5.1.18: Personal items from B83; a pocket watch (left) and pencil (right).

B83 was the only other burial besides those already mentioned to feature any material that can be considered to be of personal nature, with fragments of the sleeves from a garment surviving which contained a pocket watch and the remains of a lead pencil. It was initially thought that the watch could be used for dating and possibly identifying the burial, but efforts to examine the watch showed that it was extremely fragile. Detailed examination of the watch would have resulted in its destruction, and, given the Church’s

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desire to rebury the watch intact with its original owner, closer examination was not undertaken.

Visual examination of the watch showed it to be made of brass or copper (given the high amounts of copper oxide that now coat the watch), and that it featured a crown winding mechanism. No decoration around the edge of the watch could be discerned in areas where the oxide had come away from the metal. During the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries such watches were extremely common, as such designs were mass-produced. Given this fact, and the material from which it was constructed, it is safe to say that this was a relatively cheap pocket watch for the time as more expensive examples would have been made of different materials (i.e. gold) and more elaborate design (Bogoff 2002, Moser and Moser 1999). As such, the pocket watch gives very little in the way of dating information but provides some information of the economic status of the individual with whom it was buried. A complete list of materials excavated from St. Mary’s can be seen in appendix 2.

5.2 Spatial Analysis

This section considers the arrangement of the St. Mary’s cemetery and how the pauper graveyard fits into the overall picture of the churchyard landscape. As discussed in

Chapter 4 it will look at this on two levels: firstly on a larger scale looking at how the pauper section relates to the church and the other marked sections of the cemetery; and secondly within the pauper section itself to see what spatial arrangements were used for and between individual burials.

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The pauper graveyard as part of St. Mary’s Churchyard

The cemetery at the St. Mary’s church takes up much of the churchyard, completely surrounding the church structure itself. The cemetery has been used for burials from the time the church was founded up until the present day, and the use of this space for burials has been altered over time.

The first sections used for burials are in the southwestern and south-south-eastern areas of the churchyard (see Figure 5.2.1). In these areas, burials were first interred in the

1850s, including the family plot for the Daw family, significant in the development of the area and the church itself (Jose 1937:14; Hilliard 1986:12). Burials in these areas are

‘south headed’; that is they are oriented north-south with the head of the individual at the southern end of the grave.

These were the primary areas used for the early burials interred at the church, although from the 1870s onwards an area of similar alignment on the southwestern edge of the front of the churchyard was also used, close to the Daw plots. These areas were used for burials until the 1920s, when the northern half of the churchyard was opened for burials.

Here the cemetery changes significantly, with the orientation changing from ‘south headed’ to ‘west headed’: east-west oriented burials with the head to the west. This is a common arrangement for Anglican cemeteries (Clow et. al. 2000:458; Bachmann and

Catts 1990:59; Boore 1986a:213; Parrington 1987:62; Watters 1994:60).

The northern area has been the primary place for burials in the churchyard in the years since, although there are 1950s burials situated close to the Daw plots and recent graves

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along the south-western boundary of the churchyard, both groups which have followed the orientation of the previous burials in the area.

Figure 5.2.1: Map of St. Mary’s churchyard, showing the church structure, marked graveyard sections, and areas of archaeological investigation

(shaded grey).

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The pauper cemetery was used for much of the early period of the church, from its opening to the last known burial in the area in 1927. It is situated at what has always been the rear of the churchyard, on the eastern side of the structure. Archaeological excavation uncovered graves extending back to the remains of the former back fence line of the churchyard, the easternmost boundary of the cemetery. In this section the burials were, for the most part, ‘east headed’. This is completely opposite to what is regarded as the traditional Anglican method as discussed in the previous paragraph, and is the method employed in the marked northern portion of the cemetery.

So to summarise, the church has been arranged into three separate areas of orientation: the south headed orientation of the southern areas of the churchyard, the west headed orientation of the northern area, and the east headed pauper section in the east.

Spatial analysis of the pauper section

In each of the two marked areas featuring different orientation of burials, the burial plots have been arranged into grids. The southern area of the churchyard has been divided into 13 rows of burials and contains around 300 plots, while the northern marked section has been divided into 19 rows and contains around 350 plots. As can be expected, given the orientation of the burials discussed earlier in this chapter, the grid in the southern area is arranged running parallel to the western fence and in the northern area it runs parallel to the northern fence. The only place in these sections of the cemetery where burials are arranged outside of the grid system is in the Daw family plots, which is most likely as a result of them being among the earliest burials in the cemetery, having been interred prior to the establishment of the grid system.

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The excavation of the pauper section has shown that it, too, was arranged according to a grid system, although due to the fact that the cemetery was unmarked adhering to this grid system may have proven difficult. The pauper section has been divided into rows running north-south, parallel to the northern fence.

Figure 5.2.2: Map of rear of churchyard, showing location of pauper section grave pits.

Archaeological evidence shows that there were at least two rows of burials that appear to have been completed (i.e. all the available space had been used) and that a third and fourth row, closest to the church and the other marked sections of the cemetery, had also been used but not filled by the time the pauper cemetery was no longer used for burials in 1927. These rows can be made out quite easily in Figures 5.2.2 and 5.2.3, and their relationship to the church and other marked sections can also be seen.

However, there seem to be some anomalies to this grid system that can be seen here.

Firstly, in between the first two rows of burials from the back fence, it appears that

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some burials are between the two rows, although closer to the top row (see Figure

5.2.3). These burials seem to overlap one another, and may be evidence that the initial grid system that was originally in place was later forgotten. Thus, as the cemetery was unmarked, burials occurred in roughly the same place.

Figure 5.2.3: Map of Pauper section showing possible grave rows, with overlapping burials shaded grey.

Also, there are at least two areas of the cemetery that were used for high-density

‘cluster’ burials. Here it seems that the grid system imposed on the rest of the pauper section was only roughly adhered to, and that as many burials as possible were crammed into the one area. In the northern cluster area the remains of nine infants were recovered, while in the southern cluster five adult burials and one child burial were excavated (Figure 5.2.4).

While these areas do show some attempt at continuing the grid system, they both feature overlapping burials, and much less space between individual burials than in the other parts of the unmarked section. What appears to be a third cluster, also situated in the

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northern excavation area, is actually an area of graves that was heavily disturbed by tree roots, thus making it difficult to delineate individual grave shafts.

Figure 5.2.4: Map of the pauper section with cluster burials shaded grey.

Several of the grave pits discovered at St. Mary’s featured multiple, or stacked burials.

In a stacked burial (as the name suggests) the remains of two or more individuals were buried in the same grave pit. At St. Mary’s, ten multiple burials were excavated, eight containing the remains of two individuals and the remaining two containing three burials. The majority of the individuals buried in these stacked burials were individuals ten years of age and under when they died, with only four of the individuals having been adult burials.

These multiple burials may be evidence of three things occurring in the pauper section.

These may either be family groupings, where members of the same family were buried in the same plot; or evidence of the re-use of space in the cemetery; or possibly communal graves for individuals who died from a contagious disease (Noël Hume

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1997:213). The cluster of infant burials may well be a case of the latter, or possibly abandoned or unwanted children.

To summarise this aspect of the spatial analysis of the St. Mary’s pauper graveyard, it can be seen that the burial of individuals in this part of the cemetery was organised systematically, and although it was left unmarked there must have been some record kept on how the cemetery was arranged, either mentally by the individuals assigned to excavating the burial pits in this section or recorded by the church in a document that has since been lost. It also illustrates that space was an issue in the cemetery, with some sections featuring a higher density of burials than others.

Arrangement of individual burials within the pauper section

As discussed earlier, the majority of the burials in the pauper cemetery were arranged east-west, with the head of the individual at the eastern end of the coffin. However, there are a couple of examples of burials being arranged the other way around, that is with their head to the western end of the grave pit. B76 and B55, the remains of a sixmonth old male and a newborn male respectively, were found with their heads at the western end of the grave. Given the facts that this area was arranged according to a grid system, and also that there are no examples of this ‘reverse orientation’ in the marked sections (save the Daw family plots as discussed earlier), this change in orientation within the pauper section is quite peculiar and difficult to understand. It is a possibility that they were interred at a later or earlier date than the other burials in the pauper section, but given the fact that they are arranged into the grid system with no sign of overlapping other burials, this would not appear to be the case.

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As with the orientation of the burials, the depth of the grave pits in which the burials were interred was fairly uniform across the site, with only a few not adhering to what seems to be the set formula. Nearly all of the burials at St. Mary’s were buried in pits that were around six feet deep, with one exception. B55, the newborn male buried with a different orientation to the rest of the pauper section, was found buried in a very shallow grave dug only 25 centimetres deep from the nineteenth century surface level to the bottom of the grave pit. Combined with the different orientation of the burial, this makes B55 a very interesting case, and raises questions about the church’s knowledge of the burial having been interred there.

The final aspect of the orientation of individual burials from St. Mary’s that is examined here is the position of the body in the coffin.

All of the individuals recovered from St. Mary’s were buried in extended supine positions, that is, lying flat on their backs (Powell et. al. 1997:262-263). While there was no variation in the burials recovered from St. Mary’s in this particular category, there was some variation in how the individuals’ arms and hands had been arranged. Of the 71 burials recovered the majority were found to have been laid to rest with their arms and hands positioned alongside their body, with only three examples of a different arrangement found at the site. B57 (an adult male) was found with his hands laying on his hips; while B5 and B6 (adults, female and male respectively) were found with their left arm by their side, and their right forearm lying across the region of their stomach.

As for the feet and legs of the individuals, most individuals were found with both lying side by side, as would be expected. Only one burial does not fit this profile: B11 (an

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infant female) whose right lower leg had been bent at a right angle at the knee so that it crossed over the left knee. B11 is an anomaly, however, and all other burials were found with both legs side by side.

Figure 5.2.5: Illustration of B61, showing the common arrangement of burials excavated at St. Mary’s.

Another interesting (though gruesome) aspect of the arrangement of the lower limbs is evidence that at least two individuals may have had their legs at least moved and possibly even broken to fit into the coffin. The bones from the feet of adult male B73 were found abnormally high in the coffin (about halfway along the tibias) suggesting they may have been broken; and the legs of B59, also an adult male, featured fractures in both femurs and the right tibia. These fractures are possibly evidence of post-mortem manipulation of the bodies, although they may also have occurred prior to the death of the individual. However, the breaking of bones to fit individuals into undersize coffins was not uncommon at the time, and this therefore cannot be discounted.

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Chapter 6: Discussion

The primary aim of research undertaken in this thesis is to investigate whether the materials excavated from the St. Mary’s Anglican Churchyard give any indication as to attitudes towards the death and burial of paupers in colonial South Australia. To do this, it is necessary to discuss the data presented in the previous chapter in terms of a range of social and economic issues, as outlined in Chapter 2. Through this, it will be possible to understand what the St. Mary’s cemetery excavation shows about nineteenth century life in colonial South Australia.

In Chapter 2 of this thesis, several theoretical and archaeological debates that can be related to this project were raised, in order to see how the study of the St. Mary’s pauper graveyard fits into the global archaeological picture. This chapter looks at applying the theoretical concepts raised there to the material recovered from the excavations at St.

Mary’s.

The over-riding focus of Chapter 2 was the role of power in society, and how power is distributed among the various individuals and groups that make up a society. Chapter 2 also introduced the concept of power to and power over, and how power can be a positive influence on a society as opposed to the more negative connotations of power that social theorists have had in the past (Miller and Tilley 1984; McGuire and Paynter

1991). The second important issue raised was the concept of ‘Beautification of Death’, the social movement of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries towards a

‘celebration’ of death which included greater spending on funerals and burial hardware, with an emphasis on public visibility (Bell 1990, Elia and Wesolowsky 1991; Little et. al. 1992). The third and final major issue raised in Chapter 2 was the limited amount of

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similar archaeological studies of cemeteries in Australia, with results from such work either never being published, or focussing on the skeletal material at the expense of the material and spatial data (Lowe and Mackay 1992, Austral Archaeology and Godden

Mackay Heritage Consultants 1995).

By breaking down the St. Mary’s data into several categories, it is possible to see how the power structure of the society in which the people buried there worked, how they as individuals and a group fitted into that power structure, and what contributions this study has made to the archaeological investigation of historic period cemeteries in

Australia.

6.1 Social and economic status

One of the significant issues raised in Chapter 2 was the concept that both social and economic status can be represented in nineteenth century Anglican burial practices.

Through the study of style it is possible to infer social and economic status, through both the objects and methods employed as part of burial practices (Dark 1995). For St.

Mary’s, this means the coffin materials used and the spatial arrangement of the cemetery demonstrate both economic and social status of the individuals buried in the pauper section of the cemetery.

The information recovered from the non-skeletal material excavated from St. Mary’s can be considered direct indicators of the social and economic status of the individuals buried there. The coffin material forms the bulk of this information, and the detailed examination of various aspects of coffin construction and decoration found at St.

Mary’s is the best indicator of an individual’s economic status.

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The data presented on the coffin shapes used for burial on the site is a useful source for assigning possible social and economic status, as it is notable that the results of the analysis of this data complies with results from other sites. The high number of hexagonal shaped coffins used for burials as opposed to rectangular coffins mirrors the results of work carried out at the Oakland Cemetery in the United States. Here, as discussed in earlier chapters, the excavated burials were of African-American paupers interred in hexagonal coffins rather than rectangular coffins which, during the periods these burials took place, were more commonly associated with the burial of individuals of higher social and economic status (Blakely and Beck 1982:189). As Oakland was used at the same time as St. Mary’s, it is quite likely that this was also the case here, which may explain the high number of hexagonal coffins used at St. Mary’s. This also fits with what Reeve and Adams (1993:77-80) have concluded from Spitalfields about the use of different coffin shapes for burials of different social and economic status during this period.

In addition to information on coffin shape that was recovered, the decorative materials used on the coffins were also extremely useful in helping to show the economic status of the St. Mary’s burials. Most of the handles from St. Mary’s were made of iron, although some handles from children’s coffins were made of tin. In most cases this iron was left as is with no coating (with the exception of B83 which featured copper oxide on the outside of the handle, suggesting a coating). Although burials from a higher economic class would have had handles made from a more expensive metal (such as brass), ‘standard’ coffin handles during this period were commonly made of cast iron

(Bishop 1978:31), so it is therefore impossible to say that the handles recovered from

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St. Mary’s are representative of those that would have been used solely for pauper burials.

The non-skeletal materials excavated with the burials at St. Mary’s are excellent examples of power to being used by the people of St. Mary’s. As discussed in Chapter

2, the decoration of coffins in the nineteenth century became a lot cheaper and more widespread with the advent of mass production, as basic designs of decoration became readily available in different types of metal (Bell 1990:55; McKillop 1995:92,

Parrington 1987:57-58). This meant that it was possible for people with less money to buy the same design of decoration used by someone who had a lot more money to spend, the only difference being the material used to make it.

Although the results given in Chapter 5 show that the coffins from St. Mary’s were not extravagantly decorated, the fact that they were decorated at all demonstrates that the individuals buried in the pauper section (or their families) did have power: power to decorate their coffins in (at least some of) the same ways as people from the wealthier classes. Through the use of their power to by this emulation of burial practices, the people buried in the pauper section were able to close the class gap between themselves and those of the wealthier classes just a little bit, an opportunity that was more than likely unavailable to them in life.

In contrast to the coffin material data which represents power to, power over is well represented in the spatial information recovered from the St. Mary’s cemetery. The arrangement of the cemetery is the best indicator of this, with individuals of higher social status buried in the front of the churchyard while the paupers were buried at the

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rear. Through this, members of the wealthier classes and ‘significant’ individuals were exercising their power over the paupers buried at the back of the churchyard by ensuring that people would see their graves, thus remembering or commemorating who they were.

At St. Mary’s, the oldest marked graves are in areas where they would be publicly visible. For instance, the Daw family plot (who were a significant family in the development of the St. Mary’s district and the church itself- see Chapter 5) was positioned at the front of the church near the main road (now South Road). This, combined with their grave markers, would have reminded anyone passing the church of who was buried there. The pauper section, however, is located in a part of the churchyard where very few people would have passed and would therefore not be seen.

Given the fact that these graves were also left unmarked, it would seem that there was almost a deliberate attempt to hide the presence of these burials, or possibly to not acknowledge the burial of these people in the churchyard at all.

This is also evident in the difference between grave markers used in these two areas. As discussed in Chapter 2, this was one of the ways in which the class structure of the period was enforced: the wealthier classes would have large publicly visible monuments, while those of the working classes would have small, inexpensive markers, if any at all (McGuire 1988, Loudon 1981). At St. Mary’s there was evidence for possible wooden grave markers (although in most cases these could have been stakes associated with a later garden, as their positions do not completely align with the grave pits); and a possible stone grave marker found near the northern cluster burial, although

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its depth below surface may make this nothing more than a large stone that coincidentally ended up in a grave pit.

As with the manner in which the churchyard was arranged, this meant that people would see the marked graves and the information presented on the markers, while not even noticing the burials to the rear of the church. Once again, this is an example of the members of the wealthier classes exercising power over the members of the working classes.

While these examples of power over being demonstrated in the spatial arrangement of the churchyard are quite obvious, examples of power to are much more difficult to see just from looking at the churchyard itself. Spatially, there is little to show power to in effect at St. Mary’s. This is hardly surprising, given that this was a component of the burial practices employed at St. Mary’s that the individuals buried in the pauper section would have had the least control over. The only spatial data that shows power to for the people buried in the pauper section is that they were buried in the churchyard, relatively close to the church itself. While their burials were not highly visible to the public, the very fact that they were buried in the churchyard and near to the church may have been enough for them and their families. In God’s eyes, at least, they were equal to the people buried at the front of the church.

6.2 Economic Constraints

While the material and spatial data do show the social and economic status of the individuals buried at St. Mary’s, the material data specifically shows the economic constraints for the people buried there. This reinforces the previous point concerning the

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visibility of economic status, as it is the constraints placed upon the people that are representative of their economic situation.

The actual coffins excavated at St. Mary’s give little insight into the economic status of these people, as the techniques of construction matched those used at the time as found on other sites in the United States and Great Britain (Reeve and Adams 1993; Bell

1990; Bishop 1978; Rauschenberg 1990). The construction techniques commonly used at St. Mary’s, as described from the analysis of the excavated coffin materials discussed in Chapter 5, closely match the techniques used at Spitalfields presented by Reeve and

Adams (1993:79) and outlined in Chapter 4.

However, there were examples of coffins that were made differently to this ‘standard’, possibly for saving time and cost. Most noticeably these include B78, B85 and B82, where the common practice of kerfing the sideboards of the coffin to create the shoulder angle was not employed. B78 was constructed of a thin, flimsy wood that had a single gouge cut into the sideboard to create the centre of the shoulder; while B82 and B85 did not implement the method at all, rather having the sides of the coffin made of two separate boards of different length as (opposed to a single shaped board). These methods, particularly that implemented on B78, may show an effort to save time by the individual who constructed these coffins. The process of kerfing, where several grooves were cut into the plank so that it could be curved by steaming, would have been a time consuming and thus relatively expensive method of creating the shoulder of the coffin.

These techniques were possibly efforts to save time and money by those who constructed them. However, as discussed in Chapter 2, the designs of the coffins themselves should not be used as an indicator of economic status, as the same designs

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of coffin were available to both rich and poor, and the different designs found at St.

Mary’s may be the result of the unavailability of ‘standard’ coffin materials. In other words, they may be an example of ‘making do’ with what was on hand.

Based on the information on the construction techniques recovered from the excavated coffins (i.e. similar designs, standard nail patterns), it appears that the majority of them were made from pre-fabricated kits, a process that was common at the time in other parts of the world (Rauschenberg 1990:31). As it was not possible to analyse samples of the wood from which the coffins were constructed, it is impossible to say whether these kits were imported from overseas or made locally, and no evidence for kit advertisements in catalogues or newspapers was found during an extensive documentary search. Having said this, some of the more basic coffins found on the site appear to have been made from local woods, some even appearing to be constructed from nothing more than bark, such as B55. This particular aspect of the analysis of the coffins warrants further study if the opportunity arises.

While the basic coffins themselves do not possess many distinguishing features, the decorations applied to the coffins at St. Mary’s are the first true insight into the amount of money spent on the burials. The relative lack of decoration on the coffins from St.

Mary’s shows that while these people (or those who covered the cost of the burial, such as the church) may have had sufficient money to cover the basic ‘necessities’ of burial, little was spent on the ‘beautification’ of these burials.

One of the more significant examples of this is the data recovered from the excavated breast plates from St. Mary’s. As shown in Chapter 5, 52% of the burials recovered

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from the site did not feature this important piece of coffin hardware (see Chart 5.1.9).

As discussed in Chapter 4, the breast plate was significant as it recorded who was buried in the coffin on to which it was attached (Reeve and Adams 1993:78-83, Cox

1996:103). That such a large proportion of the burials lacked this significant object is a good indicator of how little was actually spent on the burials, as the absence of a breast plate would seem to indicate that most of the money spent on the material aspects of burial was invested in the coffin itself. Interestingly, 77% of the burials without breast plates were those of children (although many adult burials did not feature breast plates either), which, combined with the data presented on coffin shape and construction, may indicate limited spending on the burial of children at St. Mary’s.

Other coffin decorations recovered from St. Mary’s support the theory that little was spent on the burials after the basics had been purchased. Other forms of decoration commonly fitted to coffins during this period were an outer fabric lining and border lace. As was shown in Chapter 5 (see Chart 5.1.12), only 41% of the St. Mary’s coffins featured lace, 8.4% featured external fabric lining, and only three from the collection of

71 (or 4%) were found to feature the ideal arrangement of both. Such a low incidence of a form of decoration that would have been highly visible is another indicator of how little money was spent on the decoration of these coffins. Also, the presence of painted

‘lace’ on B82 shows that this form of decoration was (at least in one example) desirable, and efforts to emulate the more expensive decorations through more affordable techniques may have been a technique sometimes employed during this period.

As the forms of decoration to be applied to the coffin became less ‘necessary’ to the burial their presence in the collection from St. Mary’s becomes less common. Purely

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decorative items such as lid motifs and escutcheons appear on very few of the coffins recovered from the site, further indication of the limited amounts of money spent on the coffins. The presence of decorative tacks on only six burials (and only seven tacks in total) is yet another indicator of how little could be spent on decorating these coffins. As the smallest and therefore least visible item on a coffin, very few tacks would have been purchased, and the results reflect this.

The materials used in the manufacture of these coffin decorations is one of the most significant indicators of how much money was spent on the decoration of the burial. As discussed in Chapter 2, Hal Bishop (1978) has identified three different grades of metal used in fabricating mass produced coffin hardware and decorations in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries (Bishop 1978:31). Much of the material recovered with the coffins from St. Mary’s fits into the lowest price category of metal in Bishop’s scale, white metal (tin or silvered tin). All fittings that were recovered from the site not made of white metal were made from plain iron, which is not even assigned a place on Bishop’s scale, and the presence of these materials is the most definite sign of limited expenditure on the decoration of the coffins in the St. Mary’s pauper graveyard.

Other evidence for the limited money spent on the decoration of the coffins comes from the external fabric linings. Those at St. Mary’s were made of a coarse woollen fabric, either red or black in colour. Historical research has shown that these colours and this type of fabric were associated with burials of individuals from lower economic classes, while more expensive burials often featured silk or velvet linings in many different colours such as blue, green, and turquoise (Reeve and Adams 1993:86-87).

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6.3 Beautification of Death

The Beautification of Death movement, as discussed in Chapter 2, was a popular social movement of the nineteenth century in Britain and America in which death was

‘celebrated’. Instead of quietly and unobtrusively laying the deceased to rest, people went to great efforts to ensure that a funeral became a publicly visible affair, including large grave markers, public mourning, and decorated coffins (Bell 1990; Elia and

Wesolowsky 1991; Little et. al. 1992). The ability to provide a large funeral for an individual is directly linked to social and economic status, as having more money would allow for a more decorated coffin, larger headstone, and more publicly visible burial plot. Here, social power is represented in death, as having money meant the ability for individuals of a wealthier class to buy materials and locations that would mean they would be remembered; whereas a member of the working classes would be unlikely to be able afford such extravagances.

The St. Mary’s pauper graveyard was in use throughout the Beautification of Death period, and as such many of the burials do indicate that this movement affected the decoration and design of the coffins. As such, it would be fair to argue that the decoration of coffins would be a desirable practice for anyone being buried at St.

Mary’s, and the affordability of mass produced coffin furniture would have made this possible for all social and economic groups in nineteenth century Adelaide. However, the pauper status of the individuals at St. Mary’s has meant that the decoration of coffins buried in the pauper graveyard was minimal, although still an important burial practice.

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Perhaps the most striking evidence for this is in the data presented on the implementation of means to stop the flow of body fluids from the decomposing corpse held within the coffins. Of the 71 burials recovered from St. Mary’s, only 14 of them featured pitch-sealed joints in the interior, the most common means of preventing body fluid leakage (Bloom et. al 1995:59, Reeve and Adams 1993:86). Another means of preventing this was to spread sawdust or wood shavings on the floor of the coffin. Only three examples of this practice were found at St. Mary’s, two of which had already been tar sealed. Although it was pointed out in Chapter 5 that it was more likely for adult burials to employ such practices in the coffin, it was far more likely that individuals being buried in the Pauper Graveyard at St. Mary’s would have employed no means to prevent the leakage of body fluids at all, given the evidence recovered from the excavation. Such results would appear to show that decoration of the outside of the coffin was more important than the preservation of the body within, which would agree with the ‘good appearance’ concepts associated with the Beautification of Death period

(Bell 1990, Elia and Wesolowsky 1991; Little et. al. 1992). Also, the extremely small number of internal fabric linings found at St. Mary’s (only one burial featured this) supports this conclusion.

Other results show that decoration of the coffin was an important part of burial at St.

Mary’s. While no coffin had every feature as given in Figure 4.1.1.1, the very fact that at least one form of decoration was applied to most of the coffins shows that this decoration was considered an important part of the funeral process during this period.

This is particularly true for those coffins without breast plates, but with other forms of decoration (such as ‘lace’) instead.

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15

10

5

25

20

0

0 1 2 3 4 5 6

Number of Categories of Coffin Fitting and

Decoration Represented

7

Chart 6.3.1: Amounts of fittings and decorations fitted to individual coffins at

St. Marys.

Chart 6.3.1 illustrates this, showing that for the seven categories of coffin fitting and decoration examined in chapter 5, no individual burial featured all seven categories, and twelve burials featured no decoration at all.

The coffins from the pauper’s section of St. Mary’s show that much more work was put into their external decoration than into fitting out the interior. While many of the coffins featured at least one and sometimes several of the decoration categories discussed throughout this thesis, only one burial featured an internal fabric lining. Even more telling is the fact that only 19.7% of the coffins were sealed with pitch, which, although not a decoration, is even more important as it was a standard component in the construction of coffins in the nineteenth century. This would seem to indicate that outward appearances were more important to the people buried at St. Mary’s than the aspects of burial that were out of sight. Given that this site slots into the time of the

Beautification of Death period where public visibility of the funeral was paramount, it is

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quite likely that more was spent on aspects of the burial that people would see rather than on those that they wouldn’t.

The effort put into making sure that coffins were decorated is a sign of power to (Miller and Tilley 1984; McGuire and Paynter 1991) being used by the individuals buried at St.

Mary’s. While the economic constraints upon them may have meant that they would not be able to afford the most expensive coffins hardware materials, and their social status had them relegated to burial at the back of the church away from public view, through the decoration of their coffins they would be able to (in at least one way) bridge the gap between themselves and those of the wealthier classes.

6.4 The church in control

While the decoration of the coffins was something that the individuals buried in the pauper cemetery at St. Mary’s had control over, there were other aspects over which they had practically no control. The most apparent of these were the placement of the pauper section of the St. Mary’s cemetery to the rear of the church away from public view, and the fact that the graves in this section were left unmarked. While these points have already been discussed as being representative of social and economic status, they also provide an indication of the church’s control over the burial of these people.

While the ‘free ground’ was unmarked and out of sight, there was at least one indication that there was some effort put into the regulation of this area, as the burials here were laid out according to a grid system (see Figures 5.2.2 and 5.2.3). Although it seems in some places that this grid had been ‘forgotten’ (such as the overlapping burials in the south eastern corner), on the whole it appears that the burial of individuals in the pauper

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section was carried out systematically, and that at some stage there must have been some record of how many plots had been used and those that were still available for burials. In this respect at least, it looks like there was some effort on the part of the church to keep this part of the cemetery as organised as the other marked sections.

Only one section of the cemetery is arranged according to traditional Anglican burial practices, with people’s heads to the west (Harrington 1993:36; Clow et. al. 2000:458;

Bachmann and Catts 1990:59; Boore 1986a:213; Parrington 1987:62; Watters 1994:60), and that is the area of the most recent burials in the northern section of the churchyard.

The arrangement of the other marked sections, those in the south and western sections of the churchyard, is not as easily explained. As north-south oriented burials were not the ‘standard’ for nineteenth century Anglican burials, there are a couple of different possibilities for the arrangement in these areas. The first possibility is that this arrangement had the burials facing the church, the source of ‘spiritual power’ for the churchyard, which was a desirable aspect of burial for nineteenth century people (Reeve and Adams 1993:65). The second possibility was that this was the best way to maximize space in the churchyard, or the best way to fit in as many marked graves as possible and still allow them to be easily visible from the paths around the church.

By contrast, the pauper section is arranged with the heads to the east, the complete opposite of traditional Anglican practices. This could mean many things. Firstly, it could be that the burials are facing the source of ‘spiritual power’ as discussed in the previous paragraph, or secondly that this was another space saving measure. A third

(and more sinister) possibility is that the burials were arranged in contrast to traditional practices so that they wouldn’t be able to achieve salvation on Judgement day, as when

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they rose they would be facing away from the sun and thus also from God. However, given the fact that these burials occurred within a churchyard this seems very unlikely, although it may well have been a desirable outcome for those buried in the marked sections of the cemetery!

Certainly, these are examples of power over, with the church completely controlling the placement and arrangement of the graves of the St. Mary’s paupers. This also can be applied to the people buried at the front of the churchyard, who would have had to pay the church large amounts of money to be buried in this highly visible place. However, the wealthier classes would have also exercised power over both the church and the individuals interred in the pauper section, as their desire to be kept separate from the working classes would have been instrumental in the church’s decision to place the pauper cemetery at the rear of the churchyard. As can be seen from this, the power structure of the St. Mary’s churchyard is complex, with both power over and power to in effect in the cemetery.

6.5 The significance of children’s burials at St Mary’s.

While the primary aims of this thesis (in regards to the concepts outlined in Chapter 2) were to identify if social and economic status were represented in the burials from St.

Mary’s. If social power strategies were at work within the cemetery, there were other points raised in Chapter 2 that will also be considered here. One of these is the difference between adult and children’s burials.

One of the more obvious findings of the excavation was the high proportion of children’s burials. Of the 71 burials, 70.4% were of individuals aged less than ten years.

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However, the high number of children’s burials found on the site was not entirely unexpected and matches data from other sites as discussed in Chapter 2 (McKillop

1995). Given that the infant mortality rate was much higher in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries than it is today, it is hardly surprising that the greater proportion

(63%) of the burials recovered from St. Mary’s were identified as being under five years of age at death. For instance, in South Australia in 1870, the Infant Mortality Rate

(IMR) was 138.7 compared to 94.2 in 1890, and 67.3 in 1920 (Vamplew et. al. 1986:16-

18). In 1980, the IMR for South Australia was only 10.1 (Vamplew et. al. 1986:21), which demonstrates how high the number of infants dying in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was compared to more recent times. Another factor that may contribute to this was the fact that it was common for unbaptised infants to be buried in pauper sections of Anglican churchyards (Bowman et. al. 1992:91). As baptism was considered an essential part of every good Christian’s life during the nineteenth century, individuals who were not baptised would be considered to be almost ‘unworthy’ of burial in the cemetery itself, and this may have also contributed to the relatively high numbers of infant burials in this section. This may be the direct cause of B55, the infant male burial discussed in Chapter 5. Buried only 25 centimetres beneath the surface, his burial may be the result of parents secretly interring their unbaptised child in the churchyard following refusal by the church to bury the child in its grounds.

An interesting aspect of the non-skeletal material recovered from the site is the differences between the adult burials and those of children that were recovered from the site. While the differences between the two in terms of numbers was discussed earlier, the results present a picture that shows two different standards for burial based on the age of the individual. Differences appear in most of the major categories discussed in

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Chapter 5; from the number of coffin handles fitted, to the shapes of coffins, to the difference of materials used in decoration. While some of these differences can be explained easily (for instance, the difference in number of handles; children’s bodies are smaller than adults, therefore a smaller coffin is needed, which would need fewer handles), others are more complex. The difference between materials used to decorate adults and children’s coffins may be the result of higher spending on the burial of children by grieving parents. Through this we may be able to see the social attitudes of these people, expressing their grief over a lost child in a material way, despite the fact they were poor.

Continuing from the discussion of the results presented on the analysis of the coffin shapes, the distribution of rectangular and hexagonal coffins between the adult and child burials recovered from St. Mary’s also ties in with results from other sites. A significantly higher percentage of the rectangular coffins excavated at St. Mary’s were associated with the burial of children (see Chart 5.1.3), the results from St. Mary’s agreeing with what Heather McKillop (1995:82) found at the St. Thomas Churchyard in

Belleville Canada, where children were more commonly buried in rectangular than hexagonal coffins. However, this is not to say that adults were only buried in hexagonal coffins and children in rectangular ones, and it would be unwise to conclude that a particular coffin shape is only associated with one age group of burials rather than another.

The information on the coffin handles recovered from St. Mary’s is also consistent with

McKillop’s conclusions from the St. Thomas Churchyard. At the St. Thomas site, coffins associated with children’s burials commonly featured four handles and those of

118

adults featured six, and this is also the case at St. Mary’s (see Chart 5.1.6). At St.

Mary’s, children’s burials accounted for 90% of the burials featuring four handles, while 74% of adult burials had coffins featuring six handles, numbers which are close to those found by McKillop at Belleville (1995:83). Interestingly, children’s burials from

St. Mary’s also accounted for 95% of the coffins that did not feature any handles. This is the reverse of what McKillop found, where all of the un-handled coffins found at

Belleville were from adult burials.

The reason for this difference between the two sites is difficult to determine and, without a complete understanding of both collections, any conclusions made on this can only be hypothetical. It is possible that adult coffins were left without handles at

Belleville because of the expense that may have been incurred, while at St. Mary’s children’s coffins may not have had handles attached because they were simply not needed in order to carry the coffin. In both cases, economic motives may have been behind the move, as not buying a set of handles would have saved money to possibly be spent on other aspects of the burial.

These results show that the high number of children’s burials at St. Mary’s, the manner in which they were buried, and the materials they were buried with concur with the majority of results from other sites. The loss of a child was obviously felt the same in colonial South Australia as much as it was in other places during the same period, and grieving parents would go to the efforts of providing a ‘proper’ burial for them, regardless of the amount of money they had to spend.

119

6.6 Gender differences at St. Mary’s

Another noticeable division found in the skeletal material was that between males and females buried in the churchyard. While the differences between the numbers of adult and children’s burials is relatively easily explained, the large proportion of male burials recovered from the site may be attributable to a number of factors. One possibility is that the population of the colony of South Australia may have been composed of more males than females, which would be reflected in the St. Mary’s cemetery. However, examination of the statistics shows that for South Australia in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries the population was almost equally divided between the sexes.

300,000

250,000

200,000

150,000

100,000

50,000

Males

Females

0

1851 1861 1871 1881 1891 1901 1911 1921

Census Year

Chart 6.6.1: Populations of males and females in South Australia 1851-1921

(Vamplew et. al. 1986:13)

Chart 6.6.1 shows the number of males and females that were living in South Australia at the census taken at the start of each decade from 1851 until 1921. It can be seen here that although the population was composed of more males than females at each census, the difference in numbers between the two sexes during this period was very small. As such, it is highly unlikely that the higher number of male burials excavated from St.

Mary’s was due to a higher male population of the colony. It is also unlikely that

120

working accidents contributed to the high number of 41 to 50 year old males in the collection. Examination of the causes of death for known individuals interred in the pauper section (Appendix 3) shows very few working accidents as the cause of death for any of the individuals, let alone for those from that specific age and gender group.

Another possible reason for the higher number of male burials may be due to errors in the sex identification process. Poor soil preservation conditions may have made identifying sex difficult from limited skeletal material, but interestingly the lifestyle of the individual may also have had an effect. A hard, physical lifestyle such as that likely have been encountered by at least some women in the early St. Mary’s community, may have affected the skeletons of females to the point that features more commonly attributed to male skeletons developed and are visible today. Evidence of this has been found on other sites (Harrington 1993:36-37), and so cannot be discounted as a possibility at St. Mary’s.

6.7 Individual Identity

One of the most noticeable features of the St. Mary’s pauper cemetery is the fact that the exact identities of the people who were excavated are not known. While there is a list of individuals buried in the section (Appendix 1), there was no record of who was buried where, and no means of identifying individual burials as the graves were left unmarked and the coffins themselves did not feature any recoverable information on the identity of their occupants.

The coffins show that the people buried in the pauper section of St. Mary’s had coffins of basic design and construction, with limited fixtures and decoration, and decorations

121

made of relatively cheap materials: all aspects indicating very little money spent on the burials. The only other material evidence recovered from the site that could reveal the identity of the individuals who were buried there is the personal items recovered with the burials, items directly associated with the individual they were buried with, rather than the coffin they were buried in.

Evidence of who these people were comes from the relative lack of personal items: very few items that can be considered to be of a personal nature were recovered during the excavations. Buttons from decomposed clothing form the bulk of this material, with 60 buttons found across 17 burials. The designs and materials used in these buttons were common throughout the entire period that the cemetery was used, so there is little chance of dating the individual burials based on their analysis. However, these artefacts do provide us with some interesting facts about the clothing the individuals were interred with; for example, B6 was wearing a shirt and coat when buried, and B23 was wearing a pair of button-up trousers. Despite this, the buttons give no direct evidence for the social and economic status of the individuals interred in the pauper cemetery other than that they were buried in clothing fitted with button types common at the time.

The other personal items recovered from the site also do not provide any such information, or help to tie the burial to a particular individual. The only object recovered to which a more or less confirmed date could be attached was the safety pin from B53a that was of a design patented at the turn of the twentieth century (Clow et. al. 2000:425-

426).

The few other personal items that were recovered from burials at the site provide little information regarding either dating individual burials or details of their economic status.

122

The dentures and pocket watch discussed in detail in the results were the two objects that were thought to provide the best chance of a firm date for a burial. Sadly, as both were of designs and materials that were used over a long period of time, no firm date could be determined for each of the burials from which these objects came. However, the very fact they were of designs and materials common during the period the cemetery was in use gives a small indication as to the economic status of the individuals they were buried with, as being common at the time they would have been inexpensive.

Having said this, it would be unwise to say that these two objects alone prove the individuals they were buried with were relatively poor individuals, but combined with the other material from these burials they do help in reaching this conclusion.

One of the more interesting results from the spatial analysis of the churchyard was the examination of the data from multiple burials, as this may be one of the only means by which individual burials could be identified. From the list of individuals that were known to have been buried in the pauper section at St. Mary’s (see Appendix 1), individuals with the same family name have been grouped together in Appendix 4. This data can be compared with that presented in Appendix 5, which shows the data for the burials recovered from multiple interments. From this, it may be possible to determine the identity of some individuals buried in family plots. This should be undertaken with some caution, for two significant reasons. Firstly, this list does not include the names of all the individuals buried in the pauper section, as there are more known burials either excavated or still in the ground than are given in the list, and there may be more in areas where excavation was not conducted. Secondly, the conclusions from the analysis of the skeletal material may have been wrong and have assigned sex and age to an individual that is not correct. However, although it should not be considered the definitive

123

technique for assigning identity to the burials, it is perhaps the best means available at this time.

The arrangement of individual burials is the last aspect of the spatial analysis to be discussed here, and the burials do not differ much from those found in any cemetery from the same period (Bachmann and Catts 1990, Bore 1986a, Parrington 1987, Watters

1994). All were found laid supine in their coffins, with their hands at their sides, and in two cases with one hand laid across their stomachs. Those with their hands to their sides may well have had them tied in that position, a nineteenth century practice that is well illustrated by the perfectly preserved burial of John Torrington, a member of the illfated Franklin expedition to the Arctic in the mid 1840s, whose frozen remains were excavated in 1984 (Figure 6.7.1).

Figure 6.7.1: The body of John Torrington, excavated in the Arctic in 1984, 139 years after his death. Note the use of fabric to hold his hands at his side and to keep his jaw shut. (Chamberlain and Pearson 2001:122-123)

Those burials with one hand found laid across their stomach may be directly linked with the burials for which there is evidence of their legs having been broken to fit into the coffin, in that both may have been a result of ‘uncaring’ or lazy individuals laying them

124

to rest. The broken legs are easy to explain: the individual was taller than the coffin allowed for, so to fit them in the legs had to be broken. However the reason for the hand across the stomach is slightly less obvious, and the following hypothesis may explain this. It is possible that both hands were laid across the stomach, but the coffin was tipped as it was lowered into the grave just enough to allow one of the hands to fall to the side of the coffin. While no other evidence was found for this occurring on other sites, this seems to be the most logical explanation for what would seem to be a very peculiar arrangement.

So for the time being, the identities of the 71 individuals recovered from the St. Mary’s churchyard remain a mystery. While the material and spatial data do not tell us the names of the individuals, they do give us other insights into the world in which these people lived.

6.8 Contribution to Australian Archaeological Studies

Given the conclusions discussed in this chapter, the data from St. Mary’s addresses the third and final issue raised in Chapter 2, that is the limited amount of work carried out on pauper graveyards in Australia. Chapter 2 illustrates that limited archaeological investigation of historic period cemeteries has occurred in Australia, and that studies of historic period cemeteries are few. Commonly the emphasis has been on the skeletal material, with little attention given to the material and spatial data (see for example

Austral Archaeology and Godden Mackay Heritage Consultants 1995; Lowe and

Mackay 1992). This thesis shows that archaeological studies of cemeteries can extend beyond the investigation of the skeletal material excavated and include the coffin hardware and spatial data, to produce conclusions that can expand our knowledge of the way colonial Australian society operated.

125

Also, in addressing the theoretical issues outlined above and in Chapter 2, the archaeological investigation of the St. Mary’s pauper’s graveyard has shown that concepts tested on foreign sites can be applied to Australian sites to produce meaningful results. While the fact that these burials were of working class individuals was known at the start of the project, the study of the material and spatial data has shown that the social and economic status of these people was represented in their burial. The fact that the application of methods developed and used on other sites in other parts of the world has produced useful conclusions in Australia shows that such methods could be employed on sites where the social and economic status of the individuals buried is not known. Through this, it will be possible to get a more complete picture of colonial

Australian society, and the ways in which it operated.

6.9 Conclusion

Given the point raised in the last paragraph, this study has opened the door on a new way to examine historical period cemeteries in Australia. Hopefully, this will show that the study of the coffin hardware and spatial data recovered in future projects can provide social information on the individuals buried in these cemeteries, to complement the data recovered through the analysis of excavated skeletal material, thus giving a more complete picture of the site and the people.

However, there were several limitations that were encountered during the course of this study of which any researcher looking to conduct a similar study in the future should be aware. The first of these was the difficulty of getting access to historical documentation related to the site and materials. The most significant of these was the incomplete burial

126

register from the church that was damaged by fire, which has impacted on the ability to identify the remains from individual burials. The register notes 76 burials in the free ground area, and the excavation uncovered the remains of 71 individuals and identified a further seven graves that were left unexcavated. Given that there are likely to be burials in areas that were not investigated, there could be as many as 100 burials in the pauper section, so it is almost impossible to attach names to individual burials. As such, it is extremely difficult to give exact dates for the burials that were excavated, which in turn makes the ability to give exact costs for items that were excavated also extremely difficult.

The other article of historical documentation that would have been extremely useful was furniture catalogues and the like that listed the cost of coffins and associated fixtures of the period. This would have made the analysis of materials related to economic status a lot easier, and possibly have made the final conclusions on this aspect of the study much more definitive. However, these items proved impossible to find, and therefore the information they could have given to the study was not provided.

Another more materially based limitation that was struck was the preservation of the materials themselves. The preservation conditions at St. Mary’s were not particularly kind to metallic items, particularly iron, meaning that little in the way of stylistic or basic design features were recoverable. This was particularly evident in the handles, which were often preserved as nothing more than a soil and oxide conglomeration. This factor helps nullify the lack of access to historical catalogues, although in the few identifiable pieces of coffin hardware found these sources would have proved extremely useful.

127

Although these limitations were encountered during this study, it is not believed that they seriously impacted on the findings presented here. The material and spatial data was enough to allow the successful analysis of the social and economic status of the people buried at the site.

The future of the site itself is open for speculation. While the church has decided not to use the area for future burials, there are still several known graves (and possibly many more) situated in the area. Future excavation and analysis these burials would only add to the data presented here, furthering our knowledge of the people buried there and the society in which they lived.

Following the church’s decision not to reuse the land for new burials, the skeletal material, coffin hardware, and personal items excavated from St. Mary’s have been returned to the ground at the rear of the church, in a purpose-built vault to store them for access in the future. However, in the time these materials were out of the same ground, they revealed a great deal about the individuals buried there and the society from which they came. This thesis has shown that the non-skeletal data recovered from the site, both material and spatial, shows us how these people slotted into the highly stratified society of nineteenth century colonial South Australia.

This study has looked at many aspects of the people buried in the pauper’s section of St.

Mary’s. The fact that these people were financially poor can be seen in both the coffins they were buried in and the personal items they were buried with; how they were seen by members of wealthier classes during life represented in the arrangement of the

128

churchyard; and the ways they used the means available to them to attempt social advancement in death that was impossible in life. These are the main conclusions to be raised from the data recovered from the site, the findings of which will hopefully assist others in similar studies in the future.

In nineteenth century Adelaide, these people were buried in such a way as to practically disappear from history. Through the excavation of their burials, they have provided a greater contribution to South Australia’s colonial history than they ever could have envisioned during life.

129

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Appendix 1: List of known burials in ‘free ground’ at St. Mary’s

No. Free? Surname Name

Age

Y

Age

41 Yes SWAINSTON Walter

42 Yes RUSSELL

2 Yes BISCHOFF Diedrich

5 Yes ??

Mary's SA 1

Sturt SA

- Pencilled note, mostly unreadable, indicates burial in the E area.

48 - ground'

SA - 4

Charles Bexley SA - 7 Note: 'Free grd'. It is possible that Charles may have been his surname, but unlikely (see 0183)

Elsa Marion SA - 4

6 Yes DAVIS Charlotte Major's SA -

8 Yes COLE Elizabeth Clifton SA -

9 Yes REEVES

10 Yes HAYNES

11 Yes ALLEN

12 Yes LOCK

Ellen

Maria

Jane

Mary

Sweetman's

Lane SA

Sturt SA

Edwardstown

Marion SA -

Edwardstown 1866 1 28

2

41

1

5

-

3

-

1865 10 9 41 -

12

6

Record damaged, but appears to have a note: 'Free gd'

Note: 'free ground'

Note: 'free ground'

Note: 'Free ground'

Note: 'Free gd'. Record damaged.

13 Yes HAYNES William Edwardstown 1866 2 10 10 -

SA - 6

15 Yes NORTH

16 Yes DEED

George

Alexander Darlington SA

SA

- 4

12 - ground'

17 Yes PASSFIELD Maria Edwardstown 1867 5 14 11 -

19 Yes VINEY

SA - 4

SA - 3

SA 2 -

22 Yes LOCK Jacob

SA 1 6

12

Springbank SA -

23 Yes LOCK Alfred 1869 1 25 - 9 wks Note: 'Free ground'

25 Yes PICKETT Ellen

SA - 10 ground'

Springbank SA - 7

26 Yes DAVIS

27 Yes LOCK

John

Sophia

Marian SA

Darlington SA

Child - Note:

39 -

28 Yes LOCK Edward

29 Yes HOOPER William

Darlington SA

Flagstaff SA

-

-

6 wks

1 ground'

Note: 'Free ground'

Note: 'Unbaptized. Free ground.'

30 Yes VINEY

31 Yes PICKETT

Road SA 1 4

Robert Springbank SA 12 - ground'

3

George Noarlunga SA - 32 Yes ALLEN

33 Yes LONE

34 Yes CASTLE

36 Yes VINEY

Hugh

Harry

Marion SA

Edwardstown

Note: ground'

1874 8 2 1 2

SA 1 5

SA - 7 Notes: 'Free Ground'. 'Only portion of service read'.

37 Yes Darlington SA

Coromandel

1878 4 11 47 -

38 Yes TITE Arthur Valley SA 1 - Note: 'Unbaptized. Common ground'

Maud Springbank SA - 4

40 Yes BOYLEY Samuel St. 1880 9 11 36 -

Mary

Nairne SA -

Marion SA 76

1

-

Note: 'Common ground. Unbaptized'

Notes: ' S. after Ascension). 'Free ground'

135

No. Free?

Surname Name

YoB MoB DoB

Age

Y

Age

M

Burial Notes

43 Yes

TREE Linden

Cecil Fletcher

44 Yes

METCALF

Jubilee

Edwardstown

45 Yes

WATTS William

SA 1888 7 5 - 4

46 Yes

ERRINGTON Margaret Marion

SA 1889 3 14 59 -

47 Yes

48 Yes

BACKER Frederick

49 Yes

KERNSLEY Matilda St.

CASTLE Fanny

SA

SA

SA 1889 11 27 70 -

SA

1886 10 2

1888 2 28

1891 9 23

- 3

- 7

Note: 'Pauper's grave'

SA 1892 3 20 15 -

50 Yes

LYAS Leonard

51 Yes

CASTLE Edward Charles South Road

SA

SA

1892 3 24

1892 9 28

- 3

Note: 'Unleased ground'

3 -

52 Yes

BATES James Marion

1897 3 3 79 -

53 Yes

BATES Mary

54 Yes

METCALF Thomas

55 Yes

HARDEN Charles

56 Yes

HARDEN Elizabeth

57 Yes

METCALF Maria

58 Yes

CASTLE James

59 Yes

HAREN Lena

60 Yes

READ Hilda Doreen Ena Edwardstown

61 Yes

Adelaide

62 Yes

CAPP Ellen Alice Flower

63 Yes

METCALF Thomas

Edwardstown

64 Yes

DENMAN Eliza

65 Yes

BATTLE John Henry Tapley's Hill

SA 1897 10 24 76 -

SA 1898 1 26 73 -

SA 1898 5 14 32 -

SA 1898 12 21 1 1

SA 1899 9 28 73 -

SA

SA

SA

SA

SA

SA

SA

SA

1903 12 26

1904 12 9

1907 2 3

1907 12 12

1909 11 30

1909 12 13

1910 11 16

1912 5 7

58 -

- 7

- 7

1 1

1 8

49 -

17 -

13 -

66 Yes

PERRY George

67 Yes

MILLER Shiela

SA 1912 7 23 40 -

SA 1913 3 2 - 5

68 Yes

SIMMONS George

SA 1913 10 6 7 -

69 Yes

BOYLEY Sarah

70 Yes

HARRIS Nellie Amy

71 Yes

BOYLEY Robert

72 Yes

LOCKIER Silvery

Black Forest

SA

SA

SA

SA

1914 3 21

1914 5 31

1914 9 19

1915 4 14

73 -

- 3

Note: He may not have been buried here, as BR has a note 'In common ground'. However, he shares a headstone with his wife Marion at A C

40 -

- 4

73 Yes

MANNING Elizabeth Edwardstown

1916 7 29 76 -

74 Yes

MANNING William Edwardstown

1926 5 2 87 -

75 Yes

DEWMAN William

SA 1926 5 27 62 -

76 Yes

DENMAN William Reynella

1927 9 27 42 -

136

Appendix 2: List of materials excavated at St. Mary’s

Burial

No.

Coffin Handles Name Plate Lid Motifs Escutcheons Lace Fabric Covering Construction Nails

1

3

Age/Sex Shape Length Shoulders H F Depth Preservation Number Material Decoration Present Material No Material Head Foot Side Present Material Present Colour Material Production

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

Rec - N -

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

6

7

4b

5

Rec - - Fair 4 Tin

9-

12m/M - - - Poor - -

25-

30y/F Hex 177 47

40-

45y/M Hex 178 52

22 x 23

-

21

-

Poor

Poor

6

6

Iron

Iron

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

-

-

-

-

Y

N

Tin - -

- - -

-

1

Iron

Rec - N -

35-

40y/M

45y/M Hex - - 20 x 19 - Good 6 Iron - Y Iron - - -

-

1

Iron

-

-

N

N

-

-

N

N

-

-

Iron

Iron

-

-

9

10 - - N - N - Iron -

20m/F

12a Infant Hex 75

- - - Poor 4 Iron -

16 14 Fair 4 Iron -

12b Infant Hex 63 - 10 11 Poor

13

9-

12m/M Hex 88 21 17 x 13 - Poor

14

50-

60y/M Hex 183 53 20 x 16 - Good

-

6

-

Iron

6 Iron

15

16 8m/?

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

- - - Fair - -

-

-

-

N

N

N - - - - - - Y Tin Y Black Iron -

N - - - - - - N - Y Black Iron -

-

-

-

-

-

Rec - N -

-

-

-

1

Iron

-

1

- Y Tin N - Iron -

18-

18 Rec - N -

19 *8y/f

20

- - - Poor 4 Iron -

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

21

22

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

N - - 23

24

50y/M Hex 187 43

18-

Rec - -

23 x 22 - Good

- - Fair

6 Iron

- -

-

-

25a

25b

26

27b

28

29

Neonate

*6m/M

18-

24m/M

Hex

Rec

Hex

44

44

91

24

24

23

-

-

15 x 17

-

-

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

-

Infant -

12-

13y/M Rec - -

- -

- -

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

Fair

Fair

27a Infant Rec 42 - 8 - Poor

Poor

-

-

-

-

4 Iron

4

4 Iron -

4 Iron

-

-

Iron

-

-

-

-

-

N

N

-

-

N -

N -

Y

-

Iron - -

-

1

Iron

-

1

-

Iron -

N

N

-

-

N

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

N

N

-

-

N

N

-

-

Iron

Iron

- - - - - N - N - Iron

- - - - - Y Tin Y Black Iron

N

-

-

Iron

Iron

-

-

-

-

-

-

35

36

37

Rec

31 3y/?

18m/F

-

-

- - Poor 4 Tin -

- - - Fair - -

- - Good 4 Iron -

33

34

Part of B16

Part of B16

39

40

42

6y/M

18m/M

Hex 127 25 19 x 18 -

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

Fair 4 Iron - N -

Rec - N -

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

86 25 13 x 13 - 4 Tin/Iron - Y Iron Hex Fair

Rec - N -

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

-

- -

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

N

N

-

-

N

N

-

-

Iron

Iron

-

-

137

Decorative Nails/Tacks

Type No. Material

Tar

Sealed

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Interior

Sawdust Fabric Buttons

-

-

-

- - - - -

- - - - -

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

5 white glass, 3 copper

- - Yes - -

-

-

-

Pins

Personal

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

- - - - -

- - - - -

-

- -

- - - - - - - -

Screw 1 Iron - - - - 1 copper

Screw 1

2 white shell, 1 white glass -

Screw - - -

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

- -

- -

- -

-

Yes

-

- -

Yes -

- -

-

-

-

7 white glass

-

-

-

-

-

-

Bolt Connecting 25a and 25b

Bolt Connecting 25a and 25b

- - -

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

- - - - - - 2 white shell -

Tacks 2 - -

- - - - - -

- -

2 white shell, 2 white glass -

-

-

-

Dec Tack

-

-

-

1

- - - - -

- - - - -

- - - - -

-

Copper

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Other

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

10-

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

No Burial Excavated with this Burial Number

51

52a

Hex

>6m/?

10y/M

Rec

Hex

-

- 52b

53a *10m/M Hex -

-

-

-

- 15 Poor 6 Iron

-

-

-

-

16

32

Poor

Poor

Fair

-

4

6

-

Iron

Iron

-

-

-

Pos.

N

Y

-

Tin

-

-

-

-

-

-

53c

28-

32y/F - N -

54 6m/M - - - Poor 4 Iron -

Rec - N -

58

59

61

Hex - N -

25.5 x

23.5 - Poor 6 Iron -

18-

Hex - - Poor 4 Iron -

48-

52y/M Hex - - - - Poor 6 Iron - Y Iron - -

1

1

Iron

Rec - N -

40-

45y/F Hex - - - - Poor 6 Iron - N - - -

1

Iron

-

-

1

Iron

1

-

-

-

Iron -

N

N

N

N

-

-

-

-

N

N

N

N

-

-

-

-

Iron

Iron

Iron

Iron

-

-

1 Handcut

-

-

-

- - - - -

- - - - -

-

-

- -

- -

Yes

-

- -

- -

- -

-

-

5 white shell

-

-

-

Tacks 2 Yes - -

-

-

Screws

-

-

-

Screws

1 Copper Yes - -

- - - - -

- - - - -

2 Copper Yes - -

-

-

-

4 white glass

-

-

-

2 white glass

-

-

-

Fragment of clay pipe in grave shaft

- Fragment of clay pipe in grave shaft

1 copper, 3 safety -

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1 safety

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1

Iron - N - N - Iron -

74

75

76

77A

63

9-12m/? - - - Poor 4 Iron -

Rec - 10 Poor 4 Iron -

66a 11m/M Rec 82 23

66b 164 46

67

35y/F Hex

11-

12m/F

-

33 x 24

16

29

Fair

Fair

4 Iron

6 Iron

-

-

69

71

72

79

83

84

45-

6-9m/M

*10m/M

45y/M

5-6y/M

6m/M

9-

17y/F

40-

50y/M

40-

45y/F

Rec

Rec

Hex

Hex

Hex

Hex

Hex

80

81

-

115

183

25

30

-

50

- 9 Poor 4 Iron

18 Fair

12 x 10

28

UNEXCAVATED

20 x 13

28 x 26

-

30.5

Fair

Good

4 Iron

4

6

Iron

18 x 15 - Fair 6 Iron

- 25 Poor 6 Iron

26.5 x

26.5 26 Good 6 Iron

10 Poor 6 Iron/Tin

Iron

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Y

Y

Y

Y

Y

Y

Y

Tin - -

Iron

Tin

Iron

Iron

Tin

Tin

-

-

2

-

-

-

-

-

Tin

-

-

-

- - - N

1

Iron

-

-

-

-

-

1

Iron -

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

N

Y

Y

N

Y

N

-

-

Tin

Tin

-

Tin

-

N

N

N

N

N

N

N

- Iron

-

-

-

-

-

-

Iron

Iron

Iron

Iron

Iron

Iron

-

-

-

-

-

Y Tin 2 Tin - - - N - N - Iron -

-

Hex 75 - 13.5 x 12 - Fair 4 Iron - Y Iron -

Hex - N -

- - Good 6 Iron

27 x 26 - Good 6 Iron Hex 196 45

Hex - - Fair 4

- - - Poor 4 Iron

-

-

-

Hex - - Good 6 Iron -

Hex 160 50 - - Fair 6 Iron Copper Dec.

-

N - 2 Tin - - - Y Tin Yes -

Y Tin 2 Tin - - - Y Tin N - Iron -

Y Iron - -

N - -

-

-

-

- - - N

-

-

-

-

-

N

N

-

-

-

N

N

N

-

-

Iron

- Iron

Iron

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Tack

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

- - - -

- -

-

- -

- - - - -

1 white shell, 8 white glass -

- - - Yes - -

-

-

-

1 copper

-

-

-

Nail Heads(6),

-

- -

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Yes

Yes

-

- -

- - Yes - -

- - - - -

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1 white glass

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

1 copper

-

-

-

-

Tack

-

- - Yes - -

1 - -

- - - - -

Dec - - -

- - - - - -

-

-

- - Yes - - - -

- -

- - Yes - Yes

2 white shell, 1 white glass -

- - - - -

-

-

-

-

3 white shell

1 copper

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Pocket watch, Lead pencil, fabric from clothing

Beads (10+)

-

138

Lock, Sophia

Appendix 3: Causes of death for individuals buried in ‘free ground’

Allen, Jane

Allen, George

Bischoff, Diedrich

Broughton, Samuel

Boyley, Samuel

Backer, Frederick William

Bates, William Charles

Bates,James

Bates, Mary Ann

Battle, John Henry

Boyley, Sarah Augusta

Boyley, Robert William

Cole, Elizabeth

Castle, Harry

Castle, Fanny

Castle, Edward Charles

Castle, James

Capp, Ellen Alice

Davis, Elizabeth Ann

22 Dec

1865

26 Jul

1873

12 Aug

1864

07 Apr

1878

09 Sep

1880

-

06 Dec

1864

02 Mar

1897

22 Oct

1897

05 May

1912

-

17 Sep

1914

30 Jun

1865

31 Jul

1874

19 May

1892

26 Sep

1893

25 Dec

1903

29 Nov

1909

11 May

1865

Burial

Relative

23 Dec

1865

28 Jul

1873

12 Aug

1864

11 Apr

12h

2d

Marion

Noarlunga

48y Marion

-

-

F= Stephen Pilcher

F= Stephen Pilcher

Farmer -

-

11 Sep

1880 36y St.Marys Cabinetmaker

23 Sep

1891 - Sturt -

07 Dec

1864 8m Bexley

03 Mar

1897

24 Oct

79y Marion

1897

07 May

1912

76y

13m

Glenelg

Tapley's Hill

21 Mar

1914

19 Sep

73y Edwardstown

-

Gardener

-

-

Wood

-

-

- widow of James

-

01 Jul

1865 3m Clifton

02 Aug

1874 14m Edwardstown

24 May

1892

28 Sep

15y Edwardstown

-

-

-

F= James

F= James

26 Dec

1903

30 Nov

58y Edwardstown Labourer -

Rd…F= James

Deed, Edward

Davis, John

Denman, Eliza

Davis, Charlotte

Errington, Margaret

Haynes, Maria

Haynes, William

Haynes, James Edward

Hooper, William

Harden, Charles

Harden, Elizabeth Jane

-

06 Aug

1869

14 Nov

1910

19 Apr

1865

-

07 Oct

1865

09 Feb

1866

21 Mar

1866

11 Nov

1871

12 May

1898

18 Dec

1898

13 May

1865 2y Sweetmans -

09 Apr

Edwardstown -

08 Sep

1869

16 Nov

1910

20 Apr

-

17y

Marion

Edwardstown

-

-

-

14 Mar

1889 59y Marion

09 Oct

1865

10 Feb

41y Edwardstown

-

-

22 Mar

F= James

F= William

H=Thomas

H= John

F=John

Relative

Miller

Miller

- Pleurisy

- Phthisis

-

-

Gardener

-

Labourer

Labourer

-

Farmer

- -

Carter

Labourer

Blacksmith

Infantile dropsy

Premature jaundice

Haemorrhage of the lungs from consumption

Senile decay,heart dis.

Senile decay

Calculus Renal Pyonephrosis

Whooping cough

Phthisis Pulmoralis

Anarsaca

Accident, Coroner

Acute pyelitis,(1w),Puerperal Sepsis

Low Fever

- Accident..Coroner

11 Nov

1871 34h Darlington

14 May

1898 32y Edwardstown Labourer - - .Hepatic abs phthisis (A.H.)

21 Dec

1898 13m F=Charles(late)

09 Dec

Haren, Lena -

Kernsley, Matilda

Lock, Mary

Lock, Jacob

Lock, Alfred Henry

-

27 Jan

1866

06 Dec

1868

24 Jan

1869

17 May

1870

27 Nov

28 Jan

1866

18 May

1870

6w Edwardstown

08 Dec

1868 18d Springbank -

24 Jan

Springbank -

39y Darlington

-

-

-

H=John

F= Jacob

- -

Labourer Atrophy

Labourer Mesenteric dis

139

Lock, Edward

Lone, Hugh

Lyas, Leonard Victor

Lockier, Silvery Pearl

Metcalf, Cecil Fletcher

Metcalf, Thomas

Metcalf, Maria

Metcalf, Thomas Fletcher

Manning, Elizabeth

Miller, Shiela Mary

Norton, Frederick

North, George Alexander

Pickett, George Henry

Passfield, Maria

Pickett, Ellen

Pickett, Robert

Perry, George Robert

Reeves, Ellen

Russell, Mary

Read, Hilda Doreen Ena

Richardson, Margaret

Lockyer

Stevens, Ruth Maude

Swainston, Walter

Simons, George Howard

Twining, Frederick

Twining, Sarah Ann

Tite, Arthur

Tree, Linden

Viney,Sarah

Viney, Charles

Viney, Eveline Mary

Viney, Elizabeth

Watts, William George

Young, Henry George

Young, Herbert Charles

Burial Relative

Relative

-

02 Aug

1867

05 Dec

1871

10 Sep

1867

17 Nov

1874

-

14 Jan

1868

16 Nov

1874

1867

-

-

07 Jul

1866

22 Oct

1897

13 May

1867

08 May

1869

30 Jul

1872

27 May

1870

22 Feb

1874

? Mar 1892

12 Apr

1915

27 Feb

1888

25 Jan

1898

27 Sep

1899

12 Dec

1909

27 Jul

1916

28 May

1870 6w -

24 Feb

1874 52y Marion Gardener

24 Mar

1892 3w

14 Apr

28 Feb

1888

26 Jan

7m Edwardstown -

- - Cirrhosis

F= Thomas Fletcher Cabinetmaker Conv&CerebralEffusion

-

28 Sep

1899 73y Edwardstown - Widow of Thomas

13 Dec

1909 49y -

29 Jul

Bootmaker Albuminuria Uraemia

- Phthisis

-

25 Sep

1865

19 May

1882

01 Feb

1907

11 Dec

1907

-

30 Dec

1880

-

25 May

-

21 Mar

1879

02 Mar

1913

27 Apr

22 Oct

1864

14 May

5m Edwardstown

1851 1y -

09 Jul

1866 4m Darlington -

4m Springbank

-

-

09 May

1869 8m -

31 Jul

1872

23 Jul

1y Springbank -

- 1912

26 Sep

1865

40y

41y

Edwardstown

St.Marys

21 May

1882 76y Marion

-

-

03 Feb

1907

12 Dec

1907

20 Apr

7m Edwardstown

23m Adelaide

-

-

1865 4m -

01 Jan

1881 5m nr Belair -

06 Oct

1913 7y Edwardstown -

27 May

1867 4m

04 Apr

23 Mar

1879

02 Oct

Edwardstown -

03 Aug

1y

Coromandel

Valley -

F=Joseph

F=George d.at Parkside

H=Luke

Widow

F= F.A.Read

-

F=Adamson

F=Albert

M=Mary

-

-

- -

Labourer

Farmer M?arzcisn?p?us

-

Mach.fitter

Quarry O'sr

Clerk Scald..Syncope

- -

Labourer

-

Spinster

-

Obst.of the Bowels

No Unl rec.Net.=SymH

Cancer of Womb

WhoopCgh;Bronchpneum; Convulsions

Infantile diarrhoea

-

Inflamm.of brain from teething

- -

06 Dec

1871

11 Sep

18 Nov

1874

05 Jul

1888

15 Jan

17 Nov

1874

12m Edwardstown

7m Edwardstown

4m Edwardstown

17m Edwardstown

-

-

-

-

F=George

F=George

No rec, Net/Unl

F=Charles

Blacksmith Dysentery

Blacksmith Bronchitis

- -

Labourer Diarrhoea

140

Appendix 4: Family groupings buried in ‘free ground’

Age

Y

Age

M

BATES William Bexley 1864 12 7 - 7

BATES James Marion 1897 3 3 79 -

BATES Mary 1897 10 24 76 -

BOYLEY Samuel St. SA 36 -

Augusta Edwardstown SA 73 -

William Edwardstown SA 40 -

CASTLE Edward Charles South Road

SA 1 2

SA 15 -

SA 1892 9 28 3 -

SA 58 -

SA - 5

Sweetman's

Lane SA 2 -

DAVIS John Marian 1869 9 8 Child -

SA 17 -

DENMAN William Reynella 1927 9 27 42 -

SA 41 -

SA 10 -

Edward Edwardstown SA - 6

SA 1 6

SA -

12 dys

SA wks

SA 39 -

SA wks

SA 76 -

SA 87 -

METCALF

Cecil Fletcher

Jubilee Edwardstown SA - 7

SA 73 -

SA 73 -

METCALF Thomas 1909 12 13 49 -

Harry Springbank SA - 4

SA - 7

SA 12 -

SA - 4

SA - 10

SA - 3

SA 2 -

SA - 7

SA 1 4

141

Appendix 5: Multiple interment data from excavation

Burial

Number Age/Sex

4a 4y/M

4b 9-12m/M

12a Infant

12b Infant

17 *2m/?

17b 2-3y/?

25a Neonate

25b *6m/M

27a Infant

27b

18-

24m/M

27c Infant

52a >6m/?

52b 10y/M

53a *10m/M

53b 3-6m/M

53c 28-32y/F

66a 11m/M

66b 35y/F

142

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