Interpreting maritime cultural space through the utilization of GIS: a case study of the spatial meaning of shipwrecks in the coastal waters of South Australia Jun Kimura Master of Maritime Archaeology Department of Archaeology Flinders University South Australia 2006 Interpreting maritime cultural space through the utilization of GIS: a case study of the spatial meaning of shipwrecks in the coastal waters of South Australia Jun Kimura Master of Maritime Archaeology Department of Archaeology Flinders University South Australia 2006 Acknowledgements Without many people’s contributions, this study would not have been completed. The author would like to express thanks to Ms Jennifer Mckinnon for supervising me with the relevant advice. Her profound insight allowed me to take a logical approach to the research, and her assistance enabled me to access the relevant resources for the analysis. My thanks are for her consistent support throughout the entire process. My deep appreciation is especially expressed to Dr Mark Staniforth. The concept of this study derived from the knowledge and experience that I obtained from his teaching during the postgraduate program of maritime archaeology. His generosity and encouragement helped me complete this study. Thanks to my senior colleagues for their insightful advice. Present technical officer Jason Raupp has greatly contributed to enhance the quality of this paper with editorial assistant. Thanks to previous technical officer Rick Bullers for providing pertinent instructions to my questions. My coworker Amer Khan assisted me in developing the theoretical and technical aspects of this study. i The data used for this study were obtained from several organizations. The author would like to express his appreciation to the following agencies for allowing the use of their resources. Thank you to Terry Arnott of the Department of Environment and Heritage of South Australia. Thank you also to Merridy Lawlor of the State Library of South Australia. The School of Geography, Population and Environmental Management of Flinders University provided the GIS data, which was essential to this study, and is greatly appreciated. Thanks very much to Mark Lethbridge for giving permission to access the database, and also thanks to Robert Keane for assisting with data analysis. Thanks are also extended to the following people who contributed to the progress of my study; Amanda Hale, Bill Welsh, Brandi Lockhart, Debra Shefi, Dianna Zwart, Dr Joe Flatman, Linda Honey, Peta Knott, Sharan Bhaskar and Dr Susan Briggs. work. More people who are not listed in here helped me with completing this The author would like to express genuine appreciation to all those people. ii Contents 1 Introduction ……………………………………………………………….....1 1-1 Introduction ………………………………………………………………..1 1-2 Research themes …………………………………………………………...4 2 Literature Review ………………………………………………………..…..7 2-1 What is the meaning of space in archaeology? …………………………….7 2-2 The concept of maritime cultural landscape ……………………………...12 2-3 The traditional approach of wreck site formation process ………………..16 2-4 Geographic Information Systems in archaeology ………………………...23 2-5 The case study of the usage of Geographic Information Systems in maritime archaeology ……………………………………………………30 3 Methodology …………………………………………………………...…...38 3-1 GIS data collection strategy ………………………………………………38 3-2 GIS models of predictive modeling……………………………………….44 3-3 The determination of variables for maritime spatial analysis …………….53 4 The analysis of maritime space of South Australia ………………………73 4-1 Interpreting maritime space ………………………………………………73 4-2 Spatial analysis …………………………………………………………...93 4-3 Calculating the correlation between the location of shipwrecks and water depth ……………………………………………………………………117 5 Discussion and Conclusion ……………………………………………….130 5-1 Interpreting the resultant analysis ……………………………………….130 5-2 Perspectives to research questions ………………………………………140 5-3 Conclusion ………………………………………………………………148 References ………………………………………………………………….….150 Appendix ………………………………………...…………………………….160 I - GIS resources on the Internet …………………………………………….160 II - Description of South Australian Shipwreck database …………………...161 III - Data of shipwrecks located in the visible area of each navigational light …………………………………………………………………………..162 IV - Elevation data of shipwrecks ……………………...……………………169 iii List of Figures Figure 1-1-1. Location map of study area: The gulf coast of South Australia ……3 Figure 2-3-1. Muckelroy’s original model of shipwreck site formation processes ……………………………………………………………………………………17 Figure 2-3-2. Expanded model of wreck deterioration processes ……………….19 Figure 2-3-3. Recent developed model highlighting cultural factors in shipwreck site formation …………………………………………………………………21 Figure 2-4-1. Concept of GIS data layer in archaeology ………………………..26 Figure 3-1-1. The image of a risk assessment model ……………………………51 Figure 3-3-1. Development of South Australian Marine Board …………………62 Figure 4-1-1. Locations of wrecking 1800 – 1899 ………………………………75 Figure 4-1-2. Admiralty Charts: Australia. South coast. Gulf of St. Vincent and Spencer 1855 – 1865 ………………………...………………………………..80 Figure 4-1-3. Admiralty Charts: South Australia – St. Vincent and Spencer Gulfs 1863 – 1918 …………………………………………………………………...81 Figure 4-1-4. Lighthouse map of the province of South Australia 1883 ………..82 Figure 4-1-5. The vector data of coastline of South Australia …………………..91 Figure 4-1-6. An example of Georeferencing …………………………………...92 Figure 4-2-1. Conceptual framework about the spatial analysis of maritime space based on the distribution of shipwrecks ………………………………………94 Figure 4-2-2. Comparative graph regarding the historical changes of the shipwrecks and vessels in South Australian waters ………………………..95 Figure 4-2-3. Construction date of navigational lights in South Australia ……...96 Figure 4-2-4. The location information of the navigational lights provided by the chart “Lighthouse map of the province of South Australia 1883” ……………..102 Figure 4-2-5. The distribution of 218 shipwrecks dating from 1837 to 1899 on the chart “Lighthouse map of the province of South Australia 1883” from the data frame of ArcMap …………………………………………………………….103 Figure 4-2-6. The spatial relationship between shipwrecks and navigational lights in South Australia in the mid-nineteenth century ……………………………111 Figure 4-2-7. The spatial relationship between shipwrecks and navigational lights in South Australia in the late nineteenth century …………………………….112 Figure 4-2-8. Chronological changes in shipping routes in South Australia during the latter half of nineteenth century ………………………………………….115 Figure 4-3-1. Bathymetric data for South Australia ……………………………118 iv Figure 4-3-2. TIN surface modeling demonstrating the change in elevation by color and relief …………………………………………………………………120 Figure 4-3-3. A dataset comprised of quite a number of geographic contour data that provide South Australia containing sea level value ……….……………122 Figure 4-3-4. Establishing the boundary of the analytical area from the geographic feature data containing the geo-coordinate system …………………………123 Figure 4-3-5. Digital Elevation Model for the gulf coast of South Australia ….124 Figure 4-3-6. Specific values for depth in the DEM are extracted and added to the shipwrecks data ……………………………………………………………...126 Figure 4-3-7. Examples of extracted values regarding water depth from DEM in the South Australian shipwrecks dataset …………………………………….127 Figure 5-2-1. A shipwreck assessment model focusing on pre- and post-depositional cultural and natural factors in the macro and micro level analysis of shipwrecks ……………………………………………………...…..142 v List of Tables Table 2-5-1. Fourteen case studies of GIS application in maritime archaeology presented ………………………………………………………………………...36 Table 3-1-1. Procedure for the establishment of database in GIS analysis ……...39 Table 3-3-1. Equating land and marine variables for GIS ……………………….55 Table 4-1-1. The geographic coordinate system adopted in the datasets of the South Australian shipwrecks …………………………………………………….86 Table 4-1-2. Historical charts obtained from the State Library of South Australia for the purpose of analyzing navigational aids ………………………………….89 Table 4-2-1. The construction date of navigational lights expressed on the “Lighthouse map of the province of South Australia 1883” ……………….……97 Table 4-2-2. The visibility of navigational lights described on the chart “Lighthouse map of the province of South Australia 1883” ……………….…..101 Table 4-2-3. The number of shipwrecks from the 1830s through the 1890s located in before and after establishing of the navigational lights ……………………..106 Table 4-2-4. An example of calculation based on the average number of the vessels wrecked on the light visible area per year ……………….…………….108 Table 4-3-1. Statistical data regarding the number of shipwrecks (1837-1899) and water depth in South Australian waters ………………….….………………….129 Table 5-1-1. Agencies responsible for lighthouses and jetties until the establishment of the Harbors Board in1914 ……………………………………136 Table 5-1-2. Data regarding the relationship between water depth and the number of ancient shipwrecks in the Mediterranean Sea ……………………………….139 vi 1 Introduction 1-1 Introduction The relationship between space and archaeological remains has been a main research theme for archaeologists. My research will examine the spatial analysis of underwater sites using a Geographic Information Systems (GIS) case study of shipwrecks located in South Australian coastal waters. The study will pursue the distributional meaning of 218 shipwrecks dating to the second half of the nineteenth century in correlation with the cultural and natural factors that affected their distribution. Maritime archaeologists have highlighted cultural and natural factors using site formation processes theory in order to understand the distributional context of single wreck sites (Muckelroy 1978; Ward et al. 2001; Gibbs 2006). According to Clarke (1977, p. 12), however, archaeologists can also extend the perspective of spatial resolutions from a micro level to a macro level in the way of interpreting sites. One of the key concepts of this research is to demonstrate the significance of a holistic, macro approach through the analysis of distribution of multiple 1 shipwrecks. The concept of a holistic spatial analysis has improved due to a recent development of maritime cultural landscape theory (Westerdahl 1992). This theory allows for maritime archaeologists to conduct research on not only one shipwreck but multiple shipwrecks, the natural environment and other maritime infrastructures within the maritime landscape. Consequently, this analysis will use maritime cultural landscape theory to highlight the role of navigational lights as cultural factors and bathymetric data as a natural factor which influenced the location of South Australian shipwrecks. This analysis employs the concept of GIS predictive modeling as an analytical model to investigate the correlation between the location of shipwrecks and cultural and natural factors identified using landscape theory. The validity of predictive modeling in shipwreck spatial analysis is controversial (Mather & Watts 2002, pp. 693-694), and only a few models exist in assessing maritime space (Boyd et al. 1996). The purpose of this analysis is to demonstrate the potentials for using GIS in maritime archaeology as an analytical model to 2 understand the distribution of multiple shipwrecks. Figure 1-1-1. Location map of study area: the gulf coast of South Australia 3 1-2 Research themes Using GIS analysis supported by both a theoretical framework of site formation processes and maritime cultural landscape, the distribution of shipwrecks in South Australian coastal waters will be examined. This thesis will give some insight to the following ideas: 1. A focus on the analysis of comprehensive site formation processes in macro space using multiple shipwrecks, rather than the traditional, particularistic site formation processes studies of individual shipwrecks. 2. Site formation processes and maritime cultural landscape theories can be used to identify factors of past human activity and the physical environment, which affect the spatial distribution of shipwrecks. 3. The interpretation of the spatial relationships between the distribution of shipwrecks and other maritime infrastructures, such as jetties and lighthouses can demonstrate the significance of established maritime culture population centers. 4 4. Although the validity of using GIS as a predictive model to analyse underwater sites is still disputable, this study may help in determining some of the natural variables, such as prevailing winds, currents, hydrography, channels alignment, and bottom sediments that affect shipwreck distribution. This thesis consists of five chapters which outline the course of research. Chapter One introduces the reader to the fundamental concept and structure of this study. Chapter Two presents an overview of theoretical aspects in this study. A literature review highlights the significance of space in archaeology with a brief description of its progress in archaeology. The purpose of this section is to understand how using GIS can contribute to archaeological research. The second and third sections are a review of the theory of maritime cultural landscape and wreck site formation processes, which support the conceptual framework of this study. In the forth and fifth sections, the development of using GIS in both terrestrial and maritime archaeology will be addressed. 5 Chapter Three will introduce the spatial analysis methodology employing ArcGIS9. The first section demonstrates the methods used to collect geo-spatial data in the process of establishing a database for spatial analysis. The second section pursues the application of existing GIS models to the analysis of maritime cultural space. In the third section, the natural and human factors adopted in this analysis are identified. Chapter Four will outline the actual process of GIS analysis. This section will demonstrate the approach used to reveal the distributional meaning of South Australian shipwrecks in correlation with natural and cultural factors. In the first section, the maritime cultural space of South Australia is described based on historical and archaeological perspectives. Chapter Five describes the results of spatial analysis. The first section provides perspectives for the correlation between shipwrecks and natural and human factors within the maritime space of South Australia. In the second section, insights into future research are addressed. Finally, the significance of the results of this study is summarised in the third section. 6 2 Literature Review The purpose of this chapter is to provide essential knowledge and outline key concepts of implementing an integrated approach of spatial analysis and Geographic Information Systems (GIS) in maritime archaeology in South Australia (S.A.). The first three sections of this chapter present an introduction to spatial archaeology, maritime cultural landscape, and wreck site formation processes, and provide a theoretical framework for the analysis of shipwrecks. The latter sections review examples of the utilisation of GIS in both terrestrial and underwater research. These multiple approaches will counter criticism about the insufficiency of theoretical approaches in maritime archaeology today, and will complement the idea of the adaptation of GIS to the study of maritime cultural heritage. 2-1 What is the meaning of space in archaeology? GIS analyses process spatial information that is comprised of material remains 7 and geographical factors. In terms of an intimate link between the concept of GIS and the study of space in archaeology, a few publications focusing on GIS analysis in archaeology emphasise the importance of previous studies of spatial archaeology as a precursor for the development of present GIS analysis. Some examples of these include those by Allen, Green and Zubrow (1990), Kaneda, Tsumura and Niiro (2001) and Wheatley and Gillings (2002). Space as a static aspect and its precise measurement The principles of archaeology deal with spatial data on diverse scales, ranging from the location of sites upon a landmass to the distribution of artefacts within a single site. In order to better understand the spatial relationship of these archaeological components, initial archaeological work records exact distributions of remains. This data is used to produce precise site plans and elevation maps. This approach dates back to at least the early formal excavations in the eighteenth century, including the plan of the Villa of Papyri in Herculaneum drawn up by Weber and the scaled plans and sections of the Roman earthwork of the Bokerly dyke produced by Pitt-Rivers (Wheatley & Gillings 2002). Throughout the history of the discipline, meticulous measurements used to produce maps in the field have been the only effective scientific means for archaeologists to evaluate 8 space. The importance of producing site plans which leads to the comprehension of horizontal relationships of archaeological features in space, and vertical profiles which aid in the determination of temporal sequences, is accepted as basic archaeological practice. Until archaeologists create such maps, spatial and temporal information from sites cannot be visualised in their survey results. Precise measurement leads to the understanding of site structure, and artefact distribution and chronological order of archaeological sequences. It is important to note that these earlier analytical frameworks were only revealing static aspects of space where the meaning of past human activities and influences lying behind the space was not the focal point of the study. Space with dynamism In recent years archaeology has focused more on the dynamism of cultural space where the dispersion and spread of archaeological remains is studied in relation to the patterning of human activities and the development of civilization over time. Firstly, the distribution of archaeological materials in space was prevailingly explained as an offspring of historical changes of culture (Trigger 1989), and the idea was initially formed by Childe’s cultural diffusion model. Later, as a result of pursuing further scientific verification, a new movement toward the study of 9 economic and evolutionary aspects of cultural remains occurred in the 1940s. This movement stressed the direct spatial patterning of cultural remains, and went beyond simple modeling of cultural diffusion (Wheatley & Gillings 2002, p. 5). An example of this approach includes the examination of cultural ecology and its adaptation by Julian Steward. Wheatley & Gillings (2002, p. 5) state “here the mapping of archaeological sites was undertaken on a regional scale, with the express purpose of studying the adaptation of social and settlement patterns within an environmental context i.e. to find causal linkages.’’ Although the concept was apparently innovative, Hodder has pointed out that using the simple visual examination of distribution maps at this stage of spatial analysis was intuitive and subjective (Hodder 1977, p.223; Wheatley & Gillings 2002, p. 5). Spatial archaeology A methodological development of spatial archaeology was promoted through the occurrence of quantitative approaches which stressed objectivity and verifiability after the rise of the new approach known as New or Processual Archaeology in the early 1960s by Louis Binford. Considering present spatial patterns as an on-going cultural system from past human activities and process, processual archaeology presumes that archaeological evidence of space could be objectively calculated 10 through the systematic testimony and verification that are employed using deductive approach and statistical methods (Wheatley & Gillings 2002). Harris and Lock (1990, p. 47) state that a successful case study of spatial analysis based on the combination of map-based methods and quantitative approaches was accomplished by David Clarke at the Iron Age settlement site; Clarke (1977) consequently defined spatial archaeology. Through the introduction of spatial analysis and the implication of random aspects of the observed archaeological patterns (Hodder 1977), considerable spatial methods were outlined at this stage. These same methods can be utilised by modern GIS spatial analysis. In brief, a sequence of statistical and quantitative approaches including mathematical calculations for the analysis of directions, densities and distances of artefact distributions is regarded as a precursory form of present GIS approaches (Kvamme 1995, pp. 1-2). Interpreting the meaning of space Apart from the advancement of technical aspects of spatial analysis, the domination of Processual Archaeology began to be superseded by the Post-processual Archaeology movement in the mid 1980s. Post-processual archaeology presented an alternative interpretation of human behavioural patterns 11 in archaeological space (Wheatley & Gillings 2002). Currently, spatial archaeologists highlight distinguished cultural phenomenon generated from distinctive human activities and actions, rather than stressing a systematic aspect of culture. Archaeologists acknowledge that space contains multiple structures and diverse information, and this complexity might reflect some surface traits of space and produce different results upon its analysis. Although the function of GIS enables researchers to integrate a large number of elements objectively, the fact is that scales and variables for spatial analysis depend on the ability to determine the meaning of space. 2-2 The concept of maritime cultural landscape The concept of “landscape” in archaeology assists in understanding the physical and mental elements underlying cultural space. In particular, the theory of “cultural landscape” is used as a means to clarify the interaction of human activity with the natural environment. The initial idea of cultural landscape in both European and American archaeology and anthropology dates back to early studies 12 of historic settlement patterns with concern to environmental variables. Researchers from Cultural-geography emphasised the role of landscape and geography to determine the conditions which impact upon cultural activities. The pioneers of this field, such as the English archaeologist O.G.S. Crawford demonstrated historical changes in a region through several eras by archaeological and environmental distribution maps (Wheatley & Gillings 2002). His approach on the basis of distribution maps examined the characterisation and spatial delineation of archaeological evidence not simply using the dots of sites, but also adopting the lines and the large-scale features for description of field boundaries, remains of irrigation and agricultural systems dykes (Johnson 2005, p. 156). In modern archaeological theory, however, apart from the perspective adhered to by the Crawford tradition, archaeologists have given the term landscape diverse meanings: landscape as a set of resources, or site catchment/territorial analysis; landscape as a reflection of society and its relation to theories of the formation of complex societies and states; and landscape as an expression of people’s ways of thinking and acting upon the world (Johnson 2005, p. 157). Knapp and Ashmore (1999, p. 19) point out “contemporary, etic, archaeological perceptions 13 of the landscape were not those used by prehistoric or early historic societies to conceptualise their environment.” Indeed, the usage of cultural landscape theory in current archaeology is a means of establishing a cognitive framework to grasp a holistic image of culture and reveal symbolic aspects of society, rather than to describe physical configurations of the land (Tilley 1994). Due to limitations in the archaeological record in which past human experience is not obviously reflective, archaeologists need to rely on the availability of a conceptual framework of cultural landscape theory that explains how human mentality impacts the environment, society, and land. The term “cultural landscape” was recently introduced into maritime archaeology in a paper entitled “The maritime cultural landscape” by Christer Westerdahl (1992). Westerdahl (1992, p. 6) states that the basic idea of maritime cultural landscape is aimed at the conceptual unity of maritime cultural remains located on both land and underwater which resulted from human utilisation of maritime space. Within the total topography, maritime features located in the vicinity of a waterfront are as important as submerged features because the entire range of maritime economies are indicative of maritime cultural landscapes, including 14 tangible and intangible materials. A collaborative work by maritime archaeologists from the Northern Ireland Environment and Heritage Service and University of Ulster is well known as the case study regarding practicing the concept of maritime cultural landscape (McErlean et al. 2002). Apart from the widespread use of the term maritime cultural landscape among maritime archaeologists, this theory and its definition are still disputed. According to Hunter (1994, pp. 261-262), the use of the phrase maritime cultural landscape suggested by Westerdahl resulted from his occupational viewpoint as a heritage manager, rather than a strictly analytical standpoint. Highlighting the significance of a holistic view of entire maritime infrastructures and culture is an innovative approach, as compared to the traditional approach of dealing only with a spatially isolated shipwreck. More importantly the idea of maritime cultural landscape is not simply limited to either a narrow dimensional link or a superficial contemporary relationship among maritime cultural remains within a perceptible range. To identify certain components and meaning of the maritime space is one of many concerns in the conceptual range of maritime cultural landscape theory. It is important to demonstrate explicitly the 15 relationship between maritime cultural landscape and its conceptual boundary from the analytical viewpoint in this study. 2-3 The traditional approach of wreck site formation process “We must be able to model and understand the archaeological formation process, both natural and cultural, before we can model where sites might be found”(Kvamme 2006, p. 7). Since Keith Muckelroy (1978) first presented the theory of shipwreck site formation process, the interpretation of shipwrecks that have survived to the present state has concerned maritime archaeologists. In comparison with existing approaches to highlight a series of wreck disintegration processes after a ship is wrecked (Muckelroy 1978; Ward et al. 2001; Gibbs 2006), there seems to be room to expand an aspect of pre-deposit formation process of shipwrecks. The diagram of the evolution of a wreck by Muckelroy (1978) demonstrates the general deterioration processes of vessels resulting from human and natural disturbances. This model was intended to have a potential application to all 16 wreck sites and describes conceivable physical alternations that can modify important archaeological evidence associated with a sunken vessel and its associated cargos (Figure 2-3-1). The establishment of the flow chart diagram assists in the retrieval of past information and helps with the assessment of present and future conditions of wreck sites. Ship PROCESS OF WRECKING Material floated away SALVAGE OPERATIONS Material salvaged DISINTEGRATION OF PERISHABLES Material disintegrated SEABED MOVEMENT Material subsequently CHARACTERISTICS OF EXCAVATION OBSERVED SEABED DISTRIBUTION Figure 2-3-1. Muckelroy’s original model of shipwreck site formation processes (Muckelroy 1978, p. 158) 17 Some researchers have made inroads into the development of Muckelroy’s original model and discussed its concept. For example, the site formation of HMS Pandora which wrecked on the outer shelf of the Great Barrie Reef was explained by the four-stage disintegration process with focus on physical, biological, chemical influences (Ward et al. 1998). With regard to the existing model of wreck formation, Ward et al. (2001, p. 213) points out that there is a paucity of consideration of distinguishing factors between process-related and produced attributions which result in a more descriptive rather than predictive method. From this view, Ward et al. (2001) suggests that the model focuses on the main processes and influential features that directly affect wreck disintegration (Figure 2-3-2). More recently, Martin Gibbs (Gibbs 2006) presents the developed model of site formation processes emphasising the aspect of human impacts (Figure 2-3-3). 18 Ship Material floated away PROCESS OF WRECKING HYDRODYNAMIC ENVIRONMENT SEDIMENT BUDGET GRAVEL SAND MUD CHARACTERISTICS OF SEABED PHYSICALDOMINATED DETERIORATIO Wreck Information Material floated away Material removed HIGH Storm ENERG LOW ENERGY CHEMICAL-ANDBIOLOGICALDOMINATED DETERIORATION IN SITU MODIFICATION EXCAVATION OBSERVED WRECK & SEABED CHARACTERISTICS Figure 2-3-2. Expanded model of wreck deterioration processes (Ward et al. 2001, p. 215) An underlying idea related to these shipwreck formation theories derives from an appreciation for the complex cultural and natural processes that could impact the formation and transformation of archaeological deposits (Schiffer 1987). In past the three decades, researchers from the field of behavioural archaeology have 19 developed theories in which the historical nature of archaeological objects, such as the general sequence of the process of ceramics containing procurement, manufacture, use, deposition, and decay is seen as a principle research theme (Lamotta & Schiffer 2005, pp. 121-125). When integrating the concept of the historical nature of remains to shipwreck archaeology Muckelroy pointed out that there is a need to consider the pre-wreck nature of a ship and its content (Gibbs 2006, p. 4). The more comprehensive approach including “pre-depositional”, “depositional” and “post-depositional” process of wreck is then descriptively introduced in the analysis of the shipwrecks (O’Shea 2002). However, Gibbs (2006, pp. 6-7) states that the concept of pre-depositional, depositional and post-depositional process is “still primarily oriented towards explanation of the archaeological deposition and distribution, rather than the cultural processes behind them.” 20 Ship DISASTER AVOIDED PRE-IMPACT Threat PRE-IMPACT Deliberate Running Ashore Refloating Warning Processes Wreck IMPACT Crisis Salvage RECOIL Survivor Salvage Storage RECONSTRUCTDISASTER Intentional Deposition Systematic Salvage(s) Abandoment Opportunistic Salvage(s) Material Subsequently Deposited Site Jettisoning Salvage of Jetsam/Lagan Survivor Camp Salvage Camp Natural Site Formation OBSERVED SEABED DISTRIBUTION Figure 2-3-3. Recent developed model highlighting cultural factors in shipwreck site formation (Gibbs 2006, p. 16) 21 Within the previous approaches of the wreck site formation models, the processes have been treated solely as an aspect of post-deposit or disintegration which focuses on the physical influences on a wreck site. More importantly, the existing models emphasise the systematic flow of natural and cultural processes dealing with the site formation processes of a single shipwreck. Spatial analysis in this study, however, aims at extracting commonly observed factors from the distribution of multiple shipwrecks located in the specific areas. The factors observed at the multiple shipwrecks will be consequently formulated as dominant natural and cultural environments that affect the site formation process of individual shipwrecks within an area. This study pursues the feasibility that pre-depositional processes will be assessed as factors that determine the distribution of wrecks. The concept of shipwreck site formation based on natural and cultural processes is not a spatially isolated phenomenon. Apart from the traditional approaches used to hypothesise the diverse factors that alter a single shipwreck, the wreck site formation process in this study will highlight the significance of pre-deposit processes with the identification of natural and cultural environments affecting at multiple shipwrecks. 22 2-4 Geographic Information Systems in archaeology Applications of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) are no longer innovative techniques in archaeology. Indeed, the publication entitled GIS in archaeology: An annotated bibliography in 1995, provided a substantial number of reports and articles, and implies a development of this field (Petrie et al. 1995). The purpose of this section is to provide fundamental knowledge about the role of GIS in archaeology through its definition, development, utilisation, and recent status in the discipline. Despite the growth of recognition about the utility of GIS, dissemination and familiarisation seem to remain issues among archaeologists. The complexity and various difficulties such as the high cost of using GIS act as a deterrent for its widespread use, and understanding its functions. Researchers have attempted to define GIS (Savage 1990 pp. 22-23; Kvamme 1999, pp. 157-160; Kaneda et al. 2001, p. 6; Wheatley & Gillings 2002, p. 9). It is normally regarded as a generic term to explain a computer-based system to store, manipulate, analyse and present information about geographic space. The typical analysis process of geographic 23 information within systems is then summarised as the following (Wheatly & Gillings 2002, pp. 11-13); 1. Data Entry – Available spatial information is introduced into GIS through digitisation. This data can be acquired through several methods; for example, scanning images of aerial photography or regional registers of land, and using the survey tools such as Total Stations and Global Positioning Systems. 2. Spatial Database – Data within the spatial database is translated into different layers (or sheets), in which, each layer contains a different theme; examples include soil types, river networks, or site locations. In addition, at this phase an internal database can be connected to an external database to deal with real time data, as well as massive data in the case of large-scale systems. 3. Manipulation and Analysis – A subsystem comprised of various functions conducts spatial analysis, data transformation, and modeling of data. To take a brief example of the data manipulation function of GIS, purposive layers are produced from existing ones. 24 4. Visualisation and Reporting – Visualisation is often considered as the most representative function of GIS. It creates not simple maps comprised of points or dots, but visualised maps on the screen. One evident outcome of GIS is to create a new map resulting from the analysis of archaeological and geographical data. In the production of the GIS map, selective geographic data and databases produce several layers (also known as “sheets”, “themes”, “coverage” or “images”) to compose the map. Each layer belongs to specific geographic or archaeological attributes: for example, “topography (in the form of contours); hydrology (rivers and streams); modes of communication (roads, track and pathway); land use (wooded areas, houses, and industrial areas); boundaries (political or administrative areas); and archaeology (the point locations of archaeological sites)” (Wheatley & Gillings 2002, p. 25). Consequently, a typical image of an archaeological GIS map is suggested in the following diagram (Figure 2-4-1). 25 Figure 2-4-1. Concept of GIS data layer in archaeology (reproduced from Wheatley & Gillings 2002, p. 26) In terms of conceptual approaches, the early stages of GIS derive from systematic spatial analyses and mapping to generalised artefact and site distributions performed in the late 1970s and the 1980s. 26 Some researchers had begun employing computer techniques and writing their own computer programmes for spatial analysis; these include cartography, creation of regional databases, digital elevation models, and computer simulations in a single region. A successful case study was on the Granite Reef archaeological project which collaborated with computer scientists; it is considered a landmark in computer based spatial analysis (Kvamme 1995, p. 2). Despite the fact that researchers involved in the project did not use the term GIS, they established distinct data layers for elevation, soils, geology, rainfall, temperature, and other environmental factors over a vast area in order to research environmental suitability for early hunting, travel in the desert, and prehistoric agriculture. Indeed, their innovative approaches are little different from present GIS-based settlement studies (Kvamme 1995, p. 2). In the late 1980s, the wide application of GIS was gradually recognised since academic papers that discussed the usefulness of GIS in the discipline were presented at annual conferences like the Society for American Archaeology (SAA) in the US and Computer Applications in Archaeology (CAA) in the UK (Harries & Lock 1990, p. 35). At present, there is a movement concerning the usage of GIS away from an initial 27 request of predictive models and towards post-research processes consisting of management and presentation of data (Ghobadi & Tsumura 2006). From the beginning, GIS performance was regarded as a beneficial tool for cultural heritage management. In reality, the usage of GIS for heritage management is widespread in the United States, where its ability is not only evaluated for regional and archaeological data storage, but also for the construction of site predictive modeling in archaeological methods (Kvamme 1995, p. 3; Kvamme 1999, pp. 171-174; Wheatley & Gillings 2002, p. 19, p. 217; Kvamme 2006, p. 4). The prevalence of the use of GIS predictive models resulted from the fact that the US government cultural heritage managers needed to design extensive site management plans for large areas using limited information based on small-scale surveys conducted in the 1970s and the 1980s (Wheatley & Gillings 2002, p. 165). The aims of these predictive modelings were to determine possible locations of archaeological remains not yet discovered. The GIS model could theoretically lead to both deductive and inductive analyses. For example, GIS may enable archaeologists to presume unknown site locations from geographic features, and include archaeological resources without any 28 particular information about the location of the site itself. Alternatively, archaeologists could establish new theories; for instance, the hypothetical location of sites resulting from observation and interpretation of the relationships between archaeological remains. Researchers are likely to pursue the possibility of using GIS to manage and present archaeological data recovered from site investigations. The progress of various technologies, such as remote sensing survey techniques including Global Positioning System (GPS) and the prevalence of the Internet result in an enhancement of the quality of geographic data and sharing of geographical information on regional and global levels. Currently, a large amount of spatial data, not to mention commercial products, is available through various web sites, and both local and state governments have contributed to the accumulation of diverse types of information. The appearance of leading companies in GIS software like the Environmental Systems Research Institute (ESRI), play an important role in dissemination of GIS applications and synthesis of the digital file format utilised for spatial analysis. However, it should be noted that the popularisation of GIS applications based on the growth of the business market 29 might cause an increase in simple non-analytical approaches which pursue only graphic output and visual effects. The production of effective visual information coincides with the outcome of relevant data analysis and is supported by methods and theories. The qualitative issues include precise data input and the acquisition of pertinent information and are inevitably the primary concerns in GIS analysis. 2-5 The case study of usage of Geographic Information Systems in maritime archaeology The use of GIS in maritime archaeology for spatial analysis can be understood through its applications. Maritime archaeologists have employed GIS for different research purposes due to its potential (Mather & Watts 1998; Murphy 1998b). Due to its various functions and high capacity, the use of GIS is not bound to only one purpose. It is suggested that the range of applications for GIS in maritime archaeology can be classified into four main realms: survey, site specific investigations, cultural resource management, and predictive modeling 30 and exploratory data analysis (Mather & Watts 2002, p. 681). Based on this clarification, primarly GIS could be used as an efficient survey tool in the analysis of collected data created during remote sensing survey work. This is the most fundamental application of GIS, that is, to distribute the data from several surveys on a map. “Post-processed data from magnetometers, side-scan sonars, and positioning systems can be overlaid in a GIS to permit rapid visual and mathematical analysis” (Mather & Watts 2002, p. 682). An early use of GIS based on this concept was employed during the investigation of the Dry Tortugas in the Florida Keys. There the data from magnetic and acoustic surveys and positioning surveys including proton precession magnetometer, side scan sonar, subbottom profiler, survey fathometer, RoxAnn bottom classification equipment, and DGPS (Differential-corrected Geographic Positioning System), were transformed into a GIS format (Murphy 1993). Another example is the case of the Civil War submarine H.L Hunley, located in outer Charleston Harbor, South Carolina. Nondestructive surveys for site assessment were conducted using remote sensing equipment, and combined with comprehensive research including data collection, post-plotting, analysis and presentation designed in a 31 GIS database (Murphy 1998a). More recently, researchers employed HPASS (High Precision Acoustic Surveying System) to produce a site plan. HPASS is a sort of sound system available to fix particular positions or to plot the main figure of the site (Green & Souter 1999). In this process, GIS helped to describe the configuration of the site from the HPASS data. The next application of GIS refers to a site specific investigation. According to Mather & Watts (2002, p. 691), GIS can store all archaeological data generated by a site-specific investigation including architectural and construction features, stratigraphic profiles and artefact provenience, photographic documentation, and historical or literary reference. This combined data can allow archaeologists to conduct comparative research about artefacts and features among different sites. In the case of the USS Monitor National Marine Sanctuary in North Carolina (the test project to realise the potential of GIS), digital images such as photomosaic maps and sonar mosaics were combined and adjusted in order to produce an image of wreck on the screen; in addition, spatial information was developed by the supplementing data from artefacts and site investigations (Mather & Watts 2002, pp. 691-693). 32 Primary predictive modeling by GIS analysis is expected to be used for the demonstration of shipwreck potential in uninvestigated waters where all environmental information, such as ship routes, bottom depths and sediments, prevailing winds, and currents could be transformed into data. However, it is indicated that at present there is difficulty in constructing GIS-based predictive models for ship losses due to immensely complex, expensive, and limiting factors (Mather & Watts 2002, pp. 693-694). Although there is a case study which tried to locate the German World War II submarine U-559 by GIS analysts and geophysicists; their approaches only suggest a model focusing on the analysis of data from the result of remote-sensing survey and marine environmental factors might be replicated (Cooper et al. 2002). The procedure of predictive modeling has not been established yet in maritime archaeology. The Richmond River shipwreck heritage risk GIS model should be introduced as a remarkable example being close to predictive modeling which used deductive approaches. Although this project was based on the concept of predictive modeling, Boyd et al. (1996) emphasises that the purpose of the study fundamentally concentrated on an estimation of the degree of risk for buried 33 remains rather than to predict the actual location of unidentified shipwrecks. According to the report (Boyd et al. 1996), the GIS model adopted data from previous predictive modeling research regarding the implementation of risk assessment to buried remains within the river mouth and coastal area. In this case, the usefulness of GIS in maritime archaeology is proven through the construction of a risk assessment model collaborated with a predicative modeling approach. The use of GIS predictive modeling in maritime archaeology remains a matter to be discussed further, and continued research in this field with the accumulation of data will clarify the utility of GIS applications to pure predictive models. It is expected that the most profitable use of GIS for maritime archaeology is the application to underwater culture heritage management. Especially in the United States, cultural resource managers have attempted to conduct GIS-based underwater cultural resource management that is equal to terrestrial archaeology. Mather & Watts (2002, pp. 682-683) state that the legislation in the United States provides the relevant assessment and the identification of submerged cultural resources for the registered heritage place, which would face developmental 34 impact. As a result, heritage managers have adopted GIS to store, organise, and administer the large amount of archaeological and historical data. The following are four examples of GIS based underwater culture heritage management projects; James River Historic Properties Treatment Plan GIS; Charleston Harbor Project GIS; U. S. Navy Resource Management Program; Dry Tortugas and Key Biscayne Shipwreck and Natural Resource Survey System and GIS (Mather & Watts 2002, pp. 683-691). The use of GIS in cultural heritage management can provide inclusive means for manipulating multiple data ranging from primary information like survey results to secondary information generated by data processed by other computer programmes. To determine future research and assessment, it is important to estimate particular sensitive zones within heritage areas that are classified using specific criteria such as the degree of threat in heritage management. Also, many cases of heritage managements designed by GIS programmes provide people with access to cultural heritage resources on the internet. Thus GIS in heritage management interprets available information for a comprehensive understanding of data. 35 Case Studies of GIS analysis in maritime archaeology Dry Tortugas National Preserve H.L. Hunley Site Assessment River Richmond, New South Wales Langstone Harbour, University of Portsmouth Sea of Marmara, University of Florida Galle Harbour Project Table Bay, University of Cape Town Florida Bay, Florida Gulf of Marine Info Atlas, Marine UKDMAP, British Oceanographic Centre, Birkenhead Crown Estate Commissioners, Edinburgh Forth Estuary Foram, Scottish Natural Heritage, Edinburgh Sea Mammals Research Unit, University of St Andrew Danish National Record of Marine and Maritime Sites Table 2-5-1. Fourteen case studies of GIS application in maritime archaeology presented (reproduced from Groom & Oxley 2002 p. 52). The idea of classification of GIS applications and the introduction of associated cases are provided in order to clarify the usefulness of GIS in maritime archaeology. Groom and Oxley (2002) reference fourteen case studies within maritime archaeology to establish a feasible survey in Fife (Table 2-5-1). These fourteen cases demonstrate a diversity of applications of GIS in maritime archaeology and prove that GIS is highly useful in applications of a direct manner, a database tool, or its application for heritage management (Christoffersen 1994, p. 287). By using GIS software, maritime archaeologists can facilitate basic 36 research and data manipulation without sophisticated mathematical ability (Murphy 1998a). On the other hand, it should be noted that cultural heritage agencies might possibly face the administrative issues of GIS programmes such as the investment and development of systems. The heritage management based on GIS should be carefully designed (Wheatley & Gillings 2002, pp. 299-232). Nevertheless, it is valid to say that the utility of GIS is apparent to maritime archaeologists through the above cases and therefore associated issues need to be discussed. 37 3 Methodology This chapter introduces the methods employed in this study. The first section will discuss the policy of data collection using digital resources from the Internet. The next section deals with the establishment of an appropriate GIS framework for maritime spatial analysis. This will integrate the concepts of predictive modeling and risk assessment as effective tools for revealing the meaning of archaeological material in space. The final section explains how the variables for spatial analysis in South Australian coastal waters are selected with consideration to both natural and social factors. 3-1 GIS data collection strategy Analyses using GIS require gradual and systematic steps. The purpose of this section is to reveal the necessary procedures in establishing a GIS model for the analysis of shipwreck distributions in South Australian coastal waters. The project is designed using ArcGIS 9 software produced by the Environmental 38 Systems Research Institute (ESRI). The first step in producing a coherent approach requires identifying the aim of a project, and then a creating a database from the selected datasets. The methodology in this section specifically concentrates on methods for collecting the archaeological and environmental datasets for this project. The establishment of databases The establishment of databases is the most difficult part of any project in terms of its significance and time involved; further, the outcome of the project is dependent on the quality of data and its accuracy and entirety (Savage 1990, p. 27). The general process of establishing a database contains the following steps: ⅰ). Database Planning Identification of the selected spatial data based on the requirement for analysis Determination of attributes and variables for analysis Setting the range and boundary of analysis Selection of the geo-coordination used for the analysis ⅱ). Data Collection Digitizing the data to a proper format Confirmation and modification of error ⅲ). Data Administration Confirmation of geo-coordination Combination of adjacent layers Table 3-1-1. Procedure for the establishment of a database in GIS analysis 39 Digital datasets from web-based databases A limitation of GIS analysis is the insufficiency of available digital datasets for the purpose of research (Kvamme 1995, pp. 5-6). One solution is to employ accessible datasets that have already been produced by organisations (Zubrow & Green 1990). An issue of consideration for this approach might lie in the inherent data quality. Regardless of the importance of uniformity in criterion for data selection, there is still a gap of permissible ranges among people who carry out spatial analysis. In particular, spatial analysis in archaeology frequently requires setting up a strict dataset of scales and ranges with accuracy that should be equal to measurements taken in the field. For example, the value of contours and grids for a digital elevation model (DEM) is likely to show better qualities in urban rather than rural areas because the use of GIS is widespread in city planning and its associated environmental problems. In comparison to the development and utilisation of GIS in other disciplines, and to the rapid increase in case studies using GIS and its products in business and government applications, archaeologists are still struggling to obtain suitable datasets for their own studies (Kaneda et al. 2001, p. 18). 40 Nevertheless, it is notable that the development of the Internet contributes to shared digital datasets, which was forecasted as the globalisation of information of “corporate metadata” (Kvamme 1999). Indeed, a large number of web resources provided for GIS utilisation enables researchers to access extensive digitised information about geography, topography, hydrography, and cultural phenomenon (Appendix I). The Australian Spatial Data Directory (ASDD) website is an excellent example of the development of open resources of digital data on the Internet. The ASDD website was launched in 1988 by the Australian New Zealand Land Information Council (ANZLIC), an intergovernmental organisation for the collection, management and use of spatial information. The ASDD provides search interfaces, “to discover geospatial dataset descriptions (metadata) throughout Australia” (Australian New Zealand Land Information Council 2006). The website is designed for users to search and download substantial amounts of spatial datasets and geographic information, which are maintained by contributing organisations. These organisations include South Australian Spatial Information Directory, Geoscience Australia, and Australian Hydrographic Service; each of these has completed geographic surveys beneficial for maritime archaeology and provides useful spatial information. 41 The website of ASDD produces brief dataset descriptions that explain certain sets of geospatial data and sometimes the actual raster or vector data. Regarding shipwreck data, the ASDD only demonstrates basic information about the context of the South Australian shipwreck database, and the following information is provided on the website: Citation; Description; Data currency; Dataset status; Access; Data quality; Contact information; Metadata information; and Additional metadata (ASDD). The Department for Environment and Heritage (DEH), South Australia, maintains custody and jurisdiction over shipwreck data. A description provides an abstract which explains that although the data interact with the Commonwealth Historic Shipwrecks Act 1976 and the South Australian Historic Shipwrecks Act 1981, the database also includes those shipwrecks that have not been declared under either of these Acts. The available information held in the database covers general information about shipwrecks including historical background, management policies, location, description, conservation, bibliographic references and associated artefacts. Regarding issues of data quality, the contents imply that potential revisions about historical facts from sources like historic newspapers and 42 physical information from sources like Global Positioning System (GPS) will occur on the basis of more accurate and reliable data acquisition. The category of “Access” illustrates information on the type of digital data format and the data accessibility. Although access to the database is restricted, the existence of spatial information about the locations of shipwrecks in South Australia can be identified. Consequently, the ASDD spatial database provides valid datasets for this study, and one source of data collection will depend on web-based database. For data management, the substance of data based either on fieldwork or previous research is influential to the outcome of analyses. One of the issues lies in the fact that since GIS can produce a visual product and a plausible result without rigour and insightful data analysis, the quality of data and manner of data collection should be clearly presented in GIS analysis (Kvamme 1999, pp. 161-162; Kaneda et al. 2001, p. 18). The entire process of data collection related with the issue of its quality, accuracy, reliability and completeness is a main concern in this research. 43 3-2. GIS models of predictive modeling General ideas regarding the analytical techniques and capabilities of GIS modeling are summarised in Kvamme’s paper titled “Recent Directions and Development on Geographic Information Systems” in the Journal of Archaeological Research (Kvamme 1999). According to precursory insights and case studies (Allen 1990; Warren 1990a; Warren 1990b; Kvamme 1995; Boyd et al. 1996; Mardry et al. 2006) locational analysis at the regional level, predictive modeling and risk assessment analysis focusing on the likelihood of feature allocations are regarded as useful models for assessing local area analysis. From this perspective, it is inferred that the incorporation of these models will produce an analytical GIS model for evaluating the location of shipwrecks in South Australian waters. The concept of predictive modeling suggests that archaeologists can view past human use of space with focus on environmental factors, and that this information can determine patterns of site and artefact locations. “Archaeological predictive modeling is one of the earliest applications made 44 possible by GIS” (Kvamme 1999, p. 156), and Warren (1990a) states that the first contribution of predictive modeling was carried out by Kenneth L. Kvamme through the adaptation of logistic regression. The gradual development of empirical predictive modeling occurred in the US within the scheme of cultural resource management (CRM) and eventually impacted landscape archaeology in the UK. However, the current direction of GIS in archaeology is apparently moving away from the analytical domain of predictive modeling and towards database management and development, and displaying cultural resources as a tool for the public (Kvamme 1999, p. 162; Ghobadi & Tsumura 2006). As previously mentioned, this perspective is also dominant in maritime archaeology where certain achievements result from the application of GIS to underwater cultural heritage management, rather than deductive frameworks to analyse unknown shipwreck locations (Mather & Watts 2002, p. 693). The negative aspect of predictive modeling emphasises the incompleteness in deductive methods which cannot lead to the location of archaeological sites. Many restrictions related to determining factors for site distribution, including archaeological, environmental, behavioural, and technical aspects in the modeling process, cause difficulties in pursuing models of archaeological site location. 45 Issues related to these restrictions include data bias from subjective observation, inaccuracy of survey data, environmental differences between past and present, idiosyncratic human behaviour, and the existence of many exceptional sites. Despite the apparent bias, innovative and indomitable approaches of archaeological predictive modeling are presented in a recent publication “GIS and Archaeological Site Location Modeling” (Mehrer & Wescott 2006). Acknowledging many limitations in archaeological site modeling, the book provides insight into enhancing the validity of analytical frameworks. With regard to defects in the deductive approach of predictive modeling, for example, the authors suggest that one of the key concepts for a better understanding of predictive modeling is to discard the idea of an extreme dichotomy between deductive models and correlative models (Kvamme 2006, pp. 12-13). The concept of predictive modeling is not bound to only deductive model based entirely on theory. The correlative model based on empirical observation of archaeological phenomena will also allow for evolving if a location contains archaeological material or not. A deductive approach and a correlative approach are coincident where theory and data are not universally distinguished: “…data is 46 collected within a theoretical context, …while theories are generally based to some extent on empirical observation” (Wheatley & Gillings 2002, p. 166). Models focusing on correlation have long been accepted in other disciplines; biologists for example, have accumulated data lists of variables relevant to a species distribution and or its habits. This method has been used more in the recent methodological development of GIS (Kvamme 2006, p. 12). While reexamination of archaeological predictive modeling is an ongoing issue, Mehrer and Wescott (2006) demonstrate that possible improvement can arise through the adaptation of new variables and algorithms. From this view, the idea of predictive modeling will be one of the methods employed for evaluating the spatial meaning of shipwrecks in South Australian coastal waters. Two case studies integrating theory to practice A case study of Cultural Resource Management (CRM) by the North Carolina Department of Transportation demonstrates an example of an integrated model between the adaptation of GIS predictive modeling and the assessment of cultural space (Mardry et al. 2006). The project was designed in several steps, 47 and one of the purposes for using GIS predictive modeling was to aid in the selection of preferred highway alternatives based on an estimation of potential impacts on archaeological sites. The project structure initially required collecting archaeological site data and environmental information from one region of North Carolina. These datasets were then integrated into a database for statistical manipulation of archaeological and environmental data. Although these steps were aimed at predicting site location, cultural heritage managers recognised a lack of appropriate validation procedures for archaeological predictive modeling. Furthermore, they referred to the principle that “the generally accepted method of archaeological site predictive modeling in use today is an inductive modeling procedure using logistic regression analysis techniques” (Mardry et al. 2006, p. 326). Following this principle, they adopted an alterative method in which the datasets of known archaeological sites are initially analysed with various environmental factors for the same area. After determination of statistical relationships between the data, areas displaying similar patterns of occurrence are identified as, “predicted to be of higher likelihood to contain similar archaeological remains” (Mardry et al. 2006, pp. 326-327). This inductive predictive modeling seems to be an antipodal approach to deductive 48 predictive modeling at first sight; however, both have a coincidental aspect in the fact that their goals are equally aimed at identifying sensitive areas containing archaeological remains. As mentioned in section 2.5, in terms of risk avoidance in potential disturbance to unknown archaeological remains, a similar approach to coastal management was employed in northern New South Wales (NSW) to predict unknown shipwrecks in the River Richmond mouth (Boyd et al. 1996). In this model, an inductive approach was adopted to produce an estimate of probable locations of buried shipwrecks. These were calculated from multiple variables consisting of historical distribution, land surface elevation, and geological substrate. The estimated numbers indicating the probability of potentially buried shipwrecks were treated as absolute factors. These were then multiplied by actual risk factors such as land usage for the Richmond River mouth. Consequently, the risk to space containing potential buried shipwrecks was equalised by the manipulation of these factors. In this approach, the site location modeling that was generated from inductive approaches played a significant role in area assessment for coastal resource management. 49 Risk assessment model A wrecking event signals the end of a vessel’s life. Considering the relationship between maritime space and shipwrecks, questions arise regarding the sort of spatial factors that determine the longevity of wrecked vessels and how these can be logically calculated. Studies conducted in the social sciences regarding causality between the living environment and longevity may provide some insight and an analytical framework for the methodology. With regard to GIS analysis, researchers logically identify plus and minus environmental factors within an area, and the information about their locations is transformed into several raster images with values assigned along density, distances and vicinity (Figure 3-2-1). 50 Figure 3-1-1. The image of a risk assessment model (reproduced from Tanaka 2005, p. 102) The layers of the raster images are overlapped, and the raster calculation of values of assigned areas results in the total quality of one’s living environment. For example, according to urban sociologists (Tanaka 2005, p. 100) living environments can impact longevity; this can be assessed through spatial analysis concerning the location of living-related facilities with their qualitative aspects of safety, amenity, and convenience. In the general theory of environmental assessment, a location model of living-related facilities evaluates the distances 51 and accessibility within living areas. For example, areas adjacent to open spaces like parks provide comfort for living, as well as safety in terms of their important roles as places of refuge. The location of hospitals, their number, vicinity and distance within a living area is directly related to the quality of life. On the other hand, noise and vehicle exhaust from highways and environmental pollution from industrial plants can cause serious stress and disease. Therefore, the close vicinity of these facilities to living areas is regarded as a considerable negative factor in environmental assessment. In terms of application to wrecking events, the GIS risk assessment model identifying plus and minus factors in maritime space can be one method for comprehension of the historical distribution of shipwrecks in a region. In this analytical framework, the location of shipwrecks is a focal point for maritime spatial analysis, and various environmental variables surrounding wreck sites need to be identified as influential factors for ship losses. Some variables within South Australian waters and coastal areas will demonstrate positive aspects for seafaring, but others will have negative influences. Manipulation of these factors leads to the spatial meaning of distribution of shipwrecks in coastal waters, 52 which can be archaeologically interpreted as outcomes of historical events in the maritime space of South Australia. 3-3 The determination of variables for maritime spatial analysis By adopting an integrated approach of predictive modeling and risk assessment modeling for maritime spatial analysis, this section seeks variables that impact wrecking events such as environmental and cultural activities. The combination of such selected variables and the appropriate GIS model will explain the distributional meaning of shipwrecks in South Australian coastal waters. Although no definite guidelines for suitable variables for maritime spatial analysis exist, potential variables can be identified by referring to the maritime history of South Australia and to maritime archaeological research relating to shipwrecks in South Australian waters. 53 Variables for GIS analysis in maritime archaeology Natural factors of maritime space Variables determining shipwreck distributions can range over hydrographic, geographic, and human mental features in maritime space. Analyzing the distribution of archaeological phenomena in respect to the natural environment is a typical approach in GIS analysis and an analytical framework for studying specific marine environments which yield shipwreck remains needs to be developed. Hydrographic aspects include types of seabed, prevailing winds, storm, tidal currents, and wave action. Highlighting hydrographic impacts is significant when considering entire wrecking events, including pre- and post-deposition site formation processes. Groom and Oxley (2002, p. 51) present comparable variables for GIS analysis between terrestrial archaeology and maritime archaeology (Table 3-3-1). A hydrographic variable will be adopted to create a thematic layer in this study due to its significance. 54 Marine Land Bathymetry (water depth) Elevation (land height) Distance to established trade route Distance to freshwater Seabed sediment Soil exposure to on-shore fetch Aspect Seabed topology Slope source Table 3-3-1. Equating land and marine variables for GIS (Groom & Oxley 2002, p. 51) Cultural factors Determining environmental variables that affect spatial patterns of shipwrecks is only one aspect that must be considered; the effects of human behaviour on board the vessel during the wrecking event must also be considered. Decisions regarding shipping routes and anchorage locations, among other things, are based on the seamanship and navigational knowledge of vessel captains and may be reflected in wreck patterns. It is inferred that maritime space may exhibit randomness of shipwreck distribution, and certain patterns of seafaring are unlikely to be identified. Human behaviour during seafaring can be vulnerable and sensible due to changing weather conditions. Although research that derives certain distributional pattern of shipwrecks from human behaviour and activities has not yet evolved, the maritime spatial analysis in this study will 55 attempt to find credible evidence of human influence at the time of wrecking. Recent developments in GIS modeling have led archaeologists to emphasise the role of cultural landscape and the social environment, taking into consideration the relationship between space and human activities (Kvamme 2006; Lock & Harris 2006). Lock & Harris (2006, p. 51) suggest, “…in determining site locations there is a need to move beyond a sole reliance on environmental factors and to draw upon aspects of landscape archaeology that could provide additional determinants of site location.” One of the key concepts demonstrated in this statement is that exploring the meaning of archaeological distribution through GIS spatial analysis can be compensated by the juxtaposition of diverse factors, not depending solely on natural environment. Other authors also acknowledge the necessity of considering the social environment for improvement of spatial analysis (Kvamme 2006, p .21). Kvamme (2006, p. 22) states, “Social variables typically refer to characteristics of the human-created environment. In complex societies it is markets, central places, intervillage (sic) spacing, road networks, political boundaries and like that drive uses of space.” This statement focuses on cultural complexity in society and space and assists in understanding spatial 56 linkage between cultural features. Human activities in maritime cultural systems and the distribution of shipwrecks can be related to maritime infrastructures, which are a part of the maritime landscape. Engagements of vessels are directly related to the existence of other maritime features including ports that exist as vessels’ destinations, the establishment of markers and lighthouses which direct vessels to certain routes, and jetties that operate for loading and unloading of commodities and people. Furthermore, behind these maritime infrastructures are certain land-based human activities with broader economic and social systems. Maritime infrastructures are a relay point between vessels and land in their roles in space. Considering both the natural and social environment of maritime space will assist in understanding of the location of shipwrecks. Obtaining ideas from South Australian maritime and terrestrial history This section will outline the maritime history of South Australia with focus on the development of navigational aids such the establishment of lighthouses and production of charts. The navigational aids are regarded as human-created 57 factors that play an important role in wreck events in the waters. A review of the history of the South Australian coast also provides spatial and temporal scales with this study. It is inferred that some Indigenous groups must have been familiar with the coastline of South Australia for many thousands of years, although the use of watercraft by these people is regarded as limited to riverine systems (Clark 1990). The colonisation of South Australia by European people dates back to approximately 170 years ago, and the total length of South Australian coastline (including offshore islands) is approximately 4,000 kilometres (Clark 1990, p.1). Although a Dutch ship named Gulden Zeepard initially sighted the south coast of Australia in 1627, the topographical features of the coast were not significantly explored and recorded until the early 1800s. These early nineteenth century European expeditions were led by Matthew Flinders in Investigator in 1802, Nicolas Baudin in Le Géographe in 1803, and Louis Freycinet in Casuarina in 1803. The significance of these voyages is well known and resulted in a dramatic increase of knowledge about the coast (Sexton 1986, p. 1). Although delayed by war between England and France, the chart of Baudin’s expedition 58 was published in 1808. Redrawn on sixteen separate sheets by the Royal Naval Hydrographer, the charts of Flinders’ expedition in 1814 were published (Griffin & McCaskill 1986, p. 6). In addition to these government sponsored voyages, British and American sealing and whaling parties also approached the South Australian coast and contributed to knowledge of the coastline (Griffin & McCaskill 1986, p. 8). Since their knowledge and discoveries were not reported to authorities in many cases (Parsons 1986b, p. 4), the shared information about seafaring seemed to depend on the results of official reports produced by the Royal Navy during the colonial periods. During the 1830s settlement plans led to attempts at safely navigating South Australian waters based on the accumulated knowledge of explorers, sealers and whalers. People who planned to go to the new provinces of South Australia could obtain guides describing the coastal areas through the “Australian Directory; Volume I,” printed by the British Hydrographic Office in 1830 (Hydrographical offices 1830). The capital city of Adelaide was fixed in 1836, and the famous Flinders’ chart entitled, “The Maritime Portion of South Australia" (published in 1839) covered important sections of the South Australia coast, as 59 well as the precise position of the city (Jeffery 1989, p. 51). Within a week of official settlement in 1837 information about sailing routes and anchorage points at Holdfast Bay was provided to captains who sailed toward South Australia. More detailed sailing directions were issued for Port Adelaide and Port Lincoln in 1840, and a description of Gulf St Vincent and the approach to Port Adelaide were published in 1845. Both of the earlier sailing directions were produced by Captain Thomas Lipson a Naval Officer and Collector of Customs in South Australia (Lipson 1853). Lipson’s booklet, combined with the chart compiled by Flinders, is regarded as valuable and his guide provided the types of concerns expressed and a possible factor for less vessels being wrecked (Jeffery 1989, p. 51). Despite the aforementioned sailing directions, navigational aids were still restricted during South Australia’s colonial stage. For a newcomer with no local knowledge, navigating the coast of South Australia was particularly difficult and dangerous. Shipmasters at the time used incomplete charts, bearings taken of coastal features, and the sounding lead, and there were no constructed beacons or markers to help navigation during the daytime, and no lighthouses for nighttime 60 seafaring either (Parsons 1986b, p. 134). Only small improvements occurred in approaches to Port Adelaide; the ship Rapid set up a number of buoys at Port Creek in 1838 and the lightship Ville de Bordeaux was moored off the entrance to the port in 1848. On the other hand, a lack of relevant navigational aids in a large portion of the South Australian coast caused critical wrecking events, including the brig Dart and the barque Parses stranding on the Troubridge Shoals, off the southeast tip of Yorke Peninsula (Parsons 1986a, pp. 6-7). A colonial government organisation to treat maritime affairs has existed since the installation of Thomas Lipson as the first Harbor Master in 1836 (Marine & Harbors Department, n.d.). The colonial office provided him with the appointment of Department of Harbor Master, which was later transferred to the Harbour Department (Figure 3-3-1). However, the establishment of appropriate navigation aids covering the populated areas of the South Australian coast was not carried out until 1850 due to the absence of funds and a legal body to build and maintain maritime infrastructures. From the 1830s to 1840s, even the issues of maritime affairs were little dealt with by legislative council (Parsons 1986b, p.136). 61 1836 Harbor Master & Naval Officer 1840 Department of Harbor Master Harbor Department Trinity Board 1850 Port adelaide Harbor Trust Coast and Harbor Service Marine Board 1860 1914 Local Marine Board Harbor Board 1920 1967 Department of Maritime and Harbors Figure 3-3-1. Development of South Australian Marine Board (Marine & Harbors Department, n.d., p. iii) In the early 1850s, the prosperity of the colony became apparent. Lobbying and debates for improvement of navigational aids and the establishment of ports, jetties, and lighthouses, as well as other demands concerning the investment of other public and individual infrastructures such as tramways, railways and better 62 urban water-supplies, increased throughout this decade (Griffin & McCaskill 1986, p. 12). The first progress was the establishment of the Trinity House of Port Adelaide in 1851. Established with assistance from English institutions, the functions and jurisdictions of this organisation were comprehensive and took responsibility for the main navigational aids. These included the erection and maintenance of lighthouses, lightships, and buoys, as well as harbour pilotage and other the navigation safety issues. The records of the Marine and Harbors Department state, “…from that date the following services received pay from the corporation: pilots, steam tug, lighthouse, lightship, powder magazine” (Marine & Harbors Department, n.d., p. ii). As a result of the establishment of a stable and profitable organisation, the first lighthouse was constructed in 1852 at Cape Willoughby on Kangaroo Island. This marked the approach to the Backstairs Passage and the entry to Gulf St Vincent. In 1855, a lighthouse was finally placed on the Troubridege Shoal, known until then as the “black spot”. In order to assist the approach to Investigator Straits, in 1858 the Trinity House decided to place a lighthouse at Cape Borda on Kangaroo Island. Erected in the same year and operational by 63 1859, the lighthouse at Cape Northumberland in the southeast of the colony provided aid to inter-colonial traders from Victoria, as well as overseas ships having just passed through the rough and tumble passage of the Roaring Forties (Parsons 1986b, pp. 136-137). The construction of these four lighthouses is considered useful for the reduction in navigational hazards and the occurrence of shipwrecks along the South Australian coast (Griffin & McCaskill 1986, p.16; Gordon 1988, pp. 55-56). With the development of Port Adelaide and the increase of coastal trading in South Australia, several organisations dealt with marine matters during the 1850s. Formed in 1854, the Port Adelaide Harbor Trust consisted of members from Trinity House and was tasked with maintaining the channel and entrance to the harbour of Port Adelaide by undertaking deepening operations to allow passage of vessels of great tonnage. In addition, an organisation known as the Local Marine Board controlled the shipping office and mercantile marine matters. The considerable overlapping of responsibilities ended with the creation of the Marine Board of South Australia under the Marine Board Act of 1860. The Marine Board became, “the Department to undertake the general superintendence of all 64 marine maters…” (Marine & Harbors Department, n.d., p. ii). Thus, before 1860 the tasks related to maritime affairs, including navigational aids, fell under the influence of a loose cooperation from several colonial government offices, individual authorities, private enterprise, and a group of local businessmen known as the Port Adelaide Council. In the 1860s, the development of better navigational knowledge was derived from coastal surveys undertaken by Commander John Hutchison and Frederick Howard, and known as the Admiralty Survey of the South Australian Colony. The schooner HMS Beatrice engaged in coastal survey in Northern Territory of South Australia and the colony of South Australia from 1863 to 1880 (Parsons 1986b, p.151). The resulting information was used to produce a series of Admiral charts of South Australia and the new “Hydrographic Notice” published in 1877 (Marin Board Office 1877). In the 1880s, South Australia experienced an apparent economic growth based on the foundation of primary products such as cooper, grain, and wool. Although several years of economic depression occurred by 1900 (Griffin & McCaskill 65 1986, p.20), in comparison with the 1860s, the internal network of South Australian marine activities continued to develop until 1890. With regard to traits of the entire coast of South Australia, dispatching farm produce was highly dependent on shipping transportation, and the number of vessels employed increased throughout the late 1800s (Jeffery 1989, p. 52). The installation of thirty navigational aids comprised of fourteen lighthouses, lightships and jetty lights by 1890 resulted from a large number of vessels using sea-lanes in the South Australia waters (Griffin & McCaskill 1986, p.20). Certain cultural and social dynamism occurred from 1840 to 1890 along the entire coast of South Australia in terms of the development of navigational aids. This period represents the focal point of this study due to the construction of lighthouses and increasing knowledge of coastal navigation, which are considered variables impacting wrecking events. Insights from maritime archaeological approaches by precursors Apart from individual site reports, maritime archaeologists have already conducted thematic and comparative analyses of multiple shipwrecks of South 66 Australia (Jeffery 1989; Coroneos 1997; Coroneos & Mckinnon 1997). Some of these studies provide considerable insight into factors related to the wrecks which occurred along the South Australian coast (Jeffery 1989; Mckinnon 1993; Coroneos 1997; Coroneos & Mckinnon 1997). A series of regional survey reports produced by the South Australian Heritage Branch regarding the shipwrecks in Commonwealth waters in South Australia are considered important because they represent cohesive approaches based on specific research themes to multiple shipwrecks, rather than a distinctive approach to a singular site investigation. Therefore, through these archaeological and historical studies it is possible to obtain the variables that should be taken into consideration in determining the reasons for a vessel to be wrecked on the South Australian coast. Former State Heritage Branch Officer Bill Jeffery has analysed coastal sailing vessels wrecked in South Australian waters in terms of their constructions and types. In 1982, the archaeological survey carried out on the Tasmanian-built vessel Water Witch wrecked in the River Murray, and its results provided a new understanding of early Australian shipbuilding (Jeffery 1989, p. 51). According to Jeffery (1989, p. 51), the results of the survey contradicted the dominant theory 67 that most Tasmanian-built vessels were constructed from local timbers, which led to the need for further research about other vessels in South Australia. Jeffery initially conducted historical research dealing with a selected 84 Australian-built sailing vessels wrecked in South Australia from 1840 to 1900 (Jeffery 1989). His research aimed at identifying typical vessel types among the shipwrecks based on shipbuilding technologies and types of rig, categorised as cutters, ketches, and schooners. Part of this research also considered the issues of navigational aids as a factor that played a significant role in the wreck events (Jeffery 1989, pp. 51-52). Consequently, he emphasised that comparative and typological analysis of the vessels including design, suitability, construction, and capability of maintenance needed to be integrated with other environmental factors; this correlative approach can reveal the causes of wrecks in South Australian waters. Maritime archaeological surveys have been conducted at the wreck sites in Encounter Bay, Backstairs Passage, Investigator Strait, and the lower Yorke Peninsula. Since 1986 the State Heritage Branch of South Australia has conducted archaeological surveys with the purpose of documenting the shipwrecks in South Australia. Known as the ‘Commonwealth Historic 68 Shipwrecks Program of South Australia,’ the project is based on regional surveys, but does not include a large portion of Spencer Gulf and Gulf St. Vincent. The survey areas are divided into three main regions: south-east, central and western. The central region is sub-divided into the Investigator Strait and Backstairs Passage. The first regional report contained shipwreck data from the south-east region and was published in 1990 (Clark 1990). Next the regional survey of the shipwrecks of Kangaroo Island was produced by McKinnon in 1993 (McKinnon 1993). Cosmos Coroneos then published the results of two surveys in the central region (Coroneos 1997). Clark produced a database of the 52 shipwreck sites located along the south-east coast ranging from the mouth of River Murray to the border of Victoria (Clark 1990). Most of the shipwreck data in this report derives from historical research, and recommendations for the future management of the sites are proposed for the wrecks in this area, as well as unidentified wrecks, Australian-built vessels, and shipwrecks associated with Chinese immigrants bound for the Victorian gold fields. Each of these reports provides fundamental information about the topographical features, historical backgrounds of the regions and shipwreck data, 69 and according to McKinnon are intended to, “…provide a basis for future research management of the resources” (McKinnon 1993, p. xiii). In comparison to Clark’s report, McKinnon concentrated on dealing with the archaeological record and material remains of the vessels wrecked on Kangaroo Island. McKinnon reasoned that an archaeological survey was necessary to supplement the publication Shipwrecks of Kangaroo Island, which provides historical details of the vessels wrecked on Kangaroo Island (Chapman 1976 cited in McKinnon 1993, p. xiii). McKinnon (1993) analysed 31 shipwrecks around the island. It is notable that the author classified these thirty-one vessels based on five analytical perspectives: Australian-built coastal vessels; international cargo vessel; iron ships and steamers; foreign-built local traders; and recreational vessels. In the last two chapters, McKinnon suggests that the outcome of this survey is intended for use as a tool for underwater cultural resource management of Kangaroo Island’s submerged resources. Both of these works provide coherent shipwreck data within a regional framework and are useful for spatial analysis. 70 Cosmos Coroneos (1997) employed a more thematic approach when reporting the results of surveys of Backstairs Passage, the Lower Yorke Peninsula and Investigator Strait. The aim of these reports is to reveal, “…the reasons why vessels were lost and how the shipwrecks fit into the trade dynamics of each particular area, and of South Australia as a whole” (Coroneos 1997, p. xi). With regard to the meaning of this examination, Coroneos (1997, p. xi) reports that, “…most publications are likely to look at shipwrecks as a single and an isolated event, as well as considering them to be unrelated to each other and out of context with the world they operated in.” In his report on the 28 shipwrecks of Backstairs Passage and Encounter Bay he adopts a statistical approach to analyse the number and distribution of shipwrecks in correlation to geographic, economic, and chronological factors in the region. Based on a regional perspective, the outcome of the research leads to causality between the loss of vessels and the unsuitable conditions of the harbours at Encounter Bay. Using the same method, the 26 vessels wrecked on the Investigator Strait and the lower Yorke Peninsula were analysed in his second report. The comprehensive and thematic analysis provided by these surveys produced valuable statistical relationships between the multiple shipwrecks in the regions and other social environments; this data will be 71 applied to this spatial analysis of the entire South Australian coast. The purpose this section is to obtain insight into the social environments of South Australian waters based on the implementation of relevant spatial analysis composed of not only natural, but also cultural perspectives. Through the study of the maritime history of South Australia and the existing maritime archaeological research, the meaning of the distribution of the shipwrecks will be interpreted in relation to natural influences and variables from human actions and activities. 72 4 The analysis of maritime space of South Australia The following chapter will outline the content of spatial analysis in this study. The details of processing geo-spatial data including the database of shipwrecks, the digitalized historical charts, and bathymetric data are presented in the first section. The second section clarifies the chronological aspect of wrecking data and analyses of the spatial correlation between shipwrecks and lighthouses through the combination of statistical and map-based approaches. The third section pursues interrelation between the location of shipwrecks and water depth. 4-1 Interpreting maritime space The data of the shipwrecks in South Australian coastal waters According to the Commonwealth there are a total of 702 shipwrecks in South Australia; of those only 140 have been located (Kenderdine 1997, pp. 10-11). Although information of these individual South Australian shipwrecks is available through printed material such as site reports and popular literature, spatial analysis requires a distinctive dataset covering multiple wrecks rather than a single one 73 describing each individual shipwreck. This section presents the content of the dataset obtained for this study. The Society for Underwater Historical Research (SUHR) collected details of vessels lost in the South Australian waters before 1900 and published them in the booklet “Society for Underwater Historical Research: South Australian Shipwrecks 1800-1899” (Temme 1975). The database was derived from historical archives and presents information about the shipwrecks including: date of wrecking, name of vessel, rig, tonnage, hull materials, and approximate wrecking location. While the dataset provides fundamental information regarding 191 of the vessels wrecked in South Australian waters, the information provided about their locations is not suitable for GIS analysis. Shipwreck databases need to contain certain spatial information which includes geographic positions based on easting and northing values. 74 Figure 4-1-1. Locations of wrecking 1800 – 1899 (SHUR) The exact location of shipwrecks is sensitive in terms of their protection and management. The policies regarding public access and site preservation are a 75 controversial issue in underwater cultural resource management (Hannahs 2003). In the case of South Australia, the Department for Environment and Heritage (DEH) contributes locational information of almost all known shipwrecks in South Australia to a web-based atlas known as the “Atlas of South Australia” (Government of South Australia, 2000). To demonstrate various geographic information digitally, the website integrates data into the GIS based-map system. The original database (including the South Australian Shipwreck Database) to operate this system must contain longitude and latitude information, but the website “Atlas of South Australia” does not supply the database itself or direct coordinate information of the location of the shipwrecks. The Australian Spatial Data Directory describes that the accessibility of the database regarding the South Australian shipwrecks is strictly managed by the DEH. The shipwreck database provided by the DEH consists of a dataset file of South Australian shipwrecks and a “shape file,” which is a file format used for ESRI products. These data files co-operate on the ArcGIS 9 system to create a layer containing shipwreck data on the spatial map. There are several different data columns in the shipwrecks database including historical and archaeological data. 76 The historical data fields include: name of shipwreck, type of vessel, description of rig, description of hull, tonnage, length, build date, constructed port, date of loss, location of loss, and cause of loss. The archaeological data include: wreck location, inspection information, protected status, agency jurisdiction, and description of wrecking region. It is important to note that a possible limitation in the description of the shipwreck data could be the lack consistent details for each wreck. For example, the information may not reflect the original construction date because many vessels have several registration records resulting from structural alterations made during their careers. The “shape file” is the most popular file format for ESRI products and is vector type data consisting of point data, line data, or polygon data. The shape file uses dot features to describe spatial information of shipwrecks on the spatial layer. With regard to locational accuracy of these dots, the description of the dataset states, “Accuracy can range from +/- 5 metres when differential GPS readings are used up to +/- 5 kms when values were derived from charts” (Australian New Zealand Land Information Council, 2001, see also Appendix II). From the viewpoint of archaeological measurement standards, the quality of locational 77 information must be improved. The database provides information about on 751 vessels wrecked in South Australian waters, and out of those only 149 have been located and inspected. This indicates that eighty percent of the shipwrecks in South Australia have imprecise locational information. Although 751 vessels are recorded in the government shipwreck database, GIS spatial analysis in this study focuses on 218 shipwrecks that are dated from 1837 to 1899 in loss date. The data of navigational aids in South Australian waters This GIS analysis of maritime space pursues correlation between the cause of vessels lost and the development of navigational aids. A total of fifty-three navigational lighthouses exist along the South Australian coast at present (Ibbotson 2000). However, by the end of the nineteenth century only fourteen lighthouses assisted sailing vessels and steamships. Some of those same lighthouses are still operational, while others have been relocated to different places in the twentieth century. Technical developments in the illumination of Australian lighthouses have also occurred throughout the centuries (Gordon 1988, pp. 189-206), and the current lighthouses provide greater visibility than the early lighthouses. 78 In order to assess the correlation between causes of vessels lost and the development of navigational lights in maritime space, this GIS analysis treats the location of these lighthouses and the range of light visibility as influential variables. The analytical concept highlights differences in the number of shipwrecks before and after construction of lighthouses in specific areas to assess the actual effect they had as aids to navigation in South Australian waters in the end of the nineteenth century. To achieve this it is necessary to identify the range of light visibilities produced by these nineteenth century lighthouses. 79 Figure 4-1-2. Admiralty Charts: Australia. South coast. Gulf of St. Vincent and Spencer 1855 – 1865 (The State Library of South Australia). 80 Figure 4-1-3. Admiralty Charts: South Australia – St. Vincent and Spencer Gulfs 1863 – 1918 (The State Library of South Australia). 81 Figure 4-1-4. Lighthouse map of the province of South Australia 1883 (The State Library of South Australia). 82 A series of Admiralty Charts produced by British Hydrographic Office provides information relating to the visible arc of lights from lighthouses and lightships operating in South Australia (Figure 4-1-2 & 4-1-3). Furthermore, the Marine Board of South Australia published a chart entitled “Lighthouse Map of the Province of South Australia” in 1882 which provided details of the thirty navigational lights located along the South Australian coast, as well as distributional information of lighthouses, lightships, and lights placed on jetties (Figure 4-1-4). Based on this data, this analysis assesses the influence of the human created-environment in maritime space by questioning exactly how the establishment of navigational lights impacted wrecking events. The data of natural environments in South Australian waters It is inferred that many types of natural environmental variables in maritime space can cause vessels to wreck. This study manipulates spatial correlations between bathymetric data and the distribution of shipwrecks. The digital bathymetry data was provided by the Spatial Information Systems Laboratory of the School of Geography, Population and Environmental Management at Flinders University. The original datasets were produced by Geoscience Australia, a government 83 agency which has collected bathymetric data around the Australian coast line since 1963 (Petkovic & Buchanan 2002, p. 2). The digital datasets were created using information from various sources, including spot depth data recorded by the Australian Hydrographic Services, Royal Australian Navy (Petkovic & Buchanan 2002, p. 8). The bathymetric data held by the Spatial Information Systems Laboratory covers the central waters of South Australia including Spencer Gulf, St. Vincent Gulf, and Kangaroo Island. Whereas there is a certain difficulty regarding issues of bathymetric data collection, the quality of this data is equivalent to bathymetric data provided on navigation charts. Intuitively, it is acknowledged that shipwrecks might be allocated in the shallow waters. However, this presumption should be objectively assessed based on this geographic data. Manipulation process of spatial data ArcGIS 9 is composed of multiple programmes; the core applications used for this study are ArcCatalog, ArcMap, and ArcToolbox. ArcCatalog allows users to administrate the collected data, and in this study this application is utilised for confirmation of the geographic information of the datasets. 84 ArcMap is the application to conduct mapping, spatial analysis, and output the result of analysis. Although ArcToolbox provides various functions to process geographic information, it is only used for explicating spatial data in this study. For details about each of these applications refer to the ESRI website (http://www.esri.com/). Geographic coordinate system and projected coordinate system Datasets for GIS analysis should normally include spatial information. The ArcGIS programme adopts the “geographic coordinate system” and the “projected coordinate system” to identify the location of objects in space. The most universal method of sharing spatial information about an object is the application of latitude and longitude values through geographic coordinate system. Various geographic coordinate systems are employed at regional, state, and global levels, and the adaptation of different geographic coordinate systems results in different positioning of northing and easting values. Latitude and longitude values are determined based on an associated geodetic system such as the World Geodetic System 1984 (WGS 84). This is one of the global standard geodetic systems and is commonly used for GPS data. The same point and spatial information on the earth’s surface can be represented by different latitude and longitude, depending 85 on the geographic coordinate system employed. When producing a GIS distribution map based on latitude and longitude values, it is necessary to employ a consistent geographical coordinate system. The ArcCatalog function allows the user to confirm information from the geographic coordinate system used to create spatial datasets, or apply a new coordinate system to the datasets. This is because the spatial datasets manipulated in the ArcMap programme need a consistent geographic coordinate system. The shipwreck dataset from the DHE is based on the following geographic coordinate systems (Table 4-1-1): Horizontal coordinate system Projected coordinate system name: GDA_1994_South_Australia_Lambert Geographic coordinate system name: GCS_GDA_1994 Table. 4-1-1. The geographic coordinate system adopted in the datasets of the South Australian shipwrecks. The Geocentric Datum of Australia 1994 (GDA 94) is a coordinate for Australia that is compatible with coordinates produced by GPS (WGS84). It is suggested that, “GDA94 and WGS84 coordinates can be considered the same and no transformation is required” (Inter governmental Committee on Surveying and 86 Mapping 2001, p. 1). On the other hand, it is important to note that 10 cm inaccuracy will occur between two geographic coordinate systems expressing same point. All geographic datasets used for this study are based on the geographic coordinate systems of GDA94 or WGS84. Although the ArcGIS programme encourages the use of consistent geographic coordinate system when setting spatial datasets, once the original datasets have been established ArcMap, can use its own algorithm to project the data based on different coordinate systems. Since the object of the spatial analysis for this study, ranges over nearly the entire portion of South Australian waters, the quality of the latitude and longitude data produced by GDA94 and WGS84 are considered consistent values. After latitude and longitude values have been determined according to the geographic coordinate system and the object locations have been identified, the locational information must be projected on a two-dimensional screen as a digital image. Since the earth is a sphere, a map projection (like the Mercator projection) must be employed to describe two-dimensional space. 87 ArcCatalog shows that the locations of shipwrecks are projected based on the Lambert Conformal Conic (LCC) projection, which compared to the Mercator projection excels in the correction of the distortion of the area. Due to the spatial information of the shipwreck datasets based on GDA94, this is adopted as a basic geographic coordinate system on the data frame of the ArcMap in this study. Georeferencing The spatial datasets manipulated as geographic data layers on the ArcMap programme must include spatial reference information based on a geographic coordinate system or a projected coordinate system. However, not all raster images include relevant spatial reference information. For example scanned maps and charts often do not include such information, and even some aerial photographs and satellite images, which normally encompass spatial information, have inaccurate coordinate information. “Georeferencing” is an ArcMap function used to incorporate these sorts of raster data with other spatial data in the ArcGIS programme. This is regarded as an “overlay” function meaning that a raster data layer can be combined with a vector data layer that includes relevant geographic coordinate system. 88 The following historic navigational charts were obtained from the South Australia State Library’s map collection and used in this study (Table. 4-1-2): The maritime portion of South Australia from the survey of Captn. Flinders & of Col. Light Survey. Genl. / by John Arrosmith Feby. 5th. 1839 Flinders chart upon an enlarged scale / resurveyed and corrected by Thomas Lipson, Esq., 1851 Australia. South coast. Gulf of St. Vincent and Spencer: surveyed in 1802 by / compiled, drawn & engraved by J. Arrowsmith 1855 - 1865 South Australia – St. Vincent and Spencer Gulfs / surveyed by Commr. J. Hutchinson R.N. and Staff Cmmr. F. Howard 1863 -1918 Lighthouse map of the province of South Australia 1883 / Published by order of the Marine Board of South Thos. N. Stephens. Secretary. 1882 Table 4-1-2. Historical charts obtained from the State Library of South Australia for the purpose of analyzing navigational aids By comparing these charts ranging from the 1830s to 1880s, it is possible to obtain a general idea about the gradual development of navigational systems along South Australian coast. In particular, three of them were selected and used as digital datasets for georeferencing. The three charts include: a). Australia. South coast. Gulf of St Vincent and Spencer; b). South Australia – St. Vincent and Spencer Gulfs; c). Lighthouse map of the province of South Australia 1883 (Figure 4-1-2, 4-1-3, & 4-1-4). 89 The general procedure for implementing the georeferencing function is to link several datum points of vector data to several geographical features of raster data in the data frame of the ArcMap. The digital dataset of the Coastline of South Australia held by the Corporate Database of the Spatial Information Systems Laboratory at Flinders University is the underling vector data that provides certain datum points for conducting georeferencing in this study (Figure 4-1-5). The historic charts that cover the central waters of South Australia consisting of Spencer Gulf, St. Vincent Gulf, and Kangaroo Island are overlapped onto this data. The initial datum points are established: 1.) at the tip of on the east side of the Kangaroo Island, 2.) at the tip of Cape Wiles on the top of the Eyre Peninsula, 3.) at the tip of Point Lowly. These points on both the vector data of the South Australian coastline and the digitised navigational charts are linked with each other through ArcMap (Figure 4-1-6). Consequently, on the data frame of ArcMap a new thematic layer comprised of the datasets of the shipwrecks and historical navigational charts is displayed for assessing the correlation between the cause of wrecking and the development of navigational aids in South Australian waters. 90 Figure 4-1-5. The vector data of coastline of South Australia ((provided by the School of the School of Geography, Population and Environmental Management, Flinders University). 91 Point Lowly Cape Wiles Cape St Albans Figure 4-1-6. The model of Georeferencing in the ArcMap programme 92 4-2 Spatial analysis Statistical data from spatial data Vessels operating in South Australian waters Studying space in archaeology means analyzing spatial and temporal data of objects. A map-based approach does not necessarily excel in analyzing the chronological changes of shipwreck data, but the use of statistical data focusing on these changes may provide insight into this map-based approach in order to understand the distribution of the shipwrecks. The spatial analysis of this study examines what historical developments occurred in the maritime space of South Australia. It accomplishes this by using chronological information based on statistical analysis from the shipwreck database and reviewing map-based information regarding the distribution of shipwrecks. A map-based spatial analysis of South Australian waters will show different distributions of shipwrecks for each decade of the middle and latter of the nineteenth century. Taking into consideration the chronological change in the total number of vessels engaged in activities in South Australian waters throughout the second half of the nineteenth century, this spatial analysis provides more insight into the correlation between the distribution of the wrecks and the 93 development of navigation aids. This concept is represented in the following vessels & shipwrecks The simple correlation of the number of diagram (Figure 4-2-1): Vessels engaged in operation X Shipwrecks The passage of time Figure 4-2-1. Conceptual framework about the spatial analysis of maritime space based on the distribution of shipwrecks. In this graph “X” represents the natural, social, and human environmental factors impacting the loss of vessels. Each of these played a significant role in determining the distance between the total number of vessels operating in coastal waters and the number that wrecked. The identification of these factors is the fundamental purpose of this research through the study of the role of the navigational aids. 94 Chronological distribution of shipwrecks 80 60 The number of shipwrecks on the SA coast The number of Australian-built coastal vessels 40 20 0 0 18 9 0 18 8 0 18 7 0 18 6 0 18 5 0 18 4 0 18 3 0 18 2 18 1 18 0 1 0 Figure 4-2-2. Comparative graph regarding the historical changes of shipwrecks in South Australian waters (original data from shipwreck database administrated by the Department of Environment and Heritage, South Australia). The above line graph was produced from data provided in the DEH shipwreck database in order to obtain insight into the chronological changes of vessels operating along the South Australian coast in the nineteenth century. The establishment of the shipwreck database is an ongoing project and contains information about the construction dates and dates of the loss of these vessels. Therefore, this graph does not directly express all of the features of vessels operating along the South Australian coast at the time. Regarding the issue of the number of vessels working in South Australia at the time, Bill Jeffery (1989, p. 95 52) suggests, “The number of vessels using the South Australian coast from 1840 to 1900 increased”. He also mentions the result of Ronald Parsons’ research (Parsons 1983) that identified the 1880s and the 1890s as the highest usage of ketches in South Australia (Jeffery 1989, p. 52). Looking at the graph, however, it is valid to say that there are remarkable concentrations of shipwrecks in the 1850s and the 1870s, which indicates that the usage of vessels increased in each different decade in the nineteenth century. When referring to the chronological data of navigational lights on the South Australian coast, in particular the construction date of lighthouses in the 1850s and the 1870s, there is an increase in concentration as well (Figure 4-2-3). Construction date of navaigational lights on the SA coast 15 Navigational lightships & lighthouses Lighthouses 10 5 0 1830 1840 1850 1860 1870 1880 1890 Figure 4-2-3. Construction date of navigational lights in South Australia. 96 The perspectives from construction dates of navigational lights On the historical chart “Lighthouse map of the province of South Australia 1883,” the Marine Board of South Australia showed the location of thirty navigational lights. The construction dates of each light were obtained from previous research and are included in the table below (Gordon 1988 pp. 54-56, pp. 165-171; Parsons 1986b pp. 134-149). Name of Lighthouse Cape Willoughby Troubridge Cape Borda Cape Northumberland Glenelg (Ship) Glenelg Jetty Semaphore Jetty Victor Harbor Tipara Meningie Jetty Port Adelaide Milang Jetty Moonta Jetty Cape Jervis Cape Jaffa Edithburgh Jetty Port Wakefield Wharf Ardrossan Jetty Althorpe Island Point Malcolm Rivoli Bay, Penguin I. Germein Bay (Ship) Germein Bay Jetty Wallaroo Jetty Kingston Jetty Rivoli Bay Jetty Port Victoria Jetty Corny Point Lowly Point Cape Banks Date of construction/lit 1852 1855 (lit 56, upgrade in 1882) 1858 1858 (lit 59, improved 1882) 1859 1859 1860 1864, 1875 1866, 1877 1867 1867 (1873 &1977) 1869 1871 1871 1872 (for Amendment 1875) 1872(1879) 1873 (1872) 1876 1877-1879 1878 & 1888 1878 1879 1880 1880 1880 1880 1881/1882 1882 1882(lit 83) but light ships in there 1883 Table. 4-2-1 The construction dates of navigational lights expressed on the “Lighthouse map of the province of South Australia 1883”. 97 While the South Australia Marine Board continuously established navigational lights throughout the latter half of the 1800s, as mentioned before, the highest concentration of construction occurred between the 1850s and 1870s. The construction of a lighthouse must have been the greatest campaign in the activities of the Marine Board, and the reason for establishing lighthouses derived from the need to assist vessels engaged in shipping operations. The construction of a lighthouse deals with not only intrastate, but also interstate issues. The reason for establishing navigational aids such as lighthouses may not have been to support local ships used in the early colonial era as a chief means for transportation and trade between local markets. Thomas Lipson’s decision to establish the first lighthouses on the eastern end of Kangaroo Island at Cape Willoughby seems to derive from concerns about interstate communication and transportation with Victoria, rather than considerations for existing intrastate trade within South Australia. Parsons points out that despite the fact that South Australian settlers repetitively insisted upon the need for a lighthouse on or near Troubridge Shoals, the first lighthouse on the South Australian coast was placed at Cape Willoughby to create a safe route from the Victoria gold fields and for mail steamers (Parsons 1986b, pp. 136-137). 98 The role of lighthouses is distinguished from that of lightships or signal lights placed on the tip of jetties, since the latter played a more important role in the transportation and navigation of local people and products. Issues regarding the establishment of lights for navigation purposes resulted in several conferences in the early Australian colonies. In 1856 the first inter-colonial conference took place in Melbourne to discuss the erection and maintenance of lighthouses; however, it failed to establish a joint commission responsible for lighthouses (Gordon 1988, pp. 65-66). Although some conflicts of interest existed over sharing responsibility and costs, the second inter-colonial conference in 1864 resulted in the establishment of highway (principally sea lanes) lights among states (Gordon 1988, pp. 114-115). In 1873 a third conference was held in Sydney which produced a requirement that all state colonial officers engaged in marine affairs review the state and condition of coastal lights, policies for their management and maintenance, and the establishment of more lights. As a result of this inter-colonial agreement by the States, South Australia was compelled to establish lights on the coastal sections: Cape Spencer, Corny Point, Tipara Reef, Lowly Point and Penguin Island (Gordon 99 1988, pp. 115-116). The statistical analysis of chronological data demonstrates the consistency regarding the high concentrations of the number of the shipwrecks and the construction of lighthouses in the 1850s and the 1870s. With regard to the 1870s, historical perspective provided the fact that there was a political issue in the decision regarding the construction of lighthouses in South Australian waters. The purpose of adopting chronological data analysis was to clarify the temporal aspect of maritime space, and the perspective obtained from this approach will assist in understanding spatial aspects of a map-based approach in GIS analysis. Spatial assessment of lighthouses A new layer on the data frame of the ArcMap programme completes the georeferencing for overlaying two different data layers: the distributional data of South Australian shipwrecks, and the historical navigational chart showing locational information of thirty navigational lights. The visibility of these navigation lights obtained from the chart “Lighthouse map of the province of South Australia 1883” is summarised in diagrams (Table 4-2-2 & Figure 4-2-4). Based on this data, it is possible to assess the correlation between the range of 100 visibility in areas where lights are placed and the distribution of the shipwrecks and ascertain impacts that these lights had on the distribution of these wrecks. The correlation is revealed through the calculation of the number of vessels lost within non-lit areas and those within visible lights in South Australia waters. No. Name of Lighthouse DistanceVisible.(Miles) 19 11 10 28 16 17 15 30 5 22 14 20 6 18 24 12 13 29 9 21 25 2 3 4 23 26 7 8 1 27 Cape Willoughby Troubridge Cape Borda Cape Northumberland Glenelg (Ship) Glenelg Jetty Semaphore Jetty Victor Harbor Tipara Meningie Jetty Port Adelaide Milang Jetty Moonta Jetty Cape Jervis Cape Jaffa Edithburgh Jetty Port Wakefield Wharf Ardrossan Jetty Althorpe Island Point Malcolm Rivoli Bay, Penguin I. Germein Bay (Ship) Germein Bay Jetty Wallaroo Jetty Kingston Jetty Rivoli Bay Jetty Port Victoria Jetty Corny Point Lowly Point Cape Banks 24 15 30, 17 20 3 8 4 5 30 5 16 5 4 10 18 5 6 5 25/17 10 12 8 4 4 10 5 4 14 10 20 Date of construction/lit 1852 1855 (lit 56, upgrade in 1882) 1858 1858 (lit 59, improved 1882) 1859 1859 1860 1864, 1875 1866, 1877 1867 1867 (1873 &1977) 1869 1871 1871 1872 (for Amendment 1875) 1872(1879) 1873 (1872) 1876 1877-1879 1878 & 1888 1878 1879 1880 1880 1880 1880 1881/1882 1882 1882(lit 83) but light ships in there 1883 Table 4-2-2. The visibility of navigational lights described on the chart “Lighthouse map of the province of South Australia 1883”. 101 1 3 2 EYRE PENINSULA 4 6 YORKE PENINSULA 5 13 7 29 14 8 15 16 17 FLEURIEU PENINSULA 12 11 9 20 18 10 KAGRAROO ISLAND 30 21 22 19 24 23 25 26 0 27 100km 28 Figure 4-2-4. The location information of the navigational lights provided by the chart “Lighthouse map of the province of South Australia 1883”. 102 Figure 4-2-5. The distribution of 218 shipwrecks from 1837 to 1899 on “Lighthouse map of the province of South Australia 1883” 103 The light visibility data has been described as table data (Table 4-2-2). The map also illustrates the range of actual light visibility as arcs emanating from the centre of the light and are adopted to provide the range of visibility from the water. On the data frame of the ArcMap, a layer including the location of shipwrecks has been overlaid onto the historical chart. The number and details of the shipwrecks from the 1830s to the 1890s are placed within the areas of visibility are identified (Figure 4-2-5). Holistic interpretation of the data According to analysis of the ArcMap, 91 of the 218 shipwrecks dating from the 1830s to the 1890s were distributed within lighted areas. The coverage of the South Australian coast provided by the thirty navigational lights in operation at that time produced a total visible distance of about 330 miles in good weather. This is not much visibility considering that the total length of the South Australian coastline is approximately 2000 miles (Parsons 1985, p. 13). By basing the coverage on the total amount of visible distance of the navigational lights and not on the calculation of the coverage of water, the ratio of coverage of navigational lights for South Australia comes to 18% of the total coast. The fact that 41% of the wrecks within South Australian waters have been located in light visibility is 104 important to note. This spatial analysis study also deals with the individual data regarding the number of shipwrecks located within the visible area of each navigational light. The following table compares the difference in the number of shipwrecks in specific areas before and after the construction of navigational lights (Table 4-2-3, see also Appendix III): 105 The number of the shipwreck located within lights visble area The construction/lit date of lights Name of lights Before After constructing constructing lights lights Cape Willoughby 1852 0 1 Troubridge 1855 (lig 56, upgrade in 1882) 5 2 Cape Borda 1858 0 4 Cape Northumberland 1858 (lit 59, improved 1882) 4 15 Glenelg (Ship) 1859 0 2 Glenelg Jetty 1859 Semaphore Jetty 1860 1 1 Victor Harbor 1864, 1875 1 1 Tipara 1866, 1877 1 2 Meningie Jetty 1867 0 0 Port Adelaide 1867 (1873 &1977) 4 4 Milang Jetty 1869 0 0 Moonta Jetty 1871 0 0 Cape Jervis 1871 0 0 Cape Jaffa 1872 (for Amendment 1875) 2 0 (Visinity of Cape Jaffa) 8 2 Edithburgh Jetty 1872(1879) 1 0 Port Wakefield Wharf 1873 (1872) 0 1 Althorpe Island 1877-1879 0 1 Visnity of Althorpe Is 2 4 Point Malcolm 1878 & 1888 0 0 Rivoli Bay, Penguin I. 1878 2 1 Germein Bay (Ship) 1879 1 0 Germein Bay Jetty 1880 (Visnity of Germein Bay) 1 1 Wallaroo Jetty 1880 3 2 Kingston Jetty 1880 1 1 Rivoli Bay Jetty 1880 0 0 Port Victoria Jetty 1881/1882 0 0 Corny Point 1882 1 0 Lowly Point 1882(lit 83) but light ships in there 1 1 Cape Banks 1883 4 1 (Visnity Cape Banks) 1 2 44 49 Total Table 4-2-3. The number of shipwrecks from the 1830s through the 1890s located before and after establishing the navigational lights (the location of several shipwrecks is covered by two navigational lights) 106 The data demonstrates that there is no remarkable change in the total number of ships wrecking after the establishment of navigational lights. However, this statistical data has limitations to some degree in accuracy. The problem with this approach lies in the determination of the time range established before and after construction of the lights. The calculation of the former time range is based on the period dating from the first shipwreck to the construction of navigational lights; on the other hand, the latter calculation is based on the period beginning with the construction of the lights and the end of the nineteenth century. The number of shipwrecks was not calculated in the same time range before and after construction of the lights. The longer time range in the latter data will feasibly result in a greater number of the shipwrecks in the areas with lights. A better way to equate the data might be to determine the average number of vessels lost per year within a standard time frame both before and after the construction of the navigational lights. Table 4-2-4 demonstrates a feasible method for calculating the average number of wrecks per year by comparing the number of shipwrecks before and after constructing the navigational lights. In the case study of Cape Northumberland, Table 4-2-3 107 initial inspection shows that a large number of vessels wrecked even after the construction of the lighthouse, whereas taking the average number of shipwrecks per year demonstrates that there is an equal ratio in the same time period between before and after lighthouse construction (Table 4-2-4). Based on this method, the ratio of the number of the shipwrecks per year is reduced in the areas of visibility for almost all areas. The calculation models for the number of shipwrecks per year in specific areas before and after establishing navigational lights & a case study of Cape Northumberland a). Before establishment of navigational lights Time range 1 (T1) = Establishment date of a navigational light - Frist date of a vessel loss The average of vessel loss per year before constructing navigational lights = The number of shipwrecks during T1 / T1 b). After establishment of navagiational lights Time range 2 (T2) = Establishment date of the navigational light + T1 The average of vessel loss per year after constructing navigational lights = The number of shipwrecks during T2 / T1 e.g. Cape Northumberland (lit in 1859): before lit 4 shipwrecks; after lit 15 shipwrecks a). 7 (T1) = 1859 - 1852 (The loss date of the J. Lovett ) 0.57 = 4 / 7 Before b). 0.57 = 4 (The number of vessels wrecked from 1859 to 1866) / 7 0. 57 = 4 / 7 Table 4-2-4. An example of calculation based on the average number of vessels wrecked on the light visible area per year 108 The only exception is the area near Althorpe Island where the number of shipwrecks after the establishment of the lighthouse exceeded that beforehand. This approach is also limited by the fact that the calculation can not provide any comparative ratio in the areas that include 0 values (Table 4-2-3). Therefore, more relevant statistical calculations must be adopted to provide more rigorous results. Spatial and temporal perspectives Apart from focusing on the number of shipwrecks in the individual areas of higher light visibility, the ArcMap programme produces two distinct spatial data layers to produce a holistic distribution of wrecks and navigational lights. The spatial data for these layers derives from Admiralty Charts for the same areas from two different time periods. This study allows for comparable and chronological analysis regarding the distribution of shipwrecks and navigational lights in South Australian waters. The first data layer is produced from the historical chart “Australia South Coast: Gulf of St Vincent and Spencer,” which was published from 1855 to 1865. The second data layer is based on the chart “South Australia – St. Vincent and Spencer Gulfs,” published in 1913. Both Admiralty Charts 109 cover the central coast of South Australia and they show the establishment of navigational aids in different time periods. The first chart was derived from the hydrographic survey conducted by Captain Matthew Flinders in 1802, as well as additional information produced by the Marine Board of South Australia. The second chart was created based on the hydrographic survey implemented by Commander John Hutchison and Frederick Howard from 1863 to 1973. Obviously, there is a gap of some years between the two charts. The location of navigation lights was extracted from digitalised charts, georeferencing so that the data layer of the shipwreck locations is overlaid onto the data frame of navigational charts. This results in the production of two thematic layers which represent the historical distribution of shipwrecks and navigational lights in the middle and late nineteenth century. Areas that include a high concentration of shipwrecks are complementarily emphasised through ArcToolbox (Figure 4-2-6 & 4-2-7). 110 Figure 4-2-6. The spatial relationship between shipwrecks and navigational lights in South Australia in the mid-nineteenth century. 111 Figure 4-2-7. The spatial relationship between shipwrecks and navigational lights in South Australia in the late nineteenth century. 112 By comparing these two data frames, it is apparent that the distribution of shipwrecks and navigational lights were constantly altered throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century. Based on this analysis, the spatial phenomena of South Australian’s coast during this period is summarised as follows; 1. Over time the distribution of shipwrecks and navigational lights expanded toward the west coast of South Australia. 2. Over time the number of shipwrecks apparently declined in some areas, such as at Encounter Bay and from Cape Jaffa to Robe, the middle section of Limestone Coast. 3. Meanwhile, intensive areas of the shipwrecks with high densities of wrecks, such as the section from Port Adelaide to Cape Jervis on the west coast of the Fleurieu Peninsula, consistently existed in some throughout the latter half of nineteenth century. These perspectives are regarded as underlying ideas and explain the distributional meaning of South Australian shipwrecks in the 1830s and 1890s. The alteration and expansion of shipwrecks and navigational lights are easier to understand by looking at the development of shipping routes throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century. Figure 4-2-8 presents chronological changes to the main shipping routes in the waters of South Australia at three stages in the latter half of the nineteenth century. From 1850 to 1865, the main shipping routes advanced to Spencer Gulf. In addition to these main shipping routes, many smaller 113 shipping lanes were established in 1890. The establishment of shipping networks in the latter half of the nineteenth century resulted from the development of transportation of colonial products, such as copper, grain, and wool. These products were particular to South Australia, which sustained the growth of basal industries and built an economic infrastructure (Griffin & McCaskill 1986, p. 18). The colonial government encouraged settlers to construct jetties around the shores of the Gulf of St Vincent and Spencer Gulf to export these products. The prosperity of maritime activities through the use of small vessels and the construction of jetties resulted in an increase in the establishment of navigation lights on the jetties and lightships. 114 1850 0 1865 150km 0 Main shipping route 150km Main shipping route 1890 0 150km Main shipping route Shipping route Figure 4-2-8. Chronological changes in shipping routes in South Australia during the latter half of nineteenth century (reproduced from Griffin & McCaskill 1986, p. 13, p. 17, p. 21). 115 Spatial phenomenon underlying the distribution of shipwrecks Spatial analysis also allows for inspecting the meaning of historical shipwreck distributions based on the perspective of navigational lights regional harbours, and ports. Analysis of regional and historical phenomenon makes the increase and decrease in the number of shipwrecks in specific areas clear. For example, in Encounter Bay the disappearance of the high concentration of shipwrecks in the second data frame of Figure 4-2-7 indicates the decline of the number of vessels used there during the latter half of the nineteenth century. It is clear that the importance of ports located around Encounter Bay and the Murray River trade diminished through time. The use of Encounter Bay early on an anchorage is well known and the distribution of shipwrecks proves it. More importantly, spatial analysis shows that the continual loss of vessels is spatially linked to the location of harbours and jetties. For instance, Port Adelaide shows a high concentration of shipwrecks throughout the late half of the nineteenth century. The west coast of the Fleurieu Peninsula saw the establishment of several jetties, including those at Noarlunga, Willunga, Myponga, Yankalilla, Second Valley jetty and Rapid Bay jetty. With regard to the existence of the large number of shipwrecks in these ports, there is a need to pursue details 116 about their backgrounds. Nevertheless, it is pointed out that the distributional correlation between shipwrecks and their arrival points including ports, harbours, and jetties, is apparent. This maritime spatial phenomenon and the meaning of the location of navigational lights must be considered. 4-3 Calculating the correlation between the location of shipwrecks and water depth This analysis highlights the spatial correlation between shipwrecks and water depth. The dataset derived from the School of Geography, Population and Environmental Management at Flinders University covers 1422 bathymetric points in the Spencer Gulf, St. Vincent Gulf, and around Kangaroo Island (Figure 4-3-1), and consists of only point data for recording the depth of water. The point data itself is unsuitable to determine changes in water depths and topographic alterations of the seabed. In order to correlate the location of shipwrecks and water depths the point bathymetric data must be translated into elevation data. ArcToolbox can create a topographic map known as a “Digital Elevation Model (DEM)” using three-dimensional values (X, Y, Z) in a dataset. 117 To do this a DEM of South Australian waters must be created. Eyre Peninsula Yorke Peninsula Fleurieu Peninsula Figure 4-3-1. Bathymetric data for South Australia (provided by the School of the School of Geography, Population and Environmental Management, Flinders University) Several methods can be employed to create a DEM, but issues of quality of elevation values exist with some models. For example, by using bathymetric point data ArcToolbox easily allows for creating a contour map and a “Triangulated Irregular Network (TIN)” surface model, which is a solid 118 topographic map comprised of triangulations (Figure 4-3-2). Both the contour maps and TIN models are theoretically formed by connecting data points containing equal elevation values. However, a limited number of data points can result in inconsistency when connecting lines and cannot describe the gradual change of elevation in these models. In addition, the resultant model is a vector type consisting of feature data defined as points, lines, and polygons. In comparison with raster type of data, these models also generate spatial gaps on the surface of the digital map that do not include elevation data. In order to demonstrate smooth changes in elevation of the seabed, a high resolution raster image composed of small “cells” is a preferable spatial data model. The raster model is also beneficial in calculating the correlation between shipwreck locations and water depths. 119 Figure 4-3-2. TIN surface modeling demonstrating the change in elevation by color and relief. A function of ArcToolbox known as “Interpolation” assists in producing a raster-based DEM. Regarding the concept of interpolation, the ESRI web-site <www.esri.com> explains: “An interpolation technique that estimates cell values in a raster from a set of sample points that have been weighted so that the farther a sampled point is from the cell being evaluated, the less weight it has in the calculation of cell’s.” Employing this technique for creating raster cells, it is possible to insert weighted elevation values to spaces that do not contain actual bathymetric data. Besides depth values, there is a need to set two additional spatial datasets when 120 implementing this interpolation. boundary data. These include contour data of the land and area Since it is essential to produce continuous elevation from the shallow waters to the land and bathymetric data itself does not contain sea level data, the creation of a DEM requires that contour data of the land contains a “0” metre value (Figure 4-3-3). Furthermore, the spatial boundaries should be established along the study area; otherwise, the spatial analysis will suffer from overload during data processing due to an inability to deal with such a massive amount of spatial data from both bathymetric and contour data. For this study bathymetric data, contour data and spatial boundaries were set to cover all of South Australia’s gulf coast and the waters around Kangaroo Island (Figure 4-3-4). The resulting quality of elevation values for the DEM were related to the output cell size. By setting the smaller size of the cells, a continuous elevation can be pursued. However, the adoption of smaller cells to obtain high resolution can result in an overloading in data processing, depending on the capability of computer. 121 Figure 4-3-3. A dataset comprised of quite a number of geographic contour data that provide South Australia containing sea level value (original data provided by the School of the School of Geography, Population and Environmental Management, Flinders University). 122 Figure 4-3-4. Establishing the boundary of the analytical area from the geographic feature data containing the geo-coordinate system (original data provided by the School of the School of Geography, Population and Environmental Management, Flinders University). The performance of the specific computer employed determines the success of data processing as it requires adequate memory (such as a 2.0 GHz processer with 1.0 GB RAM memory, and 3079 MB visual memory). While such performance capabilities do allow for the creation of a DEM of South Australia with a resolution of 30 raster cell size, it requires more than a total of 60 hours to process 123 the data. The quality of this data theoretically enables DEM to describe a change in elevation within 30 metre grids. Figure 4-3-5 represents the DEM created for South Australian waters. Figure 4-3-5. Digital Elevation Model for the gulf coast of South Australia (original data provided by the School of the School of Geography, Population and Environmental Management, Flinders University) The correlation between the distribution of shipwrecks and water depths can be rigourously calculated through the spatial analyses of DEM and shipwreck 124 datasets using ArcToolbox. The first approach was produced using a function of ArcToolbox known as “Raster calculation,” which employs only raster datasets. In this process, the distribution data for shipwrecks must be transformed into raster data. 218 vector point data were transformed to 212 cells that indicate the location of shipwrecks in the data frame of ArcMap (some cells included a few shipwrecks). The outcome of the calculation of 212 shipwreck raster cells showed 133 shipwrecks located in less than -20 metres and 9 shipwrecks located in other depths. While the result of this raster calculation implies that many shipwrecks are located in shallow waters, significant inaccuracy occurred due to inconsistency between original raster cells and resultant cells. Due to a lack of rigour regarding the procedure for analyzing the data, this was not considered a pertinent approach. The second approach is regarded as both simpler and reliable. An ArcToolbox function known as “Extract to Values to Point” enables the point data of shipwrecks to add the values of depth established in the raster cell of the DEM (Figure 4-3-7 & 4-3-8). 125 Figure 4-3-6. Specific values for depth in the DEM are extracted and added to the shipwreck data. 126 Figure 4-3-7. Examples of extracted values regarding water depth from DEM in the South Australian shipwreck dataset. In the dataset of shipwrecks, the extracted values of depth from the DEM are allocated to the data of the total 218 shipwrecks, although for 64 wrecks there are no relevant depth values since they are out of range of the DEM. The number of shipwrecks are clarified by depth values and are summarised (Table 4-3-1, see also Appendix IV). The data demonstrates that most shipwrecks that occurred in South Australian between 1837 and 1899 are distributed in shallow waters. Of those shipwrecks the schooner Experiment, which was wrecked six miles off of 127 Althorpe Island in Investigator’s Strait in 1881, presents the maximum depth of water at approximately 56 metres. The quality of each depth value is controversial due to insufficient accuracy of most shipwreck positions. For example, the result of this analysis shows that the barque Mars, which wrecked near Cape Borda on the Kangaroo Island, is located in 36 metres above sea level in elevation. However, the remains of this vessel have not been identified on the land. Robert Mckinnon reports only vessel’s mast ring remaining on the shore (Mckinnon 1993, p.51). Considering the 64 shipwrecks that do not contain relevant depth values, the result of this analysis has obvious limitations. Almost all these shipwrecks are located out of gulf coastal waters, including the west coast of the Eyre Peninsula and the southernmost section of Limestone Coast. Despite the inaccuracy in the locational and elevational values, it should be noted that the number of South Australian shipwrecks shows a high concentration in waters less than 20 metres deep. 128 Value of depth Number of Shipwrecks Above sea level 38 0 - -9 80 -10 - -19 20 -20 - -29 7 -30 - -39 6 -40 - -49 1 -50 - -59 2 No value 64 Total 218 Table 4-3-1. Statistical data regarding the number of shipwrecks (1837-1899) and water depth in South Australian waters. 129 5 Discussion and Conclusion This chapter will summarise the results of this spatial analysis. The results will provide insights into the meaning of the distribution of South Australian shipwrecks with a focus on existing historical and archaeological data. It will also supply answers to the research questions established in the Chapter 1. 5-1 Interpreting the resultant analysis Correlation between the location of shipwrecks and navigational lights This analysis shows the distributional correlation between wrecks and navigational lights in South Australian waters in the latter half of the nineteenth century. Considering the effectiveness of navigational lights, the spatial analysis and statistical data demonstrate two different aspects regarding their distribution. First, the navigational lights established on the South Australian coast reduced the number of shipwrecks. Second, wreck hazards have continually occurred even after the establishment of the lights. These aspects may contain inconsistencies in evaluating the effectiveness of navigational lights, however this can be 130 explained through the characterisation of their locations by the following two perspectives. First, whereas the purpose of establishing navigational lights is to keep vessels clear of hazardous positions, the risk potential for sailing vessels will remain in the light coverage areas. The natural factors causing ships to wreck are topographical features in the vicinity of lighthouses. Cosmos Coroneos and Robert Mckinnon demonstrate statistical data about causes of vessel loss based on six criteria. These include bad luck, deliberate, unknown, weather, weather/navigation, and weather/other human error (Coroneos & Mckinnon 1997, p. 103). Of these causes weather is the most common hazard for wrecking. The major cause of loss for the majority of vessels in areas covered by navigational lights is also heavy weather including squalls, gales, and strong westerly winds (See Appendix III). Rough weather directly caused anchors to drag, vessels to be driven ashore, and vessels to be struck on reefs and beaches. Topographical features and poor weather conditions in the vicinity of navigational lights and adjacent to lighthouses are not favourable for sailing vessels. In the spatial analysis of maritime space, the meaning of the location of navigational lights should be calculated as hazardous, rather than safe positions. 131 Another perspective regarding the meaning of navigational lights is related to the number of vessels using the coastal regions. As Bill Jeffery suggests, “…in some cases as a result of previous wrecking but also because of a significant number of vessels using a section of the coast” (Jeffery 1989, p. 51). According to Jeffery establishing navigational lights resulted from taking into account highly congested areas used by sailing vessels at the time. There is difficulty estimating exactly the historical number of vessels that sailed in particular sections of the coast in the latter half of the nineteenth century, but this issue is important for reconstructing the meaning of the distribution of South Australian shipwrecks. Looking at the distributional map from maritime spatial analysis (Figure 4-2-6 & 4-2-7), it is valid to say that an archaeological approach that pursues the distributional patterns of shipwrecks and navigational lights could inductively reveal the more historically congested areas. This perspective is assisted by the fact that specific sections of heavy vessel traffic needed navigational lights. Therefore the locations of navigational lights represent the historically congested area. 132 Looking at maritime space through navigational lights The correlation between the distribution of shipwrecks, the locations of navigational lights, and historically congested areas should be regarded as a principle in the study of maritime space. On the other hand, in the case of South Australia, through the process of this analysis the fact remains that continuous wrecking occurred even after the establishment of navigational lights. This data raises questions about the effectiveness of navigational lights in the South Australian navigation system during the latter half of nineteenth century. Looking at the historical background of the establishment of fourteen lighthouses by the South Australian Marine Board (SAMB), their decision and campaign were involved in not only intrastate circumstances but also interstate circumstances. Although the SAMB was regarded as the government agency authorised to deal with any maritime incidents during the settlement of South Australia, its capability regarding navigational aids seems to be fairly limited. With regard to the issue of maintenance and administration of the navigation system, it is pointed out that navigational lights in South Australia at the time were constructed by individual authorities, architects, contractors and consultants who engaged in varied tasks (Gordon 1988, p. 73). Regarding the inconsistency of the administration of 133 navigational lights, it is suggested that: “With regard to the construction and maintenance of lighthouses, jetties and harbor works, most of the agencies ostensibly concerned with marine affairs did not undertake construction and maintenance despite the various sections of legislation entitling them to do so”(Marine & Harbors Department n.d.). It is necessary to take into consideration the capacity of the SAMB for managing the navigation system in terms of financial and social issues. While colonial society in South Australia showed gradual growth during the latter half of nineteenth century, it was still at an embryonic stage in which government services were vulnerable to drought, labour shortages and economic declines. Such unstable financial conditions might have affected the capability of the SAMB to control all marine affairs. Obviously establishing a relevant navigation system must have been an important task for the SAMB, which must have been responsible for a sequence of agreements about providing light services with other states. Nevertheless, the responsibility for lighthouses and jetties was shared with other agencies throughout the late half of nineteenth century (Table 5-1-1). 134 An incoherent policy for establishing lighthouses on the South Australian coast might have arisen due to this situation. Considering the conditions of other navigational light sources such as lightships, lights on the jetties, light makers, and light buoys, it is valid to say that the status of the entire navigational aid system in South Australian waters was unclear. In addition, it is important to note that until the enactment of the Commonwealth Navigation Act of 1912, the British government retained jurisdiction over the navigation of Australian waters due to imperial perspectives regarding nautical matters including defense, trade, and safety. Although the colony was granted and well controlled by self-governing offices, the British government continued to concern itself with the issues of establishing lighthouses in all Australian waters (Gordon 1988, p. 113). The result of this spatial analysis did not clarify whether or not there was actual detriment to the navigational aid system due to the above obscure responsibilities and interference by various organisations. This could be a specific theme for future research, which could conduct archaeological and historical research into the development of navigation systems and their operations. 135 AGENCY Colonial Engineer Colonial Architect's Office Public Works Department Colonial Architect's Office Engineer and Architect's Office Government Architect's Office Engineer-in-Chief's Office Engineer if Harbors and Jetties Engineer-in-Chief's Office PERIOD UNDER MINISTER 1841-1851 1852-1853 1854-1857 1858-1860 1860-1867 18671867-1876 1876-1880 1880-1914 Table 5-1-1. Agencies responsible for lighthouses and jetties until the establishment of the Harbors Board in1914. The spatial meaning of the distribution of shipwrecks in relation to the historical development of the South Australian colony According to the results of the spatial analysis, it is possible to relate the spatial meaning of shipwrecks to the expansion of the colony of South Australia. The distribution of both shipwrecks and navigational lights shows an apparent alteration from the middle nineteenth century to the late nineteenth century. Figure 4-2-6 shows that from the 1840s to the early 1860s the focal area for maritime activity was along the west coast of the Fleurieu Peninsula and the east coast of South Australia. From the 1860s and 1880s (as indicated in Figure 136 4-2-7) the distribution of shipwrecks and navigational light expanded along all of the gulf coasts. This spatial expansion can be explained by the gradual development of economic and social activity which occurred on the both Yorke and Eyre Peninsulas in the late nineteenth century (Griffin & McCaskill 1986 pp. 16-21). The use of sailing vessels played an important role in colonizing South Australia because vessels provided a reliable system that enabled people to transport materials and communicate with others. The use of sailing vessels prevented the colony of South Australia from becoming spatially isolated. The South Australian colony same as other colonies, which attempted to sustain an equalised level of consumer society, could not be consisntent without depending on contact with other consumer societies via shipping (Staniforth 2003b, pp. 143-151). The distribution of shipwrecks and navigational lights dating to the late half of nineteenth century provided evidence for the prosperity of the colonial society which was sustained by both the intrastate and intrastate maritime activities. The variables of maritime spatial analysis With regard to variables impacting the distribution of shipwrecks, this study evaluated both natural and social aspects. 137 Employing the bathymetric data for analyzing the correlation between the distribution of shipwrecks and water depths demonstrates the fact that a large number of shipwrecks are located in the shallow waters. This is significant to coastal resource management where cultural agencies can concentrate on administrating shallow and coastal sections of waters. The concept that shallow waters are likely to contain many shipwrecks has been commonly discussed in maritime archaeological studies. For example, based on Lloyd’s of London records, Willard Bascom (1976, p. 72) suggests that for the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, approximately 40 percent of wooden sailing ships ended their careers on the shore, and another 10 to 20 percent were wrecked well offshore. A. J. Parker (1992, p. 5) also demonstrates the relationship between depth and condition of shipwrecks in his shipwreck database that deals with the 1,189 Mediterranean shipwreck sites dating to the Roman period (Table 5-1-2). The data shows that there is the highest concentration of shipwrecks in shallow waters. 138 Depth Number of shipwrecks Silted/dry land 48 Shallow (0-15m) 336 Medium (15-30m) 166 Deep (30-60m) 236 Very deep (60- m) 47 Depth unknown 356 Total 1189 Table 5-1-2. Data regarding the relationship between water depth and the number of ancient shipwrecks in the Mediterranean Sea (reproduced from Parker 1992, p. 5). There is an unequalness of the distribution of shipwrecks even within the defined area of coastal and shallow waters. In the case of the Mediterranean, Parker points out that one can observe how unequal the distribution of shipwrecks in coastal waters is when creating distribution maps (Parker 1992, p. 6). The correlation between the high concentration of shipwrecks and shallow waters is not simply defined based on the depth of waters. Looking at the entire maritime space of South Australia, the location of shipwrecks is not necessary equal to the location of shallow waters (Figure 4-2-6 & 4-2-7). More concretely, the shipwrecks are located adjacent to harbours and jetties, being the end of shipping routes. Vessels frequently face a risk when approaching harbours and jetties. 139 The concept that a high distribution of shipwrecks lies in shallow waters must be integrated into the location of harbours and jetties. 5-2 Perspectives to the research questions Four research themes were established at the beginning of this spatial analysis study. Some perspectives concerning these themes were obtained during this study and will be addressed in this section. The research themes include: 1. A focus on the analysis of comprehensive site formation processes in macro space using multiple shipwrecks, rather than the traditional, particularistic site formation processes studies of individual shipwrecks. The study area in this spatial analysis was established as 218 shipwreck sites dating to the latter half of the nineteenth century and located in South Australian waters. A holistic approach was adopted for this study, based on an analytical framework highlighting the maritime cultural landscape. Consequently, the spatial meaning of multiple shipwrecks was demonstrated to correlate with cultural factors. To approach multiple shipwrecks using site formation processes theory is an innovative idea. This analysis highlighted the significance of 140 pre-deposit wreck site formation processes by focusing on multiple shipwrecks. This approach can be distinguished from existing theories of “pre-depositional,” “depositional” and “post-depositional” wreck processes which highlight the interpretation of an individual shipwreck. In comparison with traditional flow charts for wreck site formation processes, which aimed at applying middle-range theory to maritime archaeology, this approach can be comprehended using a more inclusive diagram (Figure 5-2-1). The key concepts of this model are the clarification of “pre-deposition processes” and the adoption of a holistic, multiple shipwreck approach. Muckelroy emphasized that there is “the need to understand the pre-wreck nature of a ship and its contents”(Muckelroy 1976 cited in Gibbs 2006, p. 4). Several cultural and natural factors related to the nature of single wrecking events commonly exist at the pre-depositional stage; these factors also can be understood by observing multiple shipwrecks. 141 Post-deposition formation processes (Micro level) Observed wreck distribution Cultural / Natural factors Cultural / Natural factors * * * * Cultural & Natural factors (i.e.maritime infrastructures, ship construction techniques, and hydrographic data) Pre-deposition formation processes (Macro level) Cultural / Natural factors * Selected C/N factors Figure 5-2-1. A shipwreck assessment model focusing on pre- and post-depositional cultural and natural factors in the macro and micro level analysis of shipwrecks 142 * The diagram indicates a multiple-level analysis which is demonstrated by concentric circles of pre- and post-depositional site formation processes. The inner circle relates observed wreck distribution included within a specific geographic area of research. The entire assemblage of shipwrecks in an area is affected by cultural and natural factors, such as maritime infrastructure, ship construction techniques, and hydrographic data. identified by maritime archaeologists These factors which can be contribute to understanding the pre-depositional site formation processes at the macro level of analysis. The micro level is represented by an outer circle which includes a focus on individual shipwrecks. Maritime archaeologists are able to create their own explainable assemblage of cultural and natural factors in order to identify the final observed seabed distribution of a single shipwreck. This study introduces a new model which allows for the analysis of multiple shipwrecks and pre-depositonal factors not outlined yet by previous researchers. It also allows for archaeologists to independently choose those factors that may have affected wrecking events rather than following a processual, steadfast pattern 143 as defined in previous flow charts. Further, maritime archaeologists are able to move between macro level analysis and micro level analysis which allows for a more flexible and inclusive approach to the spatial analysis of shipwrecks. 2. Site formation processes and maritime cultural landscape theories can be used to identify past human activity and the physical environment, which affect the spatial distribution of shipwrecks. Understanding both cultural and natural environments in maritime space can help to explain the historical distribution of wrecks. Based on this premise, the shipwrecks located in shallow waters were concluded to be the result of vessels which had faced risks in approaching habours and jetties in South Australia. This analysis did not clarify whether the causes of the risk originally derived from structural defects or placement of South Australian harbours and jetties. Further analysis must be conducted to address this issue. Additionally, this study did not address the correlation between location of shipwrecks and other environmental factors such as rough seas and gale forces in particular areas. For example, historical navigational charts and notices to mariners describe the direction of hazardous winds and seas in some areas. 144 By plotting these data on spatial maps the location of shipwrecks may be related to further natural variables. There is the potential in further research to identify these influential variables. It should be noted that geo-spatial data for GIS obtained from recent surveys does not precisely reflect past topographical features and environments. Since it is inferred that natural environments might have been altered over time, efforts to make a physical gap between historical environments and current geo-spatial data are required. 3. The interpretation of the spatial relationships between the distribution of shipwrecks and other maritime infrastructures, such as jetties, and lighthouses, can demonstrate the significance of established maritime culture population centers. This analysis has proved that the distribution of shipwrecks can be explained in spatial relation to navigational lights and vessel destinations. It is assumed that with the establishment of relevant navigation systems and more favourable, safer destinations the prosperity of specific areas adjacent to maritime facilities these maritime facilities would increase. It is necessary to focus archaeological and historical research on individual sets of maritime infrastructure at both regional 145 and state levels. Maritime cultural landscape is conceptually understood by identifying relationships between shipwrecks, maritime infrastructures, and land properties. In many cases shipwrecks should not be approached as spatially and temporally isolated. 4). Although the validity of using GIS as a predictive model to analyse underwater sites is still disputable, this study may help in determining some of the natural variables, such as prevailing winds, currents, hydrography, channels alignment, and bottom sediments that affect shipwreck distribution. Predictive modeling procedures are not well established even in terrestrial archaeology, and few have attempted to create completely deductive models for predicting the exact location of shipwrecks. This maritime spatial analysis used navigational light locations and bathymetric data as variables that could impact the distribution of shipwrecks. Correlative GIS modeling shows success in reconstructing relationships between objects within the framework of a macro area analysis. This study has demonstrated that using GIS in maritime archaeology to understand the spatial analysis of multiple shipwrecks and maritime infrastructures can be successful. 146 Finally, it is acknowledged that these insights resulted from an inclusive approach adopted by this study. Understanding maritime cultural space depends on geographical, historical, and archaeological perspectives rather than a single dominant concept. Without recent technological developments in the field of GIS spatial analysis in both geography and archaeology, this study would hardly be complete. The achievement was sustained by the recurrent growth of theory and research strategies that have occurred in maritime archaeology for thirty decades. Studies tracing the theoretical development of maritime archaeology would characterise this research as broad-based as it allows for taking a comprehensive and interdisciplinary approach (Gibbins & Adams 2001, pp. 284-286; Staniforth 2003a). Therefore, it is inferred that more innovative approaches resulting from the technical and theoretical developments in maritime archaeology will provide better solutions for identifying the complexities of maritime cultural space. 147 5-3 Conclusion Clarifying the spatial and temporal relationships of cultural remains is a principle theme in archaeology. Maritime archaeologists have made inroads into understanding the spatial and temporal structures of maritime cultural remains. In particular, research has highlighted spatial relationship within individual shipwreck sites and their associated cargos. On the other hand, there is a shift toward employing holistic and thematic analyses which highlight multiple sites, including maritime infrastructures. This study examined how maritime space can be interpreted for distributional meaning through multiple wreck sites. The research dealt with wrecks located in South Australian waters which dated to the latter half of the nineteenth century and were assocated with maritime economic development occurring at the time. Although GIS analysis is not common among maritime archaeologists, its use in this study demonstrated a spatial correlation between shipwrecks, navigational lights, and shallow waters. As a result, this analysis provided new perspectives regarding the theory of wreck site formation processes by revealing the significance of pre-deposit processes through the analysis of multiple shipwrecks in a large area. 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LOVETT WITNESS NENE VALLEY IRON AGE ADELAIDE BANDICOOT RIG/HULLDESC SCHOONER BRIGANTINE BARQUE BARQUE BRIGANTINE SCHOONER LOSSDATE 1852 1853 1854 1855 1861 1861 DRIVEN OFF COURSE BY ROUGH WEATHER & WENT ASHORE CAPT MISTOOK LAND FOR A CLOUD & BLOWN ASHORE IN WSW BREEZE DUE TO COMPASS ERROR, LIGHTS MISTAKEN & RAN AGROUND ON REEF DRAGGED ANCHORS, DRIVEN ASHORE DURING GALE & BROKE BACK INEFFICIENT GOVT MOORINGS, DRIVEN ASHORE & BROKE BACK LOSSCAUSE Cape Northumberland 1858 (lit in 59, improved in 1882) 1858 RIG/HULLDESC CUTTER BARQUE SCHOONER KETCH Cape Borda WRECKNAME ATALANTA FIDES EXPERIMENT ENTERPRISE LOSSDATE 1838 1838 1849 1851 1854 1867 1873 1855 (lit 56, upgrade in 1882 RIG/HULLDESC BARQUE BRIG SHIP SHIP BRIG CUTTER SHIP Troubridge WRECKNAME PARSEE DART SULTANA MARION CHARLES CARTER AGNETA IRON KING 1852 RIG/HULLDESC LOSSDATE LOSSCAUSE CUTTER 1853 MAINSAIL SPLIT IN HEAVY SEA & DRIFTED ONTO ROCKS Cape Willoughby WRECKNAME MIDGE Appendix III - Data of shipwrecks located in the visible area of each navigational light 163 1864 (improved in 18759 RIG/HULLDESC LOSSDATE LOSSCAUSE 1877 DRAGGED ANCHORS IN HEAVY GALE AND WENT TO PIECES Victor Harbor 1860 RIG/HULLDESC LOSSDATE LOSSCAUSE CUTTER 1850 GROUNDED DURING STORM AND BROKE UP CUTTER 1879 PRESUMED SUNK IN SQUALL WITH ALL SAILS SET Semaphore Jetty WRECKNAME JANE FLAXMAN MARIA WRECKNAME LADY OF THE LAKE RIG/HULLDESC LOSSDATE LOSSCAUSE YACHT 1886 DRAGGED MOORINGS DURING GALE & RAN INTO JETTY & BECAME TOTAL WRECK YACHT 1884 WENT DOWN AT MOORINGS IN ROUGH WEATHER, WENT ASHORE LOSSCAUSE BROKE FROM ANCHORAGE DURING WSW GALE, STRUCK REEF & WENT ASHORE STRUCK BY SQUALL, CAPSIZED, DRIFTED TO CAPE NORTHUMBERLAND & BROKE UP PARTED FROM MOORINGS, DRIFTED ASHORE & BEACHED PARTED FROM MOORINGS & LODGED ON REEF DURING HEAVY WEATHER SPRANG A LEAK, VESSEL RAN ASHORE AND BROKE UP BROKE CABLE, DRIVEN ASHORE IN HEAVY SEAS & BROKE UP BROKE FROM MOORINGS DURING STRONG S.E.GALE AND RAN AGROUND SLIPPED MOORINGS AND DRIFTED ONTO ROCKS DURING SS GALE PRESUMED TO HAVE BEEN SUNK IN STRONG NNW SQUALL PENGUIN IS LIGHT MISTAKEN FOR CAPE NORTHUMBERLAND STOVE IN WENT ASHORE IN FOG, HIT REEF AND BROKE UP BROKE MOORINGS, WENT ASHORE IN HEAVY SEAS, BROKE UP IN SSW GALE MISTAKE IN BEARINGS, STRUCK REEF AND BROKE UP BY SEA STRUCK REEF, WATER ENTERED AND ABANDONED WRECKNAME MINNIE HERO LOSSDATE 1861 1861 1873 1873 1873 1876 1876 1876 1880 1880 1890 1892 1893 1894 1859 1859 SHIP BARQUE BARQUE KETCH RIG/HULLDESC BARQUE BRIG SCHOONER SCHOONER SCHOONER BARQUE SCHOONER BRIGANTINE Glenelg (lightship) Glenelg Jetty WRECKNAME MIAME JOHN ORMEROD ORWELL PRINCE OF WALES FLINDERS ST. MARC COUNTESS GALATEA PRIMA DONNA SOUTHERN CROSS GLENROSA LOTUS TENTERDEN AEOLUS 164 Meningie Jetty Milang Jetty 1871 RIG/HULLDESC LOSSDATE LOSSCAUSE BRIGANTINE 1855 DURING HEAVY WEATHER AND THICK FOG RAN UPON REEF 1856 WHILE TOWING, TOW ROPE BROKE, VESSEL TOOK IN WATER & SANK CUTTER 1858 FOUNDERED AND DRIVEN ASHORE SCHOONER 1864 RAN ASHORE DURING HEAVY WEATHER Cape Jervis 1871 1869 LOSSCAUSE GALE DROVE SHIP ASHORE SUPPOSEDLY SUNK DURING HEAVY WINDS RAN ASHORE AND SANK DURING HEAVY SEAS BAD QUALITY SAILS & GEAR, SANK IN BAD WEATHER FOUNDERED DURING STORM SANK BECAUSE OF HEAVY SQUALLS, FILLED WITH WATER AND FOUNDERED EXPLOSION IN STEAM ROOM OF VESSEL AND TOTAL LOSS BROKE-UP DURING GALE, BROKE AGAINST JETTY & BECAME TOTAL WRECK WRECKNAME SANS PAREILLE GOULBURN VENTURE VANQUISH NO SHIPWRECKS Moonta Jetty NO SHIPWRECKS CUTTER LOSSDATE 1850 1853 1854 1865 1871 1875 1883 1890 1867 (improved in 1873 &19 RIG/HULLDESC BARQUE SCHOONER CUTTER CUTTER CUTTER CUTTER Port Adelaide 1867 (improved in1877) LOSSCAUSE STRANDED ON REEF DURING HEAVY WEATHER & BROKE UP FAILED TO OBSERVE BUOY AND RAN ONTO REEF COURSE OF VESSEL ALTERED AND STRUCK REEF WRECKNAME GRECIAN ROSE TRIAL CORSAIR ELIZABETH NIMROD LITTLE ORIENT AMY NO SHIPWRECKS LOSSDATE 1865 1873 1882 1866 (improved in 1877) RIG/HULLDESC BARQUE SCHOONER KETCH Tipara WRECKNAME SAN MIGUEL KANGAROO YOUNG LION 165 WRECKNAME SARAH DURING HEAVY WSW GALE, LOST MAST & DRIVEN ASHORE, STRUCK REEF DURING NW GALE SHIP LOST CABLE & ANCHORS & STRUCK ROCKS PARTED CABLE WHEN AT ANCHOR, AND WENT ASHORE STRUCK REEF ON ENTERING BAY NO PILOT, TOOK IN WATER & RAN ASHORE STOOD TOO LONG ON ONE TACK, RAN TOO CLOSE TO SHORE & GROUNDED DURING NW GALE, WINDLASS CUT IN TWO, LOST CABLE & DRIVEN ASHORE BROKE CABLE IN N.W. GALE, CAME ASHORE AND BROKE UP DRAGGED ANCHOR AND RAN ASHORE ON ROCKS DURING GALE RIG/HULLDESC LOSSDATE LOSSCAUSE YAWL 1879 CIRCUMSTANCES UNKNOWN Port Wakefield Whar1873 1872 RIG/HULLDESC LOSSDATE LOSSCAUSE CUTTER 1867 FOUNDERED DURING HEAVY SQUALL LOST WITHOUT A TRACE Edithburgh Jetty WRECKNAME AGNETA 1849 1853 1855 1857 1857 1857 1861 1861 SANK UNSEAWORTHY CONDITIONS, BLOWN ASHORE IN STORM & BROKE UP SUNK DUE TO HEAVY WEATHER MISJUDGING OF DISTANCES & WENT ASHORE ON ROCKS, TOTAL LOSS UNKNOWN WESTERLY GALE DROVE VESSEL ASHORE - CAPSIZED IN SHALLOW WATERS STRUCK BLIND REEF, TRIED TO GET OFF COULDN'T SO ABANDONED STRUCK REEF DURING HEAVY STORM LOSSCAUSE CUTTER BARQUE CUTTER BARQUE SHIP SHIP SHIP SHIP 1880 1895 RIG/HULLDESC LOSSDATE SCHOONER 1866 1880 CUTTER 1894 BRIGANTINE 1840 SCHOONER 1846 BARQUE 1852 SCHOONER 1865 WRECKNAME THISTLE HOPPER BARGE NO. 3 POLLY MARIA VICTORIA MARGARET BROCK AGNES (Near to Kingston) KINGSTON KINGSTON (Near to Robe) THOMSON DUILIUS JOSEPH LEE ARCHER SULTANA PHAETON KONING WILLEM II ALMA LIVINGSTONE 166 Ardrossan Jetty 1878 (improved in1888) Point Malcolm RIG/HULLDESC LOSSDATE CUTTER 1851 BARQUE 1874 SCREW STEAMER1881 LOSSCAUSE BLOWN ASHORE PARTED FROM CABLES AND DRIVEN ASHORE RAN AGROUND ON REEF, FOUNDERED AND BROKE UP WRECKNAME RIG/HULLDESC LOSSDATE LOSSCAUSE JAMES AND MARGARECUTTER 1878 BOAT SET AFIRE AND COMPLETELY DESTROYED Germein Bay (Ship) 1879 Germein Bay Jetty 1880 WRECKNAME RESOURCE WAVE QUEEN EURO Rivoli Bay, Penguin I1878 NO SHIPWRECKS BARQUE 1860 SCREW STEAMER1862 BARQUE 1879 SCHOONER 1881 LUGGER 1886 KETCH 1892 DRIFTED TOWARDS SHORE WITHOUT ANCHOR AND STRUCK ROCKS RAN ASHORE ON ROCKS AFTER MISTAKING POSITION OF ALTHORPE IS PRESUMED TO HAVE STRUCK REEF AND WENT DOWN VESSEL OVERLOADED, STRUCK BY SQUALL, CAPSIZED & SANK WENT ASHORE DURING GALE & VESSEL BROKE UP IN SURF VESSEL SPRANG A LEAK AND SANK 1879 RIG/HULLDESC LOSSDATE LOSSCAUSE SCHOONER 1878 PARTED MOORINGS DURING SW GALE AND WENT ASHORE Althorpe Island 1876(improved in 1883) WRECKNAME YOUNG ST. GEORGE (Outside of Althorpe) FIDES MARION ISMYR EXPERIMENT PIONEER ENTERPRISE NO SHIPWRECKS 167 RIG/HULLDESC LOSSDATE LOSSCAUSE LAUNCH 1880 SANK LAUNCH 1895 UNSEAWORTHY CONDITIONS, BLOWN ASHORE IN STORM & BROKE UP 1880 WRECKNAME KINGSTON KINGSTON Rivoli Bay Jetty Port Victoria Jetty 1883 RIG/HULLDESC LOSSDATE LOSSCAUSE SCREW STEAMER1859 HIT A REEF DURING FOG BRIG 1870 WENT ASHORE IN THICK WEATHER BECAUSE OF MISPLACED BEARINGS Cape Banks WRECKNAME ADMELLA FLYING CLOUD 1882(lit 83) but light ships in there RIG/HULLDESC LOSSDATE LOSSCAUSE BARGE 1876 FOUNDERED DUE TO LEAKS, SANK AND BECAME TOTAL LOS KETCH 1882 DRIVEN ONTO ROCKS DURING NORTHERLY GALE Lowly Point WRECKNAME SARAH PARARA 1882 RIGDESC LOSSDATE LOSSCAUSE DURING SEVERE WEATHER, CAUGHT IN SQUALL, CAPSIZED & SANK RIG/HULLDESC 1866 Corny Point WRECKNAME OMEO NO SHIPWRECKS 1881/1882 1880 Kingston Jetty NO SHIPWRECKS 1880 RIG/HULLDESC LOSSDATE LOSSCAUSE CUTTER 1865 DRIVEN ASHORE DURING HEAVY WESTERLY WEATHER CUTTER 1870 DURING HEAVY WESTERLY GALE DRAGGED ANCHOR AND DRIFTED ONTO SLAG 1870 VANDALS CUT PAINTER ROPES & DURING STORM DRIFTED ONTO ROCKS CUTTER 1880 DRAGGED ANCHOR, GROUNDED & CAPSIZED IN HEAVY WESTERLY GALE YACHT 1895 PARTED MOORINGS DURING SQUALL, WENT ASHORE AND BROKE UP Wallaroo Jetty WRECKNAME BLANCHE BEN MOROWIE JUNO YOUNG EDITH BANSHEE 168 WRECKNAME AGNES EDITH HAVILAND AEOLUS (Near Northem) NENE VALLEY SOUTHERN CROSS GLENROSA LOSSDATE 1876 1877 1894 1854 1880 1890 RIG/HULLDESC BARQUE BRIG SHIP BARQUE BARQUE BARQUE CAPT MISTOOK LAND FOR A CLOUD & BLOWN ASHORE IN WSW BREEZE PENGUIN IS LIGHT MISTAKEN FOR CAPE NORTHUMBERLAND STOVE IN WENT ASHORE IN FOG, HIT REEF AND BROKE UP LOSSCAUSE POOR VISIBILITY AND RAN AGROUND BEARINGS MISTAKEN, STRUCK ROCKS & CANTED OVER STRUCK REEF, WATER ENTERED AND ABANDONED 169 VALUE OF ELEVATION Out of data range Out of data range Out of data range Out of data range 2.10904360 -9.02889442 Out of data range Out of data range -6.99997520 -5.09540892 -0.88746768 NO VALUE -8.00847626 -7.59180450 Out of data range -0.89047605 -7.74730968 Out of data range -18.06853485 2.13168097 -7.83031845 -5.87265110 Out of data range WRECKNAME ADELAIDE ADELAIDE ADMELLA AEOLUS AGENORA AGNES AGNES AGNES AGNETA ALBATROSS ALBERT ALMA ALPHA ALTERNATIVE AMELIA AMY APOLLO ARACHNE ARK ATALANTA ATHENS ATHOL BANDICOOT 1831 1849 CUTTER BRIGANTINE SCHOONER CUTTER KETCH BARQUE BARQUE SCHOONER SCHOONER BARQUE SCHOONER CUTTER CUTTER SCHOONER SHIP SCHOONER CUTTER CUTTER CUTTER SHIP 1853 1838 1873 1809 06/1884 1842 1863 1855 1844 1863 1858 1855 1874 1860 1840 1886 20/09/1887 20/03/1864 15/04/1861 29/11/1860 09/11/1881 06/1848 27/12/1889 14/01/1863 15/09/1876 18/07/1876 13/03/1865 09/07/1867 10/08/1848 07/06/1875 15/12/1861 25/07/1847 24/09/1884 08/02/1883 14/11/1890 01/09/1894 06/08/1859 18/04/1861 1874 BUILDDATE LOSSDATE SCREW STEAMER 17/09/1857 BRIGANTINE KETCH RIGDESC Appendix IV- Elevation data of shipwrecks ALONG COORONG, 48KM NORTH OF LACEPEDE BAY MACDONNELL BAY, 3 MILES SE OF TOWN CARPENTERS ROCKS, 20 MILES WEST OF CAPE NORTHUMBERLAND HELOS REEF, NEAR CAPE BANKS, OPPOSITE PELICAN POINT PORT WILLUNGA NEAR POINT PEARCE, SOUTH OF MOONTA CARPENTERS ROCKS MARGARET BROCK REEF TROUBRIDGE SHOAL, NEAR SULTANA ONKAPARINGA ANTECHAMBER BAY, KANGAROO ISLAND GUICHEN BAY, NEAR ROBE ROSETTA HEAD MEMORY COVE, NEAR PORT LINCOLN AVOID BAY LARGS BAY, ADELAIDE BETWEEN TWO HUMMOCKS POINT, LOWLY POINT, SPENCER GULF YANERBY, AT NORTH END OF SCEALE BAY. CALLED TRIAL BAY AT TIME OF LOSS. DANGEROUS REEF, SPENCER GULF EMU GREEN, ?RAVINE DES CASOARS, KANGAROO ISLAND PORT LINCOLN PORT ELLIOT, WEST OF POINT COMMODORE PORT MACDONNELL, 1 KM EAST OF LOSSLOCATION 170 VALUE OF ELEVATION -2.37718773 -1.27078974 -1.04659057 0.85420245 -10.18591499 -6.05278397 -2.14095426 -0.15635492 Out of data range -5.68584728 -5.56407118 -8.06991577 -9.64151096 -6.37973070 Out of data range -22.79851151 13.59598064 Out of data range 0.16998011 -1.86895525 Out of data range -16.77322960 -23.30092239 Out of data range -7.59251642 -1.33323622 -54.92544556 Out of data range -56.63610077 -5.24150848 WRECKNAME BANSHEE BEN MOROWIE BLACK DIAMOND BLANCHE BREEZE CHARLES CARTER COMMODORE CORSAIR COUNTESS COWRY DARING DART DART DOLPHIN DUILIUS ECLAIR EDITH EDITH HAVILAND ELIZABETH ELIZABETH ELIZABETH REBECCA EMILY SMITH EMMA EMU EMU ENDEAVOUR ENTERPRISE EURO EXPERIMENT FAIRFIELD 1870 BRIGANTINE SCHOONER SCHOONER SCHOONER CUTTER KETCH SCREW STEAMER SCHOONER SHIP BRIG CUTTER CUTTER BRIG SCHOONER CUTTER SCHOONER SCREW STEAMER KETCH BRIG CUTTER CUTTER BARQUE SCHOONER CUTTER BRIG CUTTER CUTTER 1883 06/1874 1874 1846 1851 1847 1849 1828 1840 1849 1871 08/1865 1818 1875 1879 1853 1848 1833 1818 15/05/1877 23/08/1840 12/1861 01/05/1853 10/03/1881 06/03/1892 24/08/1881 09/05/1881 09/08/1874 10/04/1845 25/07/1865 06/07/1863 23/02/1854 29/02/1856 15/05/1865 16/08/1876 06/06/1889 10/08/1885 29/03/1838 30/03/1882 08/1872 15/04/1853 14/10/1875 03/08/1897 20/06/1877 15/12/1878 09/1871 25/05/1872 16/12/1895 27/06/1870 BUILDDATE LOSSDATE SCREW STEAMER 1864 YACHT CUTTER RIGDESC WALLAROO PORT WALLAROO WILBERTA REEF, WALRUS ROCKS, NEAR MOONTA BAY PORT WALLAROO, NEAR CUSTOM HOUSE PELICAN LAGOON, KANGAROO ISLAND TROUBRIDGE SHOAL COMMODORE POINT, PORT ELLIOT PORT ADELAIDE, NEAR SITE OF "GRECIAN" MACDONNELL BAY, NEAR CRESS CREEK NORMANVILLE HOG BAY, KANGAROO ISLAND SOUTHERN END OF TROUBRIDGE SHOAL ALDINGA, NEAR MYPONGA JETTY BOSTON BAY, NEAR PORT LINCOLN GUICHEN BAY YANKALILLA, NEAR JETTY SPILSBY ISLAND, NEAR PORT LINCOLN CARPENTERS ROCKS PORT GAWLER WHITING POINT, 3 MILES BELOW TORRENS YANERBY, NORTH END OF SCEALE BAY. CALLED TRIAL BAY AT TIME OF LOSS. MAUPERTUIS BAY ALDINGA BAY BETWEEN PORT MACDONNELL & LACEPEDE PORT ELLIOT NORTH ARM, PORT RIVER BETWEEN ALTHORPES AND CAPE FORBIN BEACHPORT, 9 MILES FROM 6 MILES SOUTH OF ALTHORPE ISLAND CAPE CASSINI, KANGAROO ISLAND LOSSLOCATION 171 VALUE OF ELEVATION -7.63067055 23.82011986 Out of data range -15.05861759 Out of data range -0.00735471 Out of data range Out of data range -1.24125659 -2.91834664 -11.07156754 Out of data range Out of data range 3.21365380 Out of data range Out of data range Out of data range -8.52916527 -7.26332474 -17.85399818 -15.25368881 -3.69748116 8.82927704 -1.04844546 10.26129532 -13.95671844 WRECKNAME FANNIE M FANNY FANNY WRIGHT FIDES FIRE FLY FITZJAMES FLINDERS FLYING CLOUD FLYING DUTCHMAN FLYING FISH FRANCES FREEBRIDGE GALATEA GAZELLE GELTWOOD GEORGE HOME GLENROSA GOLDEN HOPE GOOD INTENT GOULBURN GOVERNOR GAWLER GRECIAN GRENADA GULDAX HALCYON HARRIET BARGE SCHOONER BARQUE SCHOONER BARQUE BRIG CUTTER BARQUE BARQUE BARQUE CUTTER SCHOONER BRIG SCHOONER CUTTER SCHOONER BRIGANTINE BRIG CUTTER HULK SCHOONER BARQUE SCHOONER SCHOONER BARQUE RIGDESC 1876 1848 1840 1841 01/1876 1809 11/1875 1847 1845 1843 1839 1850 1860 1855 1852 1863 1857 1873 1877 11/05/1887 29/06/1856 01/08/1847 13/10/1850 20/06/1856 02/09/1887 13/11/1857 19/05/1856 06/1876 26/04/1851 18/01/1890 03/1894 09/1848 28/07/1851 03/12/1860 29/08/1840 12/06/1877 31/03/1876 04/04/1870 22/10/1866 1891 29/06/1873 22/05/1860 07/08/1877 21/06/1838 15/06/1885 BUILDDATE LOSSDATE HOG BAY, KANGAROO ISLAND REEVESBY IS, JOSEPH BANKS GROUP, OUTER HARBOR, GULF ST VINCENT PORT WILLUNGA, NORTH OF JETTY NORMANVILLE NEAR MURRAY MOUTH 6 MILES BELOW NEAR SHEOAK FLAT, ORONTES BANK. 7 MILES NE OF POINT VINCENT RAPID BAY, SECOND VALLEY KINGSCOTE, KANGAROO ISLAND, 3 MILES SE POINT MARSDEN NEAR CAPE BERNOUILLI, 30M. EAST OF ENCOUNTER BAY WATERLOO BAY HALF A KILOMETRE WEST OF SNUG COVE, KANGAROO ISLAND ANXIOUS BAY, NEAR ELLISTON JERVOIS BASIN PORT MACDONNELL, NEAR CRESS CREEK NEAR CAPE NORTHUMBERLAND, CARPENTER ROCKS PORT ADELAIDE PORT ELLIOT NEPTUNE ISLAND, EASTERLY BAY OF EAST ELLISTON, WATERLOO BAY PORT MACDONNELL, NEAR CRESS CREEK NEAR MURRAY MOUTH, 8 MILES NORTH OF SALT CREEK 12 KMS OFF RIVOLI BAY, GELTWOOD REEF 150M SSE OF KANGAROO ISLAND CAPE BANKS, 6 MILES EAST OF RED BANKS, NEPEAN BAY, KANGAROO LOSSLOCATION 172 VALUE OF ELEVATION -13.95671844 -3.58145547 Out of data range -6.99331999 0.23978174 4.89001560 -11.85559559 4.76362610 Out of data range -12.02000237 -14.53570557 Out of data range -0.16984865 25.91961288 -0.21415900 Out of data range Out of data range -0.38372228 0.07437171 0.00534076 -5.97850657 -12.00408936 Out of data range Out of data range Out of data range 15.72283268 -8.36162186 -0.90709996 0.12685199 -1.42977989 WRECKNAME HARRIET HARRY HELEN HENRY AND MARY HERO HOPPER BARGE NO. 3 IDA INDUSTRY IRON AGE IRON KING ISMYR J. LOVETT JAMES AND MARGARET JANE AND EMMA JANE FLAXMAN JOHN ORMEROD JOSEPH LEE ARCHER JOSEPHINE LOIZEAU JUNO KADINA KANGAROO KATE KINGSTON KINGSTON KONING WILLEM II LADY FERGUSSON LADY KINNAIRD LADY OF THE LAKE LADY WELLINGTON LAPWING CUTTER LAUNCH LAUNCH SHIP CUTTER BARQUE BARGE BRIG KETCH SCHOONER 1852 HULK 1808 1868 02/1877 1855 1878 1855 05/1852 1854 01/1867 01/1868 1846 01/1880 1852 1835 1839 1826 1848 1841 1842 06/1844 14/09/1895 04/02/1880 30/06/1857 16/04/1870 21/01/1880 03/10/1877 31/08/1838 06/09/1856 10/02/1873 09/12/1856 09/02/1882 26/05/1861 20/01/1884 21/10/1880 15/01/1857 18/08/1854 15/02/1855 11/12/1873 24/02/1879 19/09/1852 06/12/1878 05/1852 02/05/1850 22/01/1861 09/06/1855 10/07/1856 12/04/1870 20/04/1879 11/05/1887 BUILDDATE LOSSDATE BRIG YACHT CUTTER YACHT BARGE BRIG KETCH BARQUE SHIP BARQUE SCHOONER CUTTER CUTTER CUTTER BRIG CUTTER SCHOONER RIGDESC NEAR SHEOAK FLAT, ORONTES BANK. 7 MILES NE OF POINT VINCENT PORT ELLIOT CARPENTERS ROCKS ALDINGA BEACH NEAR WILLUNGA JETTY GLENELG, NORTH OF PATAWALONGA CAPE JERVIS PORT WILLUNGA YANKALILLA BAY OFF CAPE NORTHUMBERLAND TROUBRIDGE SHOAL NEAR REEF HEAD, YORKE PENINSULA CAPE NORTHUMBERLAND, 12 MILES NORTH TELOWIE BEACH ROSETTA HEAD NEAR SEMAPHORE OFF CAPE NORTHUMBERLAND GUICHEN BAY, 2090 YARDS FROM ROBE PORT ELLIOT PORT WALLAROO ANGAS INLET OFF CAPE ELIZABETH 3/4 MILE NORTH WEST OF MOONTA BOSTON IS., NEAR PORT LINCOLN KINGSTON PORT CAROLINE, LACEPEDE BAY GUICHEN BAY, 3 MILES EAST OF ROBE OFF ALDINGA, NEAR PORT WILLUNGA CAPE BURR, SPENCER GULF VICTOR HARBOR PORT ADELAIDE PORT ELLIOT LOSSLOCATION 173 -5.39315844 0.80256867 9.57371521 -4.20231009 Out of data range MINNIE MOZAMBIQUE NASHWAUK NENE VALLEY Out of data range MARGARET BROCK MIMOSA -1.78783238 Out of data range 19.23831940 Out of data range -2.98528600 -31.74847794 -7.28493023 6.07608366 -26.03065491 0.61575049 LITTLE ORIENT LIVINGSTONE LOCH SLOY LOTUS LOUISE LUCRETIA MAID OF AUSTRALIA MAID OF THE MILL MAID OF THE VALLEY MALVINA MAUD -11.70101547 Out of data range 10.01821995 -12.16607666 1.38229549 36.54886627 -9.30442619 -1.30871296 8.15898132 -0.00368428 Out of data range -2.56013942 0.02299722 LETTY MARIA MARIA MARINER MARION MARION MARS MARY MARY ANN MELBOURNE MERCURY MIAME MIDGE VALUE OF ELEVATION WRECKNAME 1848 1875 1879 1857 1877 1874 1869 1885 1869 1849 1863 YACHT BARQUE SHIP BARQUE KETCH 1833 1853 1852 1874 22/04/1886 19/08/1854 12/05/1855 19/10/1854 14/04/1884 10/06/1879 28/06/1840 07/11/1845 29/07/1851 11/07/1862 16/06/1885 11/02/1859 24/11/1885 16/11/1859 19/06/1878 24/05/1861 29/06/1853 23/11/1852 20/11/1883 16/12/1861 24/04/1899 23/06/1892 11/1878 08/09/1899 08/07/1899 27/02/1856 13/11/1857 20/02/1876 11/11/1866 BUILDDATE LOSSDATE CUTTER BRIGANTINE 1823 SCHOONER 1839 SHIP 1850 SCREW STEAMER 1854 BARQUE 05/1877 CUTTER 1856 CUTTER PADDLE STEAMER 1852 KETCH 1864 BARQUE 1848 CUTTER 1840 BARQUE SCREW STEAMER SHIP BARQUE KETCH SCHOONER SCHOONER SCHOONER KETCH BRIGANTINE SCHOONER SCHOONER RIGDESC REDCLIFFS, 15 MILES FROM PORT AUGUSTA - REMOVED AND GROUNDED NEAR THE CUSTOMS HOUSE, PORT AUGUSTA LARGS BAY, ADELAIDE GUICHEN BAY, NEAR ROBE MAUPERTIUS BAY KANGAROO ISLAND MACDONNELL BAY, EAST OF CRESS CREEK PORT RICKABY, HARDWICKE BAY BUFFALO REEF, SPILSBY ISLAND, SPENCERS WARDANG ISLAND MOUTH OF THE ONKAPARINGA RIVER PORT WILLUNGA 1/2 MILE NE OF MARTINS POINT JARROLD, NEAR PORT PIRIE MARGARET BROCK REEF, 5 1/2 KMS WEST OF CAPE JAFFA 3.5 MILES OFF LIGHTHOUSE, NEAR MARGARET BROCK REEF, LACEPEDE BAY COORONG, 40 MILES BELOW MURRAY TROUBRIDGE SHOAL 8.5 KMS SE OF CABLE HUT BAY, 2 NM NE OF CAPE SPENCER WEST BAY, NEAR CAPE BORDA PORT WILLUNGA 15 MILES SOUTH-WEST OF MOUNT YOUNG MURRAY MOUTH, NEAR SPIT AT PORT PORT PIRIE MACDONNELL BAY NEAR CAPE WILLOUGHBY LIGHTHOUSE STOKES BAY, NORTH COAST OF KANGAROO ISLAND GLENELG COORONG, BELOW SEA MOUTH OF MURRAY MOANA, NEAR MOUTH OF PEDLARS CREEK CAPE NORTHUMBERLAND, 8 MILES NORTH LOSSLOCATION 174 VALUE OF ELEVATION -8.76093102 Out of data range -3.27179456 -36.45262527 -4.73591948 Out of data range -21.62951469 -1.97030735 -8.00708961 Out of data range -3.16043830 -5.85067463 Out of data range Out of data range 0.12685199 -0.52787703 Out of data range Out of data range -33.89080811 -21.31656265 -32.54788208 -2.18287897 -7.04980230 0.05325653 -0.13758214 -0.00303450 -0.00030583 WRECKNAME NIMROD NORA CREINA O.G. OMEO ORIANA ORWELL OSMANLI PARARA PARSEE PHAETON PIONEER POLLY PRIMA DONNA PRINCE OF WALES PSYCHE RAMBLER RED ROVER RESOURCE ROSE ROSE RUBY SAN MIGUEL SANS PAREILLE SARAH SARAH SATURN SCUD CUTTER CUTTER KETCH SCHOONER KETCH BARQUE BRIGANTINE BARGE YAWL BARQUE YACHT SCHOONER SCHOONER BARGE LUGGER CUTTER SHIP CUTTER SCHOONER SCREW STEAMER SCHOONER SCREW STEAMER KETCH BARQUE BRIGANTINE CUTTER RIGDESC 1874 1877 1839 1842 01/1875 1853 1871 07/1864 1871 1845 1870 1855 1871 1846 1874 1831 1840 1858 1834 1866 17/09/1887 28/06/1851 10/12/1875 15/04/1858 20/07/1890 08/05/1865 30/01/1855 21/12/1876 1879 07/01/1888 23/04/1886 17/01/1877 05/1865 20/06/1873 08/08/1880 24/07/1886 03/11/1894 02/02/1857 23/05/1854 07/1866 29/09/1885 28/04/1873 25/11/1853 10/07/1882 11/11/1838 01/01/1859 26/07/1875 BUILDDATE LOSSDATE OFF PORT ADELAIDE, OUTSIDE LIGHTHOUSE ABOUT 17 NAUTICAL MILES WEST OF CAPE MARTIN (BEACHPORT) POOLES FLAT, 1.5 MILES NORTH OF SECOND NEAR CORNY POINT, YORKE PENINSULA ALDINGA REEF MACDONNELL BAY 1/4 MILE FROM D'ESTREES BAY, KANGAROO ISLAND POINT LOWLY, NEAR PORT AUGUSTA TROUBRIDGE SHOAL, 4 MILES SE OF ISLET GUICHEN BAY, 3 MILES EAST OF BOATSWAINS POINT MARION BAY BETWEEN RAPID HEAD AND CAPE JERVIS BETWEEN PORT MACDONNELL AND PORT ADELAIDE MACDONNELL BAY, NEAR PINCHGUT REEF, EAST OF CRESS CREEK PORT ADELAIDE ? BETWEEN WOOL BAY & STANSBURY, 3 MILES NORTH OF WOOL BAY BETWEEN COFFIN BAY AND PORT LINCOLN RIVOLI BAY CARRICKALINGA, 4 MILES AT SEA BETWEEN BLACK POINT & ADELAIDE BETWEEN STANSBURY AND PORT TIPARRA REEF, OFF MOONTA BAY CAPE JERVIS POINT LOWLY, NEAR PORT AUGUSTA CLINTON, NEAR PORT WAKEFIELD COCKLE SPIT, PORT PIRIE TORRENS ISLAND LOSSLOCATION 175 VALUE OF ELEVATION -0.69637120 -12.12137890 9.04912376 -7.24192190 Out of data range Out of data range 7.65634727 0.00305263 -32.24257660 -10.14759636 -3.57078409 -5.51053381 Out of data range 0.15950248 Out of data range -8.54137421 Out of data range -10.26211929 -6.15517139 -32.21574402 18.87435722 5.86376143 -6.86501312 Out of data range Out of data range Out of data range Out of data range Out of data range Out of data range -41.29790115 WRECKNAME SECRET SOLWAY SOPHIA JANE SOUTH AUSTRALIAN SOUTHERN CROSS ST. MARC ST. VINCENT STAG STAR STAR OF GREECE STRANGER SULTANA SULTANA TARNA TENTERDEN THISTLE THOMSON THREE SISTERS TIGRESS TIPARA TRADER TREASURE TROVE TRIAL TROAS UNKNOWN UNKNOWN UNKNOWN UNKNOWN UNKNOWN UNNAMED UNKNOWN UNKNOWN UNKNOWN UNKNOWN CUTTER SCREW STEAMER SCHOONER CUTTER KETCH SNOW SLOOP SCHOONER CUTTER CUTTER SHIP CUTTER BARQUE BARQUE CUTTER HULK CUTTER SHIP CUTTER SHIP BARQUE BARQUE CUTTER SHIP CUTTER RIGDESC 1857 1854 05/1883 1843 1837 1874 1840 1854 09/1868 1884 1837 1849 1840 1851 1819 1859 1829 1840 23/12/1893 03/03/1866 10/09/1849 13/03/1899 26/09/1848 02/09/1877 28/09/1866 21/05/1884 01/04/1854 14/05/1865 1841 16/09/1849 1875 1845 08/05/1889 05/10/1839 06/1948 08/01/1880 28/09/1876 09/1844 09/03/1883 1860 13/07/1888 14/06/1898 28/09/1849 27/04/1857 08/12/1837 20/07/1873 21/12/1837 09/1844 BUILDDATE LOSSDATE POINT BOLINGBROKE, 3 MILES NORTH OF ROSETTA HEAD,ENCOUNTER BAY COORONG, 60 MILES FROM RIVER MURRAY ROSETTA HARBOUR 3 MILES WEST OF VICTOR HARBOR POINT DOUGLAS, 4 MILES WEST OF PORT MACDONNELL, WEST OF FRENCH MURRAY MOUTH NORTH ARM, PORT ADELAIDE SPENCER GULF BETWEEN PORT WILLUNGA AND BLANCHE NORTH SIDE OF WEDGE ISLAND TROUBRIDGE SHOAL CAPE DOMBEY, OFF CAPE LANNES, NEAR YORKE PENINSULA OFF DALY HEAD, NEAR CORNY POINT BREAKSEA REEF, CAPE NORTHUMBERLAND CAPE JERVIS GUICHEN BAY, 2-3 MILES SOUTH OF LIPSON COVE, 10 MILES FROM TUMBY SEAFORD, 2 KM SOUTH OF ONKAPARINGA 15 MILES SW OF WARDANG ISLAND WILLUNGA, GULF ST. VINCENT KINGSCOTE, KANGAROO ISLAND LIGHT SHIP NEAR ADELAIDE, NORTH SAND OFF LAKE BONNEY, NEAR NORTHERN END HEAD OF THE BIGHT, EAST OF TWIN ROCKS AVOID BAY ST PETER ISLAND FLINDERS ISLAND FENELON ISLAND GULF ST. VINCENT, PRECISE LOCATION LOSSLOCATION 176 VALUE OF ELEVATION -7.82193947 14.65034389 NO VALUE -17.41556549 Out of data range Out of data range Out of data range Out of data range -4.55417633 Out of data range -22.13594055 -0.42140368 -18.65062714 4.22675514 -10.35175514 Out of data range -5.76257038 -7.48703766 0.56546605 -4.92666149 -4.82924223 -8.92486763 -25.57737350 -9.53716278 WRECKNAME UNNAMED LIGHTER VANQUISH VAROON VENTURE VICTORIA VULCAN VULCAN'S CANVAS BOAT WAITEMATA WALTER AND JOHN WAVE QUEEN WELLING WILDFLOWER WILLIAM WILLIAM WILLIAM HENRY WITNESS YOU YANGS YOUNG E.B. YOUNG EDITH YOUNG HEBE YOUNG LION YOUNG ST. GEORGE YOUNG SURVEYOR ZANONI BARQUE CUTTER CUTTER CUTTER CUTTER CUTTER BRIGANTINE SCREW STEAMER KETCH CUTTER SCHOONER KETCH SCHOONER KETCH BARQUE CUTTER SCHOONER SHIP CUTTER SCHOONER SCHOONER CUTTER SCHOONER CUTTER RIGDESC 1865 1874 1856 1871 1833 1842 1850 1856 1882 07/1861 1845 1852 1870 1837 1846 1853 11/02/1867 19/07/1892 11/11/1877 23/08/1847 08/1838 06/1844 01/05/1853 14/06/1890 30/06/1888 21/10/1880 03/1849 18/10/1882 03/01/1878 02/11/1899 06/09/1874 06/07/1892 05/11/1864 01/1856 14/09/1858 09/06/1846 22/04/1845 15/09/1845 20/05/1860 27/02/1871 BUILDDATE LOSSDATE NORMANVILLE CAPE JERVIS, 2.5 M WEST OF TALISKER MINE 20 MILES WEST OF CAPE SNAPPER POINT, KANGAROO ISLAND CAPE JAFFA FLINDERS ISLAND COFFIN BAY PETREL BAY, ST. FRANCIS ISLAND POINT BOLINGBROKE 2 MILES NORTH EAST OF JETTY AT SOUTHEND IN RIVOLI BAY ALTHORPE ISLAND WHITING POINT HOG BAY, NEAR PENNESHAW, KANGAROO YANKALILLA BAY BOSTON IS., NEAR PORT LINCOLN CAPE NORTHUMBERLAND, 1 MILE SE OF PELORUS ROCKS NEAR CAPE GANTHEAUME MARINO ROCKS WALLAROO 20 MILES EAST OF CAPE SPENCER CAPE ELIZABETH REEF, SOUTH OF MOONTA ALTHORPE ISLAND 5 MILES WEST OF LONG SPIT BUOY GULF ST. VINCENT, NEAR LONG SPIT NEAR ARDROSSAN LOSSLOCATION
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