Native American Ethnographic Study Tonto National Monument of

Native American Ethnographic Study Tonto National Monument of

Native American Ethnographic Study

of

Tonto National Monument

Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology

University of Arizona

Tucson, Arizona

Final Report

February 10, 2008

Prepared By

Richard W. Stoffle

Rebecca Toupal

Kathleen Van Vlack

Rachel Diaz de Valdes

Sean O’Meara

Jessica Medwied-Savage

Mascha Gemein

Phillip Dukes

Daniel Borysewicz

Native American Ethnographic Study of

Tonto National Monument

Prepared For

Terry Saunders

Superintendent

Duane Hubbard,

Chief of Resource Management

Tonto National Monument

And

David Ruppert

Intermountain Regional Office

National Park Service

Prepared By

Richard Stoffle

Rebecca Toupal

Kathleen Van Vlack

Rachel Diaz de Valdes

Sean O’Meara

Jessica Medwied-Savage

Mascha Gemein

Phillip Dukes

Daniel Borysewicz

With Assistance By

James Madril

Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology

University of Arizona

Tucson, Arizona

Final Report

February 10, 2008

The information presented in this study represents the opinions of the authors and does not necessarily represent the opinions nor official positions of the U.S.

Department of the Interior or the National Park Service.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Tables ...........................................................................................................................iv

List of Figures ........................................................................................................................ v

Acknowledgements.................................................................................................................ix

CHAPTER ONE

Introduction

Introduction............................................................................................................................ 1

1.1 Native American Consultation........................................................................................... 2

1.2 Affiliated Tribes................................................................................................................. 3

1.3 Research Tasks and Methods............................................................................................. 4

1.4 Interview Data.................................................................................................................... 5

1.5 Organization of the Report................................................................................................. 6

1.6 About the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology.................................................. 6

1.6.1 BARA and Cultural Affiliation Studies....................................................................... 7

1.7 Research Team Qualifications ........................................................................................... 8

CHAPTER TWO

Connections with Tonto National Monument

Introduction........................................................................................................................... 11

2.1 Affiliation Scope and Methodology.................................................................................. 11

2.2 The Hohokam and Salado in the Tonto Basin .................................................................. 13

2.3 Evidence of Connection.................................................................................................... 16

2.4 Connection of the Apache People..................................................................................... 17

2.5 Connection of the Hopi People ......................................................................................... 29

2.6 Connection of the O’odham People.................................................................................. 36

2.7 Connection of the Yavapai People.................................................................................... 44

2.8 Connection of the Zuni People ......................................................................................... 60

2.9 Summary........................................................................................................................... 66

CHAPTER THREE

Background and Setting

Introduction 67

3.1 The Spring..........................................................................................................................67

3.1.1 Geology........................................................................................................................67

3.1.2 Ecology ........................................................................................................................67

3.2 Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp and TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse) ...........................68

3.2.1 Geology........................................................................................................................68

3.2.2 Ecology ........................................................................................................................70

3.3 Historic Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle .......................................................71

3.3.1 Geology........................................................................................................................71

3.3.2 Ecology ........................................................................................................................73

3.4 TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo) ..................................................................................73

3.4.1 Geology........................................................................................................................74

3.4.2 Ecology ........................................................................................................................76

i

3.5 TONT Site 51(The Lower Cliff Dwelling)........................................................................77

3.5.1 Geology........................................................................................................................78

3.5.2 Ecology ........................................................................................................................78

3.6 TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)................................................................................79

3.6.1 Geology........................................................................................................................80

3.6.2 Ecology ........................................................................................................................81

CHAPTER FOUR

Zuni Site by Site Analysis

Introduction........................................................................................................................... 82

4.1 The Spring......................................................................................................................... 83

4.1.1 Native American Comments....................................................................................... 84

4.2 Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp............................................................................... 84

4.2.1 Native American Comments...................................................................................... 84

4.3 TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse) .............................................................................................. 84

4.3.1 Native American Comments....................................................................................... 84

4.4 Historic Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle ...................................................... 86

4.4.1 Native American Comments....................................................................................... 86

4.5 TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo) ................................................................................. 87

4.5.1 Native American Comments....................................................................................... 89

4.6 TONT Site 51(The Lower Cliff Dwelling)....................................................................... 99

4.6.1 Native American Comments....................................................................................... 100

4.7 TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)............................................................................... 108

4.7.1 Native American Comments....................................................................................... 109

4.8 General Native American Recommendations................................................................... 117

4.9 Ethnographic Comments................................................................................................... 118

4.10 Telling Time: Studying the Sun, Moon, and Stars.......................................................... 118

4.10.1 Zuni Time Keeping................................................................................................... 119

4.10.2 Time Keeping and the Northern Annex.................................................................... 120

4.10.3 Time Keeping and Fajada Butte- A Comparative Case............................................ 120

4.10.4 Time Keeping Amongst Traditional Peoples............................................................ 125

CHAPTER FIVE

White Mountain Apache Site by Site Analysis

Introduction............................................................................................................................127

5.1 The Spring..........................................................................................................................128

5.1.1 Native American Comments........................................................................................128

5.2 Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp................................................................................129

5.2.1 Native American Comments........................................................................................131

5.3 TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse) ...............................................................................................145

5.3.1 Native American Comments........................................................................................145

5.4 Historic Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle .......................................................145

5.4.1 Native American Comments........................................................................................146

5.5 TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo) ..................................................................................155

5.5.1 Native American Comments........................................................................................155

ii

5.6 TONT Site 51(The Lower Cliff Dwelling)........................................................................164

5.6.1 Native American Comments........................................................................................164

5.7 TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)................................................................................164

5.7.1 Native American Comments........................................................................................164

5.8 General Native American Recommendations....................................................................164

5.9 Ethnographic Comments....................................................................................................166

5.10 Apache Farming...............................................................................................................166

5.10.1 Western Apache Bands and Farming.........................................................................167

5.10.2 Eastern Apache Farming............................................................................................168

5.10.3 Spanish Accounts: 16-18 th

Centuries.........................................................................168

5.10.4 American Accounts: 19 th

Century..............................................................................169

5.10.5 Tce-Jine: Aravaipa Apaches ......................................................................................170

5.10.6 Post-1900 ...................................................................................................................172

CHAPTER SIX

Hopi Site By Site Analysis

Introduction........................................................................................................................... 174

6.1 The Spring......................................................................................................................... 175

6.1.1 Native American Comments....................................................................................... 176

6.2 Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp............................................................................... 178

6.2.1 Native American Comments....................................................................................... 178

6.3 TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse) .............................................................................................. 178

6.3.1 Native American Comments....................................................................................... 179

6.4 Historic Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle ...................................................... 179

6.4.1 Native American Comments....................................................................................... 179

6.5 TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo) ................................................................................. 179

6.5.1 Native American Comments....................................................................................... 180

6.6 TONT Site 51(The Lower Cliff Dwelling)....................................................................... 191

6.6.1 Native American Comments....................................................................................... 193

6.7 TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)............................................................................... 203

6.7.1 Native American Comments....................................................................................... 203

6.8 General Native American Recommendations................................................................... 213

6.9 Ethnographic Comments................................................................................................... 214

6.10 Hopi Resilience............................................................................................................... 214

6.10.1 Hopi and 1780 Drought and Smallpox ..................................................................... 215

Bibliography ............................................................................................................................218

Appendix A..............................................................................................................................232 iii

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1.1 Number of Interviews at each Site by Ethnic Group ............................................ 6

Table 2.1 Summary of Affiliated Groups and the Types of Evidence Supporting that Affiliation....................................................................................................... 17

Table 2.2 Summary of Time Frames of Groups Affiliated with Tonto National

Monument ............................................................................................................. 17

Table 2.3 Apache Connection with Tonto National Monument........................................... 17

Table 2.4 Time Frame of Apache Connection with Tonto National Monument.................. 17

Table 2.5 Western Apache Relations with Other Southwest Tribes..................................... 22

Table 2.6 Federal Adjustments to Western Apache Lands................................................... 25

Table 2.7 Hopi Connection with Tonto National Monument ............................................... 29

Table 2.8 Time Frame of Hopi Connection with Tonto National Monument. ..................... 29

Table 2.9 O’odham Connection with Tonto National Monument........................................ 36

Table 2.10 Time Frame of O’odham Connection with Tonto National Monument............. 37

Table 2.11 Yavapai Connection with Tonto National Monument........................................ 45

Table 2.12 Time Frame of Yavapai Connection with Tonto National Monument............... 45

Table 2.13 Zuni Connection with Tonto National Monument ............................................. 60

Table 2.14 Time Frame of Zuni Connection with Tonto National Monument. ................... 60 iv

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1.1 Tonto National Monument .................................................................................. 1

Figure 1.2 Zuni Representative, NPS Staff and UofA Ethnographer ................................... 5

Figure 2.1 The Tonto Basin including Tonto National Monument and Some

Archaeological Sites ........................................................................................... 13

Figure 2.2 Chronology and Phase Sequence for the Tonto Basin ........................................ 14

Figure 2.3 Temporal and Geographic Relationships of the Salado ...................................... 16

Figure 2.4 Apache Procurement Area (Approximate) Identified by Elders. ........................ 18

Figure 2.5 Map of the Verde River Country Showing Yavapai-Apache Overlap................ 20

Figure 2.6 Traditional Migrations Western Apache Clans ................................................... 21

Figure 2.7 Apacheria............................................................................................................. 22

Figure 2.8 Tonto Basin Country ........................................................................................... 23

Figure 2.9 Western Apache Groups and Bands .................................................................... 24

Figure 2.10 Western Apache Aboriginal Lands Specified in 1886 and Federal

Adjustments to Western Apache Lands from 1871 to 1893............................... 26

Figure 2.11 Details of Federal Adjustments to Western Apache Lands from 1871 to 1893 ................................................................................................................ 27

Figure 2.12 Direction of Migration of Musangnuvi Patkingyam (Water Clan) ................... 31

Figure 2.13 Direction of Migration of Munqapi Piikyasngyam (Young Corn Clan) ........... 32

Figure 2.14 Direction of Migration of Songoopavi Honngyam ........................................... 33

Figure 2.15 Direction of Migration of Songoopavi and Orayvi Taawangyam (Sun Clan) .. 34

Figure 2.16 Direction of Migration of Orayvi Paaqapngyam (Reed Clan) .......................... 35

Figure 2.17 Trade Routes in the 16th Century Southwest included the Tonto Basin........... 36

Figure 2.18 The Maximum Extent of the Hohokam Territory ............................................. 38

Figure 2.19 The Cultural Areas Surrounding Tonto Basin................................................... 39

Figure 2.20 Tonto Basin in Relation to Adjacent Culture Areas and Extent of Salado

Polychrome ......................................................................................................... 40

Figure 2.21 Hohokam Boundary Based on Waters and Ravesloot....................................... 41

Figure 2.22 Hohokam Culture Area in Relation to the Mogollon and Anasazi Culture

Areas ................................................................................................................... 42

Figure 2.23 Sub-areas of Hohokam ...................................................................................... 43

Figure 2.24 The Extent of Hohokam Material Culture and Ballcourts................................. 44

Figure 2.25 Explorations of Arizona from 1539 to 1600...................................................... 47

Figure 2.26 Explorations of Arizona from 1600 to 1700...................................................... 48

Figure 2.27 Explorations of Arizona in the 1700s and 1800s............................................... 49

Figure 2.28 Traditional Yavapai Bands and Territory.......................................................... 50

Figure 2.29 Yavapai Use Areas ............................................................................................ 51

Figure 2.30 Traditional Yavapai Locales 1540-1600 ........................................................... 52

Figure 2.31 Traditional Yavapai Locales 1600-1700 ........................................................... 53

Figure 2.32 Traditional Yavapai Locales 1700-1800 ........................................................... 54

Figure 2.33 Traditional Yavapai Locales mid-1800s ........................................................... 55

Figure 2.34 Yavapai Territory 1583-1848 Documents Explorations, Missions, Rancherias, and Use Areas of South and Central Arizona ..................................................... 56 v

Figure 2.35 Thomas’s (1974) Interpretation of Normal Land Use and Danger (Hatched)

Areas of the Yavapai and Northern Tonto people ............................................. 57

Figure 2.36 Yavapai Rancherias, Use Areas, Battles with U.S. Troops, Bands/Clans, and

Unoccupied Areas............................................................................................... 58

Figure 2.37 Yavapai Territory including Subtribes in the mid-1800s .................................. 59

Figure 2.38 Overlapping Territory of the Yavapai and Tonto Peoples ................................ 60

Figure 2.39 Landforms of the Zuni Area including Tonto Basin ......................................... 62

Figure 2.40 Major Zuni Trails .............................................................................................. 63

Figure 2.41 Traditional Mineral Collection included the Salt River Canyon....................... 64

Figure 2.42 Zuni Lands in the mid-1800s Show Lost or Limited Access to Former Land

Use Sites.............................................................................................................. 65

Figure 2.43 Cultural Landscape Field Data from the Zuni Tribe ......................................... 66

Figure 3.1 The Spring ........................................................................................................... 68

Figure 3.2 The Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp.......................................................... 69

Figure 3.3 TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse) ................................................................................. 70

Figure 3.4 Historic Apache/Yavapai in Honey Butte Saddle ............................................... 71

Figure 3.5 Honey Butte......................................................................................................... 72

Figure 3.6 TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo).................................................................... 74

Figure 3.7 Conglomerate ...................................................................................................... 75

Figure 3.8 Crystals................................................................................................................ 75

Figure 3.9 Tobacco at TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo) ................................................. 76

Figure 3.10 TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) ...................................................... 77

Figure 3.11 Pigment at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) .................................... 79

Figure 3.12 TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex) ............................................................... 80

Figure 3.13 TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex) and Pigments......................................... 81

Figure 4.1 The Spring ........................................................................................................... 83

Figure 4.2 TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse) ................................................................................. 85

Figure 4.3 Historic Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle......................................... 86

Figure 4.4 Zuni People, UofA Ethnographers and Park Service Staff at TONT

Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)............................................................................... 87

Figure 4.5 Zuni People and UofA Ethnographers with Tobacco at the TONT

Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)............................................................................... 88

Figure 4.6 Zuni Person Holding Crystals at the TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo) ......... 89

Figure 4.7 Zuni People, UofA Ethnographers and Park Service Staff at TONT

Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo) .............................................................................. 90

Figure 4.8 Zuni Person with Turquoise Medallion at the TONT Site 65

(Multi-room Pueblo) ........................................................................................... 92

Figure 4.9 Jojoba at TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo) .................................................... 92

Figure 4.10 A Zuni Person and UofA Ethnographer at the TONT Site 65

(Multi-room Pueblo) ........................................................................................... 97

Figure 4.11 TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) ...................................................... 99

Figure 4.12 Pigment at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) .................................... 100

Figure 4.13 Zuni People at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) .............................. 101 vi

Figure 4.14 Zuni Person Talking to Park Service Staff Member at TONT

Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling).................................................................... 101

Figure 4.15 Zuni People at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) .............................. 105

Figure 4.16 Zuni People, UofA Ethnographers, and Park Service Staff Member at TONT Site 51(The Lower Cliff Dwelling) ..................................................... 107

Figure 4.17 TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex) ............................................................... 108

Figure 4.18 UofA Ethnographer Interviewing Zuni Person at TONT Site

52 (The Northern Annex).................................................................................... 109

Figure 4.19 Cupules .............................................................................................................. 110

Figure 4.20 A Zuni Person and Park Service Staff Member Looking at Cupules at TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)............................................................. 111

Figure 4.21 Zuni Person at TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)....................................... 115

Figure 4.22 Fajada Butte....................................................................................................... 121

Figure 4.23 UofA Ethnographer and Native American Representative at the Sun Dagger . 122

Figure 4.24 Spiral Peckings with Beam of Light.................................................................. 122

Figure 4.25 Astronomers’ Rooms at Fajada Butte................................................................ 123

Figure 4.26 Cupules .............................................................................................................. 124

Figure 4.27 Time Marker Peckings ...................................................................................... 124

Figure 4.28 Prayer Shrine on top of Fajada Butte ................................................................ 124

Figure 4.29 Pottery from the Support Living Quarters......................................................... 125

Figure 4.30 Pottery from the Support Living Quarters......................................................... 125

Figure 5.1 The Spring ........................................................................................................... 128

Figure 5.2 Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp ................................................................. 130

Figure 5.3 Indian Women at a Worker Camp near Roosevelt Lake during the

Dam Construction Period.................................................................................... 130

Figure 5.4 Indian Women at a Worker Camp near Roosevelt Lake during the

Dam Construction Period.................................................................................... 131

Figure 5.5 UofA Ethnographers Interviewing White Mountain Apache Person.................. 132

Figure 5.6 Tin Can Found at Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp .................................... 134

Figure 5.7 UofA Ethnographer and White Mountain Apache Person at Roosevelt

Lake Indian Worker Camp.................................................................................. 136

Figure 5.8 White Mountain Apache Person at Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp......... 138

Figure 5.9 White Mountain Apache Person at Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp......... 141

Figure 5.10 UofA Ethnographer Interviewing White Mountain Apache Person ................. 144

Figure 5.11 Honey Butte with its Major and Lesser Peaks................................................... 146

Figure 5.12 The Historic Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle ............................... 150

Figure 5.13 UofA Ethnographers Interviewing White Mountain Apache Person................ 151

Figure 5.14 White Mountain Apache Person Looking at the View from the Historic

Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle ...................................................... 153

Figure 5.15 TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo).................................................................. 156

Figure 5.16 Honey Butte....................................................................................................... 157

Figure 5.17 White Mountain Apache Person and UofA Ethnographers .............................. 157

Figure 5.18 UofA Ethnographers Interviewing White Mountain Apache Person................ 161

Figure 5.19 UofA Ethnographers Interviewing White Mountain Apache Person................ 162

Figure 5.20 Chief Eskiminzin............................................................................................... 170 vii

Figure 5.21 Western Apache Sites and Names in the Tonto Basin Area ............................. 173

Figure 6.1 The Spring ........................................................................................................... 175

Figure 6.2 The Spring ........................................................................................................... 176

Figure 6.3 TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse) ................................................................................. 178

Figure 6.4 TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo).................................................................... 180

Figure 6.5 Hopi People and a Park Service Staff Member ................................................... 181

Figure 6.6 Hiking to TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo).................................................... 182

Figure 6.7 Hopi People with Park Service Staff at TONT Site 65

(Multi-room Pueblo) ........................................................................................... 187

Figure 6.8 Hopi People at TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo) ........................................... 190

Figure 6.9 A Hopi Person and Park Service Staff Looking at TONT Site 50

(The Upper Cliff Dwelling) ................................................................................ 191

Figure 6.10 TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) ...................................................... 192

Figure 6.11 Hopi People, UofA Ethnographers and Park Service Staff Directly

Below TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) ............................................ 192

Figure 6.12 Hopi People Looking at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) ............... 194

Figure 6.13 Hopi People by the Pigment at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) .... 198

Figure 6.14 UofA Ethnographers Interviewing Hopi people at TONT Site 51

(The Lower Cliff Dwelling)................................................................................ 199

Figure 6.15 UofA Ethnographers Interviewing Hopi people at TONT Site 51

(The Lower Cliff Dwelling)................................................................................ 200

Figure 6.16 A Hopi Person at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling).......................... 201

Figure 6.17 Hopi People at TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex) and Pigment ................. 203

Figure 6.18 Cupules .............................................................................................................. 205

Figure 6.19 Hopi People and Park Service Staff Looking at the Cupules............................ 207

Figure 6.20 A Hopi Person and UofA Ethnographer at TONT Site 52

(The Northern Annex)......................................................................................... 211 viii

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This report represents the integrated efforts of people connected to Tonto National

Monument including the National Park Service (NPS), Hopi Tribe, White Mountain Apache

Tribe, and the Pueblo of Zuni. The authors would like to express their sincere appreciation and thanks to NPS staff for their contributions during this study and to the Native American participants who contributed information and guidance to this report:

Hopi

White Mountain

Apache

Pueblo of Zuni

National Park

Service

Leigh

Kuwanwisiwma,

Director of Cultural

Preservation Office

Mark Altaha, THPO

Davis Nieto,

Supervisory

Archaeologist

David Ruppert, - NPS

Intermountain

Regional Office

Morgan Saufkie

Stewart

Koyiyumptewa,

Tribal Archivist

Lucy Benally,

Historic Preservation

Office

Ramon Riley,

Cultural Heritage

Resource Director

Octavius Seowtewa

Cornell Tsalate

Duane Hubbard,

Chief of Resource

Management

Matt Guebbard,

Project Archaeologist

Bertram Tsavatawa

Cinda Ewing,

Preservation

Specialist

Terry Saunders,

Current Park

Superintendent.

Bradley Traver,

Former

Superintendent

This report was prepared at the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology at the

University of Arizona, whose staff provided support and assistance, and whose rapid responses to our needs made this study possible. ix

CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

Tonto National Monument was established by President Theodore Roosevelt on

December 19, 1907 in order to protect and preserve the cliff structures and other archeological sites that were deemed places of “great ethnographic, scientific and educational interest” for future generations. The land that encompasses Tonto National Monument (Figure 1.1) has been used by Native American peoples for at least 10,000 years. For the purpose of addressing their consultation responsibilities under the federal law and mandates, the National Park Service contracted with the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology (BARA) at the University of

Arizona (UofA) to complete a Native American site interpretation study at Tonto National

Monument.

Figure 1.1 Tonto National Monument

The purpose of this study is to bring forth Native American perspectives and understandings of the land and the resources. This study has helped to foster relationships between the Monument and the tribes. Close relationships with contemporary tribes hold the potential of learning more about the Monument’s cultural history and its continuing significance to Indian peoples. This increased awareness of contemporary Indian ties to the Monument, and to

1

the surrounding region, will help the NPS design interpretative programs and manage resources in a culturally sensitive manner.

1.1 Native American Consultation

The Native American study at Tonto National Monument is driven by government to government consultation. This relationship is part of a regulation driven three-tiered system of the consultation process. These levels serve to guide how tribes engage in the identification and assessment of resources on public lands and define the range of an agency’s roles in that process

.

The first level of guidance derives from the historic context of the people and the land.

Indian people maintain that their Creator gave the land to them, and therefore they have divine obligation to care for it. Although aboriginal title to the area legally was extinguished at the time that the United States Government took possession, and further extinguished by the Indian

Claims Commission, the obligation of stewardship felt by the Indian people cannot be extinguished. These lands are closely connected to the historic memory of a people.

The second level of guidance is part of the regulatory framework of the United States

Government. Tribal governments have a long-standing legal and political relationship with the

United States and its federal agencies. Treaties and agreements have established the foundation for government-to-government relationship between the tribes and the government bodies. The legal environment has created the requirement of consultation with affiliated tribes based on this relationship. Federal agencies consult with tribal governments under the directive of Executive

Order 13175 (November 6, 2000),

Consultation and Coordination with Indian Tribal

Governments

, which defines agencies’ legal obligations of consultation. This Executive Order

(EO) also enhances other regulatory requirements such as the AIRFA (1978), and Executive

Order 13007 concerning Indian Sacred Sites (May 24, 1996). These regulations serve as further guidance to agencies as to their relationships with American Indian Tribes. This model has been adopted by many governmental entities such as the Department of Defense- Nellis Air Force, the

U.S. Forest Service, Desert National Wildlife Refuge Complex of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife

Service, and the Federal Highways Administration.

The third level of guidance is built from the relationship between the tribes and the agency. In order to conduct research that meets the consultation requirements, it is essential for

Indian people to be partners in the process. In the book,

American Indians and the Nevada Test

Site

, consultation is used to “describe a process by which American Indian peoples with aboriginal or historic ties to public lands are identified and brought into discussions about cultural resources in those lands”(Stoffle, Zedeño, and Halmo 2001: 22). Consultation is also a term that has broader legal standing and is recognized by the United States, Canada and much of the western world (Stoffle 2000). Consultation can be conducted in many ways, but its success relies on the understanding of all interested parties through meaningful interactions such as site visits, meetings and face-to-face interactions with agency representatives and Indian people.

General Consultation

General consultation allows for the establishment of permanent relationships between

American Indian groups that have ties to the managed lands and resources, and the federal

2

agencies that have the legal responsibility for managing them. General consultation works best when it is based on extensive research concerning cultural resources that Indian people have identified within the lands of concern; that is to say, general consultation should be based on a strong foundation of culturally diverse information (Stoffle, Zedeño, and Halmo 2001: 23).

General consultation has many advantages. It can occur in the absence of a specific project proposal involving the partner agency or a third (private or public) party. It can occur when the agency and the involved Indian people feel it is best not to be constricted by either time or issue. Another advantage of general consultation is that it produces a broad and continuously growing cultural resource information base, which becomes extremely useful when management and mitigation decisions must be made on short notice (Stoffle, Zedeño, and Halmo 2001: 23).

As stated in

American Indians and the Nevada Test Site

(2001), general consultation is the “only way to build true and stable partnerships between federal agencies and American Indians”

(Stoffle, Zedeño, and Halmo 2001: 24).

Specific Consultation

There are times where federal agencies are not in government-to-government relationships with Native American tribes. Therefore they generally will begin with general consultation as the first step in the consultation process. After general consultations, it is expected that project specific negotiations can and will arise. These latter relationships bring opportunities to modify and improve existing partnerships through the specific consultation process. Specific consultations can address a number of issues such as the disposition of artifacts that are protected by the Native American

Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) or they can be also used to identify and respond to the impacts of small-scale development projects through social impact assessment, changes in the interpretation of resources, and policies regarding inadvertent discoveries. Specific consultations are limited and framed by the scope of the specific law being used to initiate the study and by the proposed activity that is being evaluated.

Both general and specific consultations are linked with ecosystem management. Indian people consider traditional cultural properties, power places, sacred sites, and many natural resources to be inextricably linked and must be understood as parts of an ecosystem where actions that might directly impact one part will impact the whole system.

1.2 Affiliated Tribes

In order to identify, protect, and manage cultural resources, government agencies find it useful to identify the tribes that are affiliated (i.e. culturally connected) with the lands and resources within a management area. Federal agencies use the term affiliation in various ways for different purposes. American Indian tribal governments and cultural resource department also have their own definitions of the term.

At the broadest level affiliation means a portion of land has become culturally central to an American Indian ethnic group. Connections between the Indian people and the land may have been established before Europeans arrived (pre-1492), while Europeans were occupying and

3

claiming the land (pre-1848), and/ or during the historic period following 1849. It is also important when seeking consultation from American Indian people that

aboriginal title

is recognized. Aboriginal title refers to land possessed by a particular tribe (actually ethnic group) up until the United States government acquired title (Sutton 1985).

Through previous research and research conducted during this project, it is likely that five

Native American ethnic groups are connected to the Tonto Basin and Tonto National Monument.

Those ethnic groups are Hopi, O’Odham, Western Apache, Yavapai, and Zuni.

1.3 Research Tasks and Methods

The UofA team was assigned two specific research tasks for this project. The first task involved conducting an interdisciplinary literature review pertaining to the Indian groups connected to Tonto National Monument and adjacent lands. This review provides information from the existing literature on the history and traditional resource use of the area from the protohistoric to the historic period.

The second research task is based on the results from task one. The second phase involved conducting ethnographic interviews with members of the affiliated groups. Five ethnic groups and tribes are believed to be culturally connected to these lands, however, budgetary constraints and other circumstances limited the number of tribes that participated in this study.

The contemporary ethnographic data for this report is derived from on-site interviews conducted with representatives from the Hopi, White Mountain and Zuni tribes. Each participating tribe was allocated their own trip to the Monument to ensure privacy during the interview process.

These site visits occurred in the summer of 2008. The UofA team designed a field activity plan which was intended to be repeated for all three tribes. The logic behind this decision was to give all tribal members involved an opportunity to view and interpret places located within the

Monument boundary. This gives Indian people the chance to make a determination as to whether members of their ethnic group traditionally used these places in the past. The general field activity plan was as followed:

Day One:

-

-

Orientation

Visit the Monument’s riparian area and spring, the primary water source

- Visit the Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp Site and TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse)

Day Two:

Visit TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo) and the Historic Apache/ Yavapai Site in

Honey Butte Saddle

Visit TONT Site 51 (Lower Cliff Dwelling) and TONT Site 52 (Northern Annex)

4

Day Three:

Meeting between UofA team and Tribal Representatives to discuss visit and recommendations

Due to unexpected circumstances, this schedule had to be altered during the White Mountain

Apache and Hopi visits.

Figure 1.2 Zuni Representative, NPS Staff and UofA Ethnographer

1.4 Interview Data

Indian people were interviewed at seven different locations within the Monument boundaries and management areas. The primary interview form is modeled after the traditional

BARA site form. The form used in this study has been modified so that it is appropriate for the resources at Tonto National Monument. It is place

-specific

, meaning that the questions focus on site use history and types of ethnographic resources associated with site use including water, plants, animals, minerals, landforms, and archaeological remains. With this form, the UofA ethnographers can elicit detailed information on material, behavioral, and spiritual connections among resource types, and between each resource and place

.

The second form was used for follow up interviews and it has a series of questions which pertain to the Roosevelt Lake Indian

Worker Camp Site. The intent of this instrument was to understand the complexities and issues

Indian s faced when they lived at the camp and worked in the area. Copies of these instruments are included in Appendix A. The total numbers of interviews per tribe and field visits are indicated in Table 1.1.

5

Tribe

The

Spring

TONT

Site 22

(Fieldhouse)

Hopi 4 4*

White

Mountain

Apache 2 2*

Zuni 3 3*

Roosevelt

Lake

Indian

Worker

Camp Site

0

Historic

Apache/

Yavapai Site in Honey

Butte Saddle

0

TONT

Site 65

(Multiroom

Pueblo)

TONT

Site 51

(Lower

Cliff

Dwelling)

4 4

TONT Site

52

(Northern

Annex)

4

3

3*

2

3

2 2*

3 3

2*

3

Total 9 9 6 5 9 9 10

*denotes informal interviews

Table 1.1 Number of interviews at each site by ethnic group

Experienced ethnographers administered these forms in a private session with indigenous cultural experts. The interviews are kept private in order to allow people to speak freely without fear of reprisals, and to ensure that all individual viewpoints are collected without a dominant voice overriding others. After these viewpoints are collected, they are analyzed, drafted into a report, and submitted for tribal review before final publication. Through this process, the individual voices receive community agreement that the report represents a tribal perspective.

1.5 Organization of the Report

This report contains five chapters which provide Monument management and tribal governments with important information in regards to Native American resources at Tonto

National Monument. Chapter Two summarizes cultural connections evidence for the five ethnic groups with Tonto National Monument and the surrounding basin, as part of the Monument’s ongoing consultation responsibilities under various federal laws and executive orders

(NAGPRA- 25 U.S.C. 3001 et seq., Nov. 16, 1990). Chapter Three provides the readers with ecological and geological overviews of the sites visited within the Monument. The remaining three chapters focus on the participating ethnic groups. These chapters are organized by site and conclude with overall analysis and recommendations. This section of the report documents detailed discussions of site use, meaning, and landscape connections that Indian people had with the seven places visited.

1.6 About the Bureau of Applied Research in Anthropology

BARA

1

was founded in 1952 as the Bureau of Ethnic Research, charged with the responsibility to monitor the socio-economic welfare of Native American communities in

Arizona. In 1982, BARA changed its name and vastly expanded its research and training mission. Currently, the BARA faculty is comprised of sixteen state-funded and project-funded academic professionals organized around six different programs. For each program there exists a set of research activities consistent with the BARA mission, as well as corresponding academic

1

See BARA’s official webpage for more information, http://bara.arizona.edu/.

6

courses and student participation that contribute in an integrated fashion to BARA’s commitment to applied training.

The BARA ethnographic team involved with this study directs a program called Native

American Cultural Resource Revitalization. Consistent with BARA's founding mission, to monitor the welfare and well being of Native American groups in Arizona, this program focuses on the national need to assure the preservation of Native American cultures and languages. A long history of misguided policy-making and disregard for native cultures in this country has created marginalized and dependent peoples with severe economic disadvantages and little control over their own destiny. Recent legislation, such as the American Indian Religious

Freedom Act of 1978 and the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act of 1990, has attempted to redress the situation and establish new policy paths that emphasize tribal empowerment and cultural respect. BARA has contributed to these new directions by developing standard procedures that assure the full participation of Native American tribes in the process of identifying and controlling their comprehensive cultural resource inventories. In this program,

BARA researchers facilitate the interaction of tribes with government agencies and private organizations. Through the use of ethnography, BARA professionals have assisted communities in the reconstruction of their cultural histories, made Geographic Information Systems (GIS) technologies available to tribes wanting to identify and maintain their cultural landscapes, and worked to address language shift through the development of dictionaries and the promotion of language literacy on reservations.

This program also has contributed to the development of cultural resource theory within applied anthropology and has generated genuine, mutually respectful, and productive partnerships between the University and Native American tribes. One of BARA's most consistently supported research programs; the Native American Cultural Resource Revitalization has received long-term funding from tribes, the National Park Service, the Department of

Energy, the Department of Defense, the Bureau of Reclamation, National Science Foundation, and other entities.

1.6.1 BARA and Cultural Affiliation Studies

BARA researchers have extensive experience conducting cultural affiliation studies, such as is involved in the Tonto National Monument study. Such studies are essential so that federal land managers can consult with the fullest and most appropriate set of American Indian tribes who have documentable cultural ties to traditional lands that are now managed by the Federal government. Our earliest affiliation study was focused on tribes with traditional ties to the lands on and immediately around the Nevada Test Site (Stoffle, Olmsted, and Evans 1988) which became the foundation for formal government-to-government consultation in regards to the proposed high-level nuclear waste depository, also known as the Yucca Mountain Project

(Stoffle et al. 1990). That affiliation study was subsequently used for consultation involving the entire Nevada Test Site (Stoffle, Zedeño, and Halmo 2001) and adjacent DOD facilities. This early study was quickly followed by an extensive affiliation study in the Mojave Desert. It involved Mojave and Southern Paiute who were the descendants of the aboriginal inhabitants and Navajo people who had arrived in the 20 th

century (Stoffle 1987). That study addressed the issue of tribal cultural connections which were established at various time periods. Today, the

7

National Park Service uses different affiliation terms to reflect two temporal periods (1)

cultural affiliation

for aboriginal and earlier connections and (2)

traditionally associated

for connections established during the U.S. historic period (National NAGPRA Program 2008).

Although many of the intervening BARA studies addressed cultural affiliation, the passage of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act in 1990 (National

NAGPRA Program 2008) sharply focused and gave new meanings to all Federal land affiliation studies. The Chaco Culture National Park study is worth mentioning because it focused on the

Fajada Butte ceremonial calendar site and was extremely complex given the then emerging affiliation debate between the Navajo and Pueblos peoples, the sensitivity of the site in general, and the park’s possession of hundreds of Indian burials and thousands of ceremonial offering objects (Stoffle et al. 1994). During this period, BARA researchers conducted one of the first exclusive NAGPRA studies that involved the Western Archaeological Conservation Center and four NPS units (Stoffle, Evans, and Dobyns 1994). Other affiliations studies occurred, but particularly relevant to the current Tonto National Monument study was the 1995-1996 Casa

Grande Ruins National Monument cultural affiliation study and cultural affiliation meeting

(Zedeño and Stoffle 1995; Zedeño and Stoffle 1996); which are referenced as a possible model in the scope of work for the current Tonto National Monument study. The Casa Grande study was able to bring about affiliation consensus between the O’odham, Hopi, and Zuni. BARA teams have since conducted affiliation and NAGPRA studies for Hover Dam (Stoffle et al.

1998); Pipestone National Monument (Toupal et al. 2003, Zedeño and Basaldu 2004); Ozarks

National Scenic Riverways, Missouri (Zedeño and Basaldu 2003); Cuyahoga Valley National

Park (Zedeño et al. 2007), four Flagstaff area monuments (Toupal and Fauland 2007; Toupal and

Stoffle 2004), and the Old Spanish Trail National Historic Trail (Stoffle et al. 2008). Cultural affiliation studies are mandated by various federal laws and regulations, but perhaps most importantly they lay a solid foundation for desired government-to-government consultations between tribes and agencies.

1.7 Research Team Qualifications

Richard Stoffle, P.I.

Dr. Stoffle is a senior research anthropologist at BARA. Dr. Stoffle has worked on

American Indian environmental issues since 1976, when he participated in the first American

Indian social impact assessment in the United States. This project was for an Environmental

Impact Study of the Devers-Palo Verde Power-Line proposed to run from the Buckeye Atomic power plant near Phoenix, Arizona to the Palo Verde substation of Southern California Edison in

California. Since that first study, Dr. Stoffle has worked successfully with more than a hundred

American Indian tribes and most federal agencies to represent Indian environmental issues in land management decisions. Dr. Stoffle has a record of scholarly publications and research reports, which are available on request. Recent articles that reflect his current scholarly partnerships with Indian people (Stoffle, et al. 2008; Stoffle 2000; Stoffle and Arnold 2003) His most recent co-edited book (Stoffle et al. 2001) is a model of long-term research and consultation with Numic-speaking tribes and organizations in Nevada, California, Utah, and Arizona.

8

Dan Borysewicz

Mr. Borysewicz holds an AA in Anthropology from Pima Community College and is currently an undergraduate student at the University of Arizona, majoring in Anthropology with a minor in Religious/Gender Studies. Significant portions of Mr. Borysewicz’s studies have focused on Native American cultures with an emphasis on the Southwest.

Phillip Dukes

Mr. Dukes is an undergraduate research assistant. He is an honors student majoring in

Anthropology and Elementary Education, with a Minor in Japanese. His interests include ethnoecology and learning systems.

Mascha Gemein

Miss Gemein is a Ph.D. student in the American Indian Studies Program at the University of Arizona. She received a Masters in Anthropology from the University of Bonn in Germany.

Her Masters thesis focused on the intersection between poetic and scientific writing within ethnography. She has a strong regional interest in the history and cultures of the U.S. Southwest.

Jessica Medwied-Savage

Miss Medwied-Savage is an honors undergraduate majoring in Anthropology and

Spanish at the University of Arizona. She has worked with BARA as an undergraduate Research

Assistant since 2006 on federally-funded projects to address Native American and Hispanic concerns in the western United States.

Sean O’Meara

Mr. O’Meara received a B.A. in History from the University of Arizona. He has worked with BARA as a Research Assistant since 2007 on federally-funded projects to address Native

American and Hispanic concerns in the western United States.

Rebecca Toupal

Dr. Toupal is an Assistant Research Scientist at BARA. Since 1987, she has worked on natural resource management issues with landowners, agencies, and tribal groups in the western U.S. She has degrees in range management, landscape architecture, and natural resource management. Since 1998, she has focused on human-nature relationships and cultural landscapes. Her publications include articles on conservation partnerships (High Plains Applied Anthropologist), the use of ethnography with geographic information systems (Environmental Science and Policy), and the identification of cultural landscapes to understand natural resource management impacts

(Conservation Ecology, now Ecology and Society).

9

Kathleen Van Vlack

Miss Van Vlack is a Ph.D. student in the American Indian Studies Program at the

University of Arizona. She has a B.A. in Anthropology, and a Master’s in American Indian

Studies, both from UA. Her Master’s thesis focused on the traditional leadership system of the

Southern Paiute Nation. She has worked with BARA as a Research Assistant for six years, as an undergraduate and graduate student, on federally-funded projects to address Native American concerns in the western United States, and Bahamian concerns in the Caribbean.

10

CHAPTER TWO

CONNECTIONS WITH TONTO NATIONAL MONUMENT

This chapter summarizes connection evidence for five native ethnic groups and tribes, chosen for study by the Monument, with Tonto National Monument and the surrounding basin, as part of the Monument’s ongoing consultation responsibilities under the Native

American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) (25 U.S.C. 3001 et seq., Nov.

16, 1990). The information presented in this study represents the opinions of the authors and does not necessarily represent the opinions nor official positions of the U.S. Department of the Interior or the National Park Service.

The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) was passed in order to provide a mechanism by which federally recognized tribes could request repatriation of particular cultural items from museums and federal agencies, specifically human remains, funerary objects, sacred objects, and objects of cultural patrimony. The

Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Regulations (43CFR10) provide additional guidance including definitions of connection, the types of evidence to be considered in making affiliation determinations, and considerations about the quality and quantity of evidence needed.

According to the regulations, a Native American tribe is culturally affiliated when “a relationship of shared group identity ... can reasonably be traced historically or prehistorically between members of a present-day Indian tribe or Native Hawaiian organization and an identifiable earlier group.” The relationship of shared group identity is represented by a preponderance of evidence that leads to such a conclusion (43CFR10.2(e)).

The evidence should be based on any of ten types of data: anthropological, archaeological, biological, folkloric, geographical, historical, kinship, linguistic, oral tradition, or other expert opinion (43CFR10.14(e)).

As a standard of proof, a preponderance of evidence is considered to be that of greater weight or more convincing nature (Black and Nolan 1990). The establishment of affiliation, therefore, should be based upon the totality of the circumstances and evidence pertaining to the connection between the tribe and the material being claimed. Affiliation should not be withheld if gaps in the record exist (43CFR10.14(d)); consequently, tribes claiming cultural affiliation do not have to establish their claim with scientific certainty (43CFR10.14(f)).

2.1 Affiliation Scope and Methodology

Chapter Two provides tables that summarize affiliation/connection data that were found in the literature, and the most relevant time periods for addressing the various types of

NAGPRA evidence. These tables represent a heavily negotiated, state of the art format for

11

summarizing the accompanying literature-based text that was used previously in three reports dealing with cultural affiliation and traditional association with the Flagstaff Area

Monuments. This format is ideal for other southwest region park units and as such, our choice for the Tonto report.

The format was negotiated with the Intermountain Regional Office in 2001 when a cultural affiliation review was initiated for the Flagstaff Area Monuments. It was seen as an effective method for organizing and representing NAGPRA data, as beneficial to park managers who needed a quick reference in addition to the details in the text, and as adaptable to any new information that may surface in the future. As such, the format carried over in two additional reports for Flagstaff (Toupal et al. 2004; Toupal and Fauland 2007) that built on the first report by adding tribal perspectives and previously documented literature sources.

The tables reflect the NAGPRA-relevant data found in the literature. This analysis does not claim to be the final, definitive of cultural affiliation for Zuni, Apache, Hopi,

O’odham, or Yavapai.

Tonto National Monument includes two primary cliff structures known as the Upper and Lower Ruins, and numerous other archaeological sites. The land around the Monument was home to indigenous peoples for thousands of years before the arrival of Europeans as evidenced by archaeological sites and artifacts found throughout the area. Post-contact, the basin was used traditionally and/or occupied by ancestors of the Western Apache and

Yavapai. Other tribal groups such as the Four Southern Arizona Tribes (Salt River, Gila

River, Ak Chin, Tohono O’odham), and the Hopi and Zuni Nations have prehistorical ties to the park and the surrounding region.

This study is intended to be a useful source to determine the relationships between present day tribes and the prehistoric cultures (specifically the Hohokam and Salado) who inhabited Tonto Basin as well as indigenous historic use of the area. Several documents have provided useful insight into the affiliations of the Hohokam and Salado peoples (Zendeño and Stoffle 1995, 1996; Teague 1996), but lack specific information relating to the Tonto

Basin geographical region. Other affiliation studies have focused on this region (Ferguson and Lomaomvaya 1999; Wood and Teague 1996) but lack inclusion of the Yavapai and

Apache peoples. This study provides a more comprehensive exploration of connections of the Tonto Basin that includes all the affiliated indigenous groups.

The geographical area covered by this study includes Tonto National Monument and the surrounding basin. It is bounded by the East Verde River to the north and the Salt River to the south. The east and west boundaries are defined by the Sierra Ancha Mountains and the Mazatzal Mountains respectively (Figure 2.1).

The primary methodology for this study was literature-based research. The literature reviewed covered a wide spectrum of material that focused regionally on the basin and also on various indigenous groups. The time span covers the traditional time period, beginning around 15,000 B.C., through the modern era. While some of the literature reviewed was not fruitful, the material that contained some evidence of affiliation was cited in this chapter.

12

Figure 2.1 The Tonto Basin including Tonto National Monument and some Archaeological Sites

(Elson and Clark 2000)

2.2 The Hohokam and Salado in the Tonto Basin

The term Hohokam is Piman. It is the plural of hokam, which means “all used up”

(Haury 1976). John D. Walker first documented the term during his visit among the Pima

Indians.

1

As a cultural group, the Hohokam are characterized by their water-management capability including well-digging, irrigation systems, tillage technology, and numerous domesticated plants. Their homes were large, somewhat square, and had sunken floors – features that Haury interpreted as reflecting established village life – and they cremated their dead. Gray-brown and red-slipped pottery, human clay figurines, marine shell jewelry, shell carvings, stone sculpturing, incised bone tubes, and turquoise mosaics characterized

1

Walker’s writings are in Scrapbooks of California Indians, which are held at the Bancroft Library under the name of Benjamin Hayes (Haury 1976).

13

Hohokam craftsmanship. They also used a full-troughed, exteriorly-shaped metate. As a block of traits, these features reflect an identifiable cultural unit (Haury 1976).

The term Salado has been ambiguous and controversial since it was first introduced by Gladwin and Gladwin in 1930. The Roosevelt Archaeology Project associated with

Bureau of Reclamation work in the 1980s and 1990s provided much new data. The agency sponsored the Amerind Foundation New World Study Seminar to bring together the new data with existing Southwest archaeology in hopes of achieving a definitive statement about

Salado. The participants of the seminar rejected the classic archaeological definitions of

Salado since no consistent association of spatial distribution of Salado archaeological attributes could be isolated. While Tonto Basin comes closest to such a pattern, it does so with considerable variability (Dean 2000). A standard chronology and phase system that spans 1 A.D. to 1600 A.D. were established for the Tonto Basin in 1994 by the Roosevelt

Research Teams (Elson 1996) and applied by Dean (2000) (Figure 2.2).

Figure 2.2 Chronology and Phase Sequence for the Tonto Basin (Dean 2000)

14

Participants recognized two kinds of Salado: Local Salado, which reflects the distinct configuration of classic Salado in and around Tonto Basin, and Regional Salado, which reflects the more widely distributed Salado polychromes. While participants found much support for Crown's (1994) interpretation that Salado represents an ideological or religious movement, they also found support for Nelson and LeBlanc's (1986) belief that Salado is an expression of a variety of demographic and sociocultural changes that occurred in the

Southwest between 1250 and 1450. What seems certain is that Salado does not represent a single sociocultural entity and the term means different things based on context and location

(Dean 2000).

Since Tonto Basin is located in a transitional environmental and cultural zone between the Hohokam and Pueblo groups, it has variable architectural remains and ceramics of many wares and types, characteristics that indicate much interaction and cultural mixing with neighboring areas. Did, however, an indigenous cultural system exist in the Basin proper? Elson, Stark, and Gregory (2000) believe that prehistoric Tonto Basin populations were not subsumed by neighboring cultures nor were they passive receptors of neighboring cultures. Instead, they were a distinct population who interacted and mixed with neighboring groups while maintaining their identity. Elson, Stark, and Gregory (2000) investigated sites that date from the early Ceramic period (100-600) to the end of the early Classic period

Roosevelt phase (1250-1350), and suggest that settlement of the Basin ended between 1350 and 1450. Overall, they identified five intervals in the Basin’s prehistory that reflect changes in settlement and use: occupation of the Basin after the first century, Hohokam migration into the Basin during the 8 th

and 9 th

centuries, Hohokam reorganization in the 11 th

century,

Pueblo-related populations migration in the 13 th transformation of local systems in the 14 th

century, and population displacement and

century. Through its high degree of variability in the settlement pattern, site structure, and material culture, the Tonto Basin reflects population influxes that did not displace the local inhabitants (Elson, Stark, and Gregory 2000).

The nature of Salado connections is reflected in the relationships between neighboring areas and Tonto Basin (Figure 2.3) (Ferguson and Lomaomvaya 1999:34).

Based on Haury’s (1976) model, Ferguson and Lomaomvaya’s model illustrates the complexity of the relationships and supports Elson, Stark, and Gregory’s (2000) belief of distinct population within the Basin that interacted extensively with neighboring populations.

The earliest communities in Tonto Basin were dispersed. Composed of pit houses, these communities were inhabited by people who utilized both wild resources and cultivated foods, some of which were likely irrigated. Community centers likely were where pit house densities were greatest, which coincided with the best access to irrigated fields. During the

Roosevelt phase, the population increased and platform mounds were constructed. In this part of the Tonto Basin (the southeast end near the Salt River outlet), the changes during the

Roosevelt phase shifted the dispersed communities to organized irrigation communities. The platform mounds and residential compounds suggest an expanding canal system that was controlled and managed communally. Large roasting pits

2

and granaries reflect large-scale

2

Lindauer classified roasting pits in the Tonto Basin as small or large. Small pits, which are found in compound plaza areas or rooms, are less than a meter in diameter with depths of no more than 50 centimeters. Large pits, found in larger roasting areas, are two to three meters in diameter and a meter or more in depth. Lindauer

15

processing and storage often associated with intense irrigated agriculture. Features throughout the Tonto Basin suggest these changes were basin-wide (Lindauer 2000).

Figure 2.3 Temporal and Geographic Relationships of the Salado (Ferguson and Lomaomvaya 1999:34)

2.3 Evidence of Connection

Of the 62 sites registered with the Arizona State Museum, only five are connected directly to contemporary ethnic groups. The Apache people are listed as affiliated with those five sites while the Yavapai people are listed as affiliated with three of those sites. The Tonto

Basin archaeological record, however, shows more diversity in the literature up to the time of

European contact in the 1500s. The five groups found in the literature that are likely affiliated with the Monument and surrounding basin are the Apache, Hopi, O’odham, Yavapai, and

Zuni. Their affiliation was supported by several types of evidence (Table 2.1) for traditional, aboriginal, historic, and contemporary time frames (Table 2.2). While more types of evidence documented remains of corn, cholla, agave, and little barley in the small pits, and corn, agave, cholla and cholla buds, and chenopodium/amaranth in the large pits.

16

were found for some groups, evidence for each group is deemed adequate for affiliation, meaning that evidence is sufficient in quality or quantity to meet the NAGPRA requirement of preponderance.

Types of Evidence

Anthropological

Archaeological

Biological

Folkloric

Geographical

Historical

Kinship

Linguistic

Oral Tradition

Other

Total

Apache

x x x x x x x

7

Hopi

x x x x x x x

7

O'odham

x x x x

4

Yavapai

X

X

X

X

4

Zuni

x x x x x

5

Table 2.1 Summary of affiliated groups and the types of evidence supporting that affiliation

Time Frame Apache Hopi O'odham Yavapai Zuni

Traditional

(~15,000BC to mid-1800s)

Aboriginal

(mid-1800s)

Historic

(late 1800s to mid-1900s)

Contemporary x x x x x x x x X

X

X x x x x

Table 2.2 Summary of Time Frames of Groups Affiliated with Tonto National Monument

2.4 Connection of the Apache People

The Apache people were found, according to our research, to be likely affiliated with

Tonto National Monument. Their affiliation was supported by anthropological, archaeological, biological, geographical, historic, linguistic evidence, and oral tradition evidence (Table 2.3), which addressed traditional, aboriginal, and historic time frames (Table

2.4).

X X X X X X X

Table 2.3 Apache Connection with Tonto National Monument

Traditional

(~ 15,000 BC to mid-1800s)

X

Aboriginal

(mid-1800s)

X

Historic

X

Contemporary

X

Table 2.4 Time Frame of Apache Connection with Tonto National Monument

17

The Tonto Apache people have lived in central Arizona for centuries (Coder 2005).

They made extensive use of the natural resources throughout central Arizona and as far away as the Grand Canyon and Mexico. The centrality of plants in the lives of the Apache people extends back before European occupation and has persisted into the modern era. Seasonally, annually, or calendrically, plants have been gathered for food and drink items, medicine, ceremonies, and to make useful implements or structures. Herbs, acorns, piñon nuts, Mormon tea, banana yucca, wild spinach, walnuts, and various pine trees, like sugar pines, are just a few of the culturally significant plants used by the Apache people. Medicine plants such as cedar were boiled and strained for colds. In the winter months, acorns and piñon nuts were collected in forests. The Apache people would spend two to three days at these camps gathering and preparing the harvested plants. The acorns were dried, ground, and separated to make acorn soup. Tree sap and other food items would be gathered. In July and August, they focused their efforts on harvesting Banana yucca fruit. Orange-colored ‘sour berries’ were picked, cleaned, ground, strained, mixed with water and sugar to make a wild fruit juice.

Other use plants include the osha root, piñon nuts, dropseed seeds, walnuts, Douglas fir, willows, and alders. Traditional plant gathering guidelines continue to be observed including within the Tonto Basin (Figure 2.4) (Toupal et al. 2004).

Figure 2.4 Apache Procurement Area (Approximate) Identified by Elders (Toupal et al. 2004)

18

Other anthropological evidence points to the importance of agave harvesting in the

Tonto Basin among the Apache. Stories recounted by Apache people say that Coyote taught them how to harvest and trim different agave or mescal plants and how to ritually start the fire to roast them (Ferg 2003). There are two species of agave currently found in the Tonto

Basin; one is Agave murpheyi and the other is Agave delamateri. There is archaeological evidence of agave cultivation and use prehistorically (Dering 1995). Historic photographs show Apache women carrying trimmed agave heads in a burden basket. Most species of agave have sticky juices that could penetrate the basket and cause the body to swell and itch.

Agave murpheyi, found in the Basin, has less caustic juices and also has smaller teeth on the leaves. It was mostly likely harvested by the Apache in the Basin because of these qualities

(Ferg 2003).

There is also ethnographic evidence to support the Apache reoccupation of the

Diamond Butte and Little Creek Sites within the basin (Germick 2005). Apaches planted crops (mostly corn and pumpkins (Hadley 1991) at various places along Tonto Creek, from the mouth up to the box canyon above the entrance to Gem Creek. Also, Apaches farmed at the juncture of the Salt River and Tonto Creek, at the juncture of Rye and Tonto Creeks, and along Spring Creek (Goodwin 1942). Goodwin also mentioned a large Apache campsite near

Turkey Creek between Spring Creek and Gisela. The eastern part of Tonto Creek, near the top of the Sierra Anchas, was also occupied by the Apaches because of the continuous flow of water and the plentiful acorns in August. There are ethnographic references to Apache hunting antelope in large bands (Cremony 1951 [1868]). This practice may have, and probably did, occur in the basin. The presence of Apache processing and campsites in the basin might support this theory.

Archaeological evidence for the occupation exists for the aboriginal (Ferg 1992;

Gregory 1981) and the historic time periods (Germick 2005). This evidence consists mostly of pottery attributed to Apaches found at various sites within the basin. There are also several shallow roasting pits found in the plaza of site AZ O:15:71 that are likely Apache based on the association of Apache pottery (Ferg 1992). Five sites within Tonto National Monument that are identified as Apache include AZ U:8:122(ASM), a wickiup with pottery;

AZ U:8:131(ASM), a wickiup with pottery and grinding slab; AZ U:8:130(ASM), a rock shelter with pottery; AZ U:8:82(ASM), roasting pit with mescal knife and wickiup; and

AZ U:8:120(ASM), a cave with a dry-laid wall. Historic sites include camps associated with the construction of Roosevelt Dam (Rogge et al. 1995).

Potential biological evidence appears in 19 th

century military accounts, and overlaps with geographical evidence. In the 1860s, Delshay was one of the most powerful of the

Tonto Basin warriors, along with Wah-poo-eta, or Big Rump whose reputation contributed to placenames near Tonto Basin. “An undulating valley, several miles broad, somewhere east of the Verde and perhaps along Tonto Creek, was called Big Rump's Valley and was known by reputation as far away as Fort Craig, New Mexico” (Thrapp 1967:59).

Geographical evidence consists of several maps. The western extent of the Apache territory around 1850 overlaps with the Yavapai (Figure 2.5) (Brugge 1965). Gifford (1936) identified the northeast boundary of Yavapai territory as just south of Flagstaff while

19

Goodwin (1942) placed the northwest boundary of the Northern and Southern Tonto bands of

Western Apaches in the same area. Goodwin described these bands as being either purely

Athabaskan, or part Apache and part Yavapai. While Schroeder (1963), Harrington (1908), and Gatschett (1879) recognized the intermingling of the Apache and Yavapai, they concluded that the entire Northern and Southern Tonto bands were Yavapai. Corbusier’s

(1886) identification, however, indicated that they were mixed, having descended from

Yuman and Athabaskan Indians, which lend more support to Goodwin’s classification.

Figure 2.5 Map of the Verde River Country Showing Yavapai-Apache Overlap (Brugge 1965)

The traditional migrations of various Western Apache clans within and around the

Tonto Basin shows much travel throughout the Mogollon Rim region (Figure 2.6) (Goodwin

1942). These seasonal migrations appear to have been established by the time of contact.

20

Western Apache people used a broad resource base through seasonal rounds that covered a larger geographic area. The territory of the Cibeque, Southern Tonto, and Northern Tonto included use areas north from the Salt River as far away as the Flagstaff area (Hilpert 1996).

Thrapp’s (1967) Apacheria and Tonto Basin country illustrate the vastness of the territories claimed and used by the Apache people (Figures 2.7, 2.8). The Apache people not only made use of a vast area, they interacted with the people who lived there (Table 2.5).

Figure 2.6 Traditional Migrations Western Apache Clans (Goodwin 1942)

21

Apache

Division

White Mtn

San Carlos

Cibecue

S. Tonto

N. Tonto

Maricopa Pima Ópata Papago Havasupai Hualapai Yavapai Hopi Chiricahua Zuni Navajo

R

R

R

R

R

R

R

R

R

R

R

R

R

R

R

R

R

R

R

R

T, R

T, R

T, R

T

T

T

T

T

T

T

T

T

T, R

T, R

T, R

Table 2.5 Western Apache Relations with Other Southwest Tribes

(T = trading, R = raiding) (Basso 1983:466)

Figure 2.7 Apacheria (Thrapp 1967:ix)

22

Figure 2.8 Tonto Basin Country (Thrapp 1967:219)

The White Mountain and San Carlos groups were located in the southern part of the

Western Apache range, and the northern groups, east to west, were the Cibecue, Southern

Tonto, and Northern Tonto. Goodwin’s mapping of their historic range included the Flagstaff area and showed Walnut Canyon within the historical territory of the Mormon Lake Band of the Northern Tonto. Within the bands were local groups composed primarily of single clans who had their own territories. The clans were not territorial units since they were not restricted to a single group but had members in multiple local groups (Figure 2.9).

Royce (1899) defined the Western Apache as all those bands whose ancestral territory lay to the west of the Rio Grande. He further specified that the most important of these bands were the Tonto, Mimbres, Mogollon, Coyotero, Pinal, and a few of the Mescalero and

Jicarilla. Their aboriginal territory, which spanned Arizona and New Mexico, was reduced through several decisions during the late 1800s to a variety of reservations (Table 2.6)

(Figure 2.10, 2.11).

23

Figure 2.9 Western Apache Groups and Bands (Goodwin 1935:56)

24

Date Authorization Description Notes

November 9, 1871 Executive Order Map units 541, 573, Established White Mountain, Camp Verde,

582, 592, 601, 602, 603 and Camp Grant.

December 14, 1872 Executive Order Map units 573, 592,

August 5, 1873

601, 602, 603

Map unit 541

Executive Order Map units 546, 573,

592, 601, 602, 603

President enlarged White Mountain reservation by tract known as “San Carlos addition.”

Restored to public domain.

San Carlos addition was partly restored to the public domain.

July 21, 1874

April 23, 1875

April 27, 1876

January 26, 1877

Executive Order Map units 541, 546,

573, 603

Executive Order Map unit 582

San Carlos addition was partly restored to the public domain.

Restored to public domain.

Executive Order Map units 541, 546, San Carlos addition was partly restored to the

573, 592, 601, 602, 603 public domain.

Executive Order Map units 541, 546, San Carlos addition was partly restored to the

573, 592, 601, 602, 603 public domain.

March 31, 1877

October 1, 1886

Executive Order Map units 541, 546, San Carlos addition was partly restored to the

573, 592, 601, 602, 603 public domain.

Stat. L. XI, 374 Map unit 689

February 20, 1893 Executive Order Map unit 720

Reiteration of AZ portion of country claimed at the beginning of their relations with the U.S.

Removed from map unit 603

Table 2.6 Federal Adjustments to Western Apache Lands (Royce 1899)

Contemporary accounts provide overlapping anthropological, biological, geographical, and historical evidence. Apache elder Eva Watt (2004) recalled many details about life in the

Tonto Basin during the construction of Roosevelt Dam. Even after construction of the dam,

Apache families from Cibecue and Oak Creek stayed along the road to Globe. They lived there together for two or three months, although the San Carlos people lived across the road from the

White Mountain people. Watt’s father hauled rocks down the mountain to the road as part of the construction, and her brothers hauled water to the workers when they were not in school.

Her mother and grandmother collected mesquite driftwood from the far side of the lake. One of the men at the boat dock would find someone to row them and they'd load the boat. Watt’s grandmother stayed with them until they started following the Apache Trail, a road that the

Apache men worked on as part of the dam construction. Originally narrow and rough, it ran from Roosevelt to Apache Junction. As the men widened and smoothed the trail with picks, shovels, and dynamite, their families relocated with each mile that they completed.

Watt's mother gathered mesquite beans, manzanita berries, mescal (agave), prickly pear, and saguaro fruit. She pounded the mesquite beans into a mush for eating, and pounded the manzanita berries, which then were mixed with water. They cooked the mescal, or nadah, in the ground, and the saguaro fruit was harvested with long poles that had hooks on one end.Other plants included a little potato, isdzáni binii’, and thistle, k

Q

‘dahosh. Various roots were used for healing. Watt's father gathered a medicine plant that grew in the mountains for her mother. He and Watt’s brothers hunted deer, rabbits, and quail for the family (Watt

2004).

25

Figure 2.10 Western Apache Aboriginal Lands Specified in 1886 (left) and Federal Adjustments to Western Apache Lands from 1871 to 1893 (right) (Royce 1899)

26

601

720

592

602

541

Figure 2.11 Details of Federal Adjustments to Western Apache Lands from 1871 to 1893 (Royce 1899)

Some scholars (Dellenbaugh 1897; Worcester 1941) argue that Coronado travels in

Arizona in the 1540s is the earliest historical evidence of Dine (possibly Apache) people in

Arizona. While Coronado’s route through Arizona was east of the Tonto Basin, these scholars argue that his expedition documented Apache people in the Mogollon Rim country. More substantial evidence derived from the New Mexico archives suggests that historical evidence for occupation begins in the late 1700s when Father Silvestre Velez de Escalante described the area west of New Mexico as being mostly occupied by the Apache with the only ‘neighbors’ being the Hopi and the Cosninos nation west of them (Twitchell 1914).

In the 19 th

century, military accounts make specific reference to the Tonto Basin area, documenting not only Apache presence in the Tonto Basin and surrounding area, but the nature of their relationship with the Basin. In 1864, King S. Woolsey led an expedition into Tonto

Basin to try and subdue the Apaches. He found a large, recently abandoned, Apache village with 50 huts at the junction of the Salt River and Tonto Creek (LeCount 1976). In the 1870s,

Randall’s scouts pushed the Apache people “from their traditional range across Tonto Creek” finally cornering them further east in the upper reaches of Canyon Creek (Thrapp 1967:142).

General George Crook planned in 1872 “to launch preliminary columns at outlying haunts of the savages, smash those who could be found, and so stir up and batter the remainder that they would withdraw toward their inner sanctum, the Tonto Basin” (Thrapp 1967:119-

27

120). Lieutenant Frank Michler was traveling from Camp Verde to Camp Grant in 1873 when he surprised a sizeable ranchería of Tontos on Tonto Creek. While he lost six of his company, the ranchería lost seventeen men. This was one of two Apache rancherías located within the

Tonto Basin that were attacked that year by the 5 th

Calvary and some White Mountain Apache scouts. The Apache survivors were moved to the San Carlos reservation.

The Apache Na-ti-o-tish and some companions gathered supporters in 1881 and

“whooped up the beaten trails to slash at McMillen, ten miles northeast of Globe, where they wounded a man named Ross, swept on to the Salt and down it to Tonto Creek, swinging north up that well-remembered route into the Tonto Basin country where, no doubt, the ghosts of Big

Rump and Delshay rose to join them” (Thrapp 1967:254). In 1882, Apache fleeing from the

US military went through the Tonto Basin and camped at the mouth of Tonto Creek

(Lockwood 1938).

In a summary relevant to Apache affiliation, the Smithsonian Institute’s Repatriation

Office (1994) documents:

The Apache people are a diverse group of Na-Déné (Athapaskan) speaking tribes and bands, who appear to have entered the southwest several centuries before the arrival of Europeans. In the 19 th

century the Apaches inhabited a broad area from central Arizona to southern Texas and northern Mexico.

Many Apache groups were nomadic or semi-nomadic, and traveled over large areas, including areas visited or inhabited by other tribes. This makes it impossible to correlate geographic locations with any single specific cultural group, or even with a particular tribe. [Further,] “Tonto Apache” was used by

Euro-Americans to describe all the groups, which lived in the Tonto Basin, whether they were Apache or Yavapai.

The Mogollon tribes include the Mimbres Apaches of the Mimbres Mountains, the

Coyotero Apaches of the Sierra Blanca(s?) of Arizona, the Pinal Apaches of the Pina-leño

Cordillera, the Tonto Apaches between the Rio Salinas and Verde, and the Chi-ri-ca-hui

Apaches of the Chi-ri-ca-hui Mountains. Their numbers respectively are: 400, 700, 2000,

800, and 500. All of the Mogollon bands remained “at large” in the mountains and along the

Mogollon Rim in the mid-1800s (Bell 1869).

Linguistic evidence points to several Apache place names for geographical locations within the Tonto Basin, such as the confluence of Tonto Creek and the Salt River (Goodwin

1932). The Mazatzal band of Apache took their name from the Mazatzal Mountains (Goodwin

1942). Relative to the geographic debate, Brugge’s (1965) linguistic analysis led him to believe that both Gifford (1936) and Goodwin (1942) adequately described the demographic patterns of the area with the exception of Gifford’s consideration of the Tonto distribution. Overall,

Brugge determined that Goodwin’s demographic and socio-political conclusions were the more accurate. He also documented oral traditions about Western Apache clan migrations that indicate an expansion from north to south. He noted that Forbes (1960) placed the Apaches in the Little Colorado River valley in the 1500s where the original Western Apache clans are said to have originated. Yavapai people were living in the Verde Valley when the Athabaskan

28

speakers began to expand westward. The two groups developed a close alliance while retaining their languages and knowledge of separate origins (Brugge 1965).

Hualapai oral traditions also note locations of the Apache people. The Hualapai origin story Madwida identifies neighboring tribes to the east of Hualapai country as Yavapai with

Apache beyond them. The Yavapai left Madwida on the east side of the Colorado River and went to Rose Well. From there, they headed south to Seligman, then southeast where they became Yavapais. Some of them went on to White River and became Apaches (Mapatis 1981).

2.5 Connection of the Hopi People

The Hopi people were found, according to our research, to be likely affiliated with

Tonto National Monument. Their affiliation was supported by anthropological, archaeological, biological, geographical, historic, linguistic, and oral tradition evidence (Table 2.7), which addressed traditional, aboriginal, and historic time frames (Table 2.8).

X X X X X X X

Table 2.7 Hopi Connection with Tonto National Monument

Traditional

(~ 15,000 BC to mid-1800s)

X

Aboriginal

(mid-1800s)

X

Historic

X

Contemporary

Table 2.8 Time Frame of Hopi Connection with Tonto National Monument

Body and face painting of red ocher on burials have been observed at many Salado sites within the basin. There are also Pueblo ethnographic references to this practice

(Ravesloot and Regan 2000). This anthropological evidence supports a connection between modern Hopi and the prehistoric inhabitants. Ferguson and Lomaomvaya (1999) linked the

Hopi with the Salado in the Tonto Basin in an extensive affiliation study done for the Hopi

Tribe. The preponderance of evidence they presented substantiates that the Hopi are culturally affiliated with ancient Salado groups. A Yavapai elder told researchers that Hopi runners would travel the trails, including through the Verde Valley, to inform the Yavapai that they were coming to Yavapai territory for salt. Their salt sources may have included those known along the Salt River. In a separate discussion, the Hopi are said to have left

Verde Valley in the last 350-400 years (approximately 1336-1386) although resource gathering and trade are believed to have continued (Toupal et al. 2004).

Archaeologically, Wood and Teague (1996) found indications that small populations, from areas with close ties to Hopi, immigrated to the Tonto Basin. Hopi pottery was found at both Rye Creek Ruin and the Tonto cliff dwellings (Gladwin 1957). Specifically, Winslow

29

Orange Ware circulated from Homol’ovi (an ancestral Hopi settlement) to Rye Creek Ruin

(Lyons 2003). There is also archaeological evidence that points to a Pueblo migration into the Tonto Basin during the late 13 th

and early 14 th

centuries (Clark 2001). Also, Griffin Wash was largely settled by immigrant groups from pueblo areas to the north and east of the basin between AD 1250-1300 (Elson 1995). Ferguson and Lomaomvaya (1999) documented several types of archaeological evidence of Hopi affiliation with Classic period Salado including ceramic designs and technology, Hopi names for various Salado artifacts, architectural features such as multi-storied structures, massing of contiguous rooms in large blocks, and plazas, petroglyphs, ritual artifacts, shrine elements, and burial practices.

Ferguson and Lomaomvaya also found archaeological evidence to be consistent temporally with Hopi migration stories.

Dental anthropology of the skeletal remains from the area indicates that during the

Roosevelt phase of the Classic period, Saladoans possessed a biological connection to the

Sinagua and the Western Anasazi (Turner 1998). Based on strong dental similarities, Turner

(1993:52) stated that “the Salado are dentally a ‘bridging’ population between the prehistoric groups of the southern deserts and the northern plateau country.”

Geographic evidence based on oral traditions connects Hopi clans to the Salado. The direction of migration of numerous clans associated with eight phratries, including the Water

Clan (Figure 2.12), the Young Corn Clan (Figure 2.13), the Bear Clan (Figure 2.14), the Sun

Clan (Figure 2.15), and the Reed Clan (Figure 2.16) passed right through the Tonto Basin

(Ferguson and Lomaomvaya 1999). Referencing Riley (1976:25), Ferguson and

Lomaomvaya (1999:309) reconstructed trades routes of the 16 th

century that include one through the Tonto Basin that connected the Hopi and Sobaipuri peoples (Figure 2.17).

Historical evidence also involving trails dates to the early contact period. The route followed by Antonio de Espejo in the 1580s was documented as an Indian trail that connected the Verde Valley and Hopi villages (Bartlett 1932; Schroeder 1952).

Linguistically, the Hopi have a word (Wukoskyavi’) for the Tonto Basin (Ferguson and Lomaomvaya 1999). Palatkwapi is a place that is referred to in many of the oral traditions of clans that migrated to Hopi from the south (Ferguson and Lomaomvaya 1999).

Although the exact location of the place is debated, some (Teague 1998) have argued that this too is the Tonto Basin. Native place names are considered important because such words often signify much more than the location to which they pertain (Schneider 1965; Lyons

1969; Fox 1971). Place names can denote discreet categories in nature, and even global perceptions (Berlin et al. 1971; Bulmer 1970), which may account for the application of words (Rosaldo 1972). “Naming is seen as a process which confers contextual significance on objective continuities and discontinuities in nature” (Rosaldo 1972:83-99). The existence of place names, consequently, reflects a long-term relationship with the place.

30

Figure 2.12 Direction of Migration of Musangnuvi Patkingyam (Water

Clan) (Ferguson and Lomaomvaya 1999:90)

31

Figure 2.13 Direction of Migration of Munqapi Piikyasngyam (Young Corn Clan)

(Ferguson and Lomaomvaya 1999:94)

32

Figure 2.14 Direction of Migration of Songoopavi Honngyam (Bear Clan)

(Ferguson and Lomaomvaya 1999:97)

33

Figure 2.15 Direction of Migration of Songoopavi and Orayvi Taawangyam (Sun Clan)

(Ferguson and Lomaomvaya 1999:100)

34

35

Figure 2.17 Trade Routes in the 16 th

Century Southwest included the Tonto

Basin (Ferguson and Lomaomvaya 1999:309)

As discussed under geographic evidence, Hopi oral history includes stories of 30

Hopi ancestral clans that migrated through the Tonto Basin (Ferguson and Lomaomvaya

1999). These clan migrations, along with Hopi accounts of their settlements, provide evidence for establishing connections during the Classic period. O’odham and Apache peoples have oral histories that corroborate the Hopi clan histories (Ferguson and

Lomaomvaya 1999).

2.6 Connection of the O’odham People

The O’odham were found, according to our research, to be likely affiliated with

Tonto National Monument. Their affiliation was supported by archaeological, biological, geographical, and oral tradition evidence (Table 2.9), which addressed the traditional time frame (Table 2.10).

X X X X

Table 2.9 O’odham Connection with Tonto National Monument

36

Traditional

(~ 15,000 BC to mid-1800s)

X

Aboriginal

(mid-1800s)

x

Historic Contemporary

Table 2.10 Time Frame of O’odham Connection with Tonto National Monument

Archaeological evidence suggests that the eastern Tonto Basin was settled between

AD 700-750 by a single descent group who migrated from the Gila River of the Hohokam core to Meddler Point (Elson 1995). According to oral traditions, the O’odham are descendants of both the original Hohokam inhabitants and the new comers to the area

(Teague 1993).

Dental anthropology of the skeletal remains from the area purports that during the

Gila Phase in the basin the biological connection shifted southward, linking them with the

Hohokam communities (Turner 1998). As mentioned previously, Turner (1993) documented the Salado as a bridging population between the southern deserts prehistoric groups and the northern plateau country dental data.

A map (Figure 2.18) constructed by Haury (1976) shows the maximum extent of the

Hohokam territory that includes the Tonto Basin. Since oral tradition links the Hohokam and the O’odham, this map provides geographical evidence of the prehistoric occupation of this modern people. More recent accounts are similar to Haury but vary in their extent of

Hohokam culture. All place the Monument within the eastern edge or boundary of the

Hohokam area. Elson, Stark, and Gregory (2000), Minturn (2006) and Waters and Ravesloot

(2001:286) place the Tonto Basin within Hohokam territory near the juncture of three culture areas: Sinagua, Hohokam, and Mogollon (Figures 2.19, 2.20, 2.21 respectively). Minturn

(2006) also defines the extent of Salado polychrome as including much of central and southern Arizona, southwest New Mexico, and northern Mexico (Figure 2.20). Additionally,

Harris (2006) places the Tonto Basin within the Hohokam area immediately adjacent to

Mogollon (Figure 2.22). Hill, Clark, Doelle and Lyons (2004) identifiy the Tonto Basin as one of four sub-areas of the Hohokam, the other three being the Phoenix, Tucson, and

Safford Basin (Figure 2.23). Stinson (2004) runs the boundary of Hohokam material culture through the middle of the Tonto Basin and includes the location of Tonto National

Monument within the Hohokam area. The Monument falls just outside the area Stinson defines for Hohokam ballcourts (Figure 2.24).

O’odham oral tradition offers accounts of warfare along the Gila and Salt River

(Teague 1993). Also, settlements identified in oral tradition that correspond to Hohokam sites can be found along these rivers (Teague 1993). While none of these sites are specifically within the Tonto Basin, there are ties between the Phoenix Basin (where the sites are located) and the Tonto Basin (Elson and Clark 2000).

37

Figure 2.18 The Maximum Extent of the Hohokam Territory (Haury 1976)

38

Figure 2.19 The Cultural Areas Surrounding Tonto Basin (Elson, Stark, and Gregory 2000:168)

39

Figure 2.20 Tonto Basin in Relation to Adjacent Culture Areas and Extent of Salado Polychrome

(Minturn 2006:3)

40

Figure 2.21 Hohokam Boundary Based on Waters and Ravesloot (2001:286)

41

Figure 2.22 Hohokam Culture Area in Relation to the Mogollon and Anasazi Culture Areas

(Harris 2006:29)

42

Figure 2.23 Sub-areas of Hohokam (Hill et al. 2004:705)

43

Figure 2.24 The Extent of Hohokam Material Culture and Ballcourts (Stinson 2004:15)

2.7 Connection of the Yavapai People

The Yavapai were found, according to our research, to be likely affiliated with Tonto

National Monument. Their affiliation was supported by anthropological, archaeological, geographical, and historical evidence (Table 2.11), which addressed traditional, aboriginal, and historic time frames (Table 2.12).

44

X X X X

Table 2.11 Yavapai Connection with Tonto National Monument

Traditional

(~ 15,000 BC to mid-1800s)

X

Aboriginal

(mid-1800s)

X

Historic

X

Contemporary

Table 2.12 Time Frame of Yavapai Connection with Tonto National Monument

The general similarities of material culture and subsistence adaptations led to the

Yavapai being referred to often as “Apache” by Euro-American observers. “Tonto Apache” is a term used by Euro-Americans to describe all the groups which lived in the Tonto Basin, whether they were Apache or Yavapai (National Museum of Natural History 1994). Khera and

Mariella (1983) note that the Southeastern Yavapai, or Kewevkapaya, were called Apache-

Tontos, Tonto Apaches, or Tontos. This group intermarried extensively with the Apache.

Gifford (1936) stated the Southern Yavapai cooked mescal in pits measuring three feet deep and six feet in diameter (1936). Gifford (1932) also found that the Tonto Apache frequently intermarried with the Yavapai and possibly with the Cibeque Apache, and that the Yavapai sometimes stole Apache wives. The Yavapai built huts similar to those used by the San Carlos

Apache.

There is archaeological evidence of Yavapai occupation in the basin during aboriginal times (Euler and Dobyns 1985; Ferg 1992; Pilles 1981). Habitation features produced by the

Yavapai and Apache are similar but the pottery can be diagnostic. There is also archaeological evidence for Yavapai agave roasting. Site AZ O:15:52, which is located on the western boundary of the State Route 87 at the Deer Creek Site, contains roasting features that are believed to be Yavapai (Ferg 1992). Three sites within the Monument that are identified as

Yavapai/Apache include AZ U:8:122(ASM), a wickiup with pottery; AZ U:8:131(ASM), a wickiup with pottery and grinding slab; and AZ U:8:82(ASM), a roasting pit with mescal knife and wickiup.

In terms of geographical evidence, several maps document Yavapai territory and locales as early as the mid-1500s. During early explorations of Arizona, the Spanish documented Yavapai locations including their occupation of an area at the confluence of Tonto

Creek and the Salt River from 1540-1600 AD (Figures 2.25, 2.26). Gifford (1932, 1936) mapped traditional Yavapai bands, territories, and use areas including several adjacent to the

Tonto Basin (Figures 2.27, 2.28). He also mapped Yavapai locales from the mid-1500s to the mid-1800s. With the exception of the 1600-1700 period map, he documented Yavapai occupation and/or use of the Tonto Basin and surrounding area (Figures 2.29-2.32). Schroeder

(1974) used these maps as part of his compilation for the Indian Claims Commission hearings.

Also as data for the hearings, Thomas (1974) detailed Yavapai territory of 1538-1848 (Figure

45

2.33), and Yavapai and neighboring tribal lands of approximately the aboriginal period (Figure

2.34). Both of these maps show the southeastern Yavapai adjacent to the Tonto Basin and the

Monument. In a third map, Thomas showed that the Yavapai traditionally used the southern portion of the Tonto Basin for hunting, gathering, and special uses, as rancherías, and as clan territories (Figure 2.35).

Khera and Mariella (1983) defined Yavapai territory as including the western side of the Tonto Basin (Figure 2.36). According to Brugge (1965), Yavapai territory around 1850 extended from northeast of Yuma to the San Francisco Peaks, the Verde Valley, and Globe

(Figure 2.37). He placed the eastern boundary along the western edge of the Tonto Basin, and noted that Yavapai people were living in the Verde Valley when the Western Apache people began to expand westward. The two groups developed a close alliance while retaining their languages and knowledge of separate origins. Brugge describes this alliance as paralleling that between the San Juan Paiutes and the Navajo. As previously discussed under Apache affiliation, Gifford (1936) placed the northeast boundary of Yavapai just south of Flagstaff, while Goodwin (1942) placed the northwest boundary of the Northern and Southern Tonto bands of Western Apaches in this area (Figure 2.37). Goodwin (1942) described these bands as being either purely Athabaskan, or part Apache and part Yavapai. The intermingling of the

Apache and Yavapai led Schroeder (1963), Harrington (1908), and Gatschett (1879) to conclude that the entire Northern and Southern Tonto bands were Yavapai. Corbusier (1886), however, identified them as mixed and descended from Yuman and Athabaskan Indians.

In addition to geographic information, historic evidence of affiliation notes general similarities of material culture and subsistence adaptations that led to the Yavapai often being referred to as “Apache” by Euro-American observers. “Tonto Apache” is a term used by

Euro-Americans to describe all the groups who lived in the Tonto Basin, whether they were

Apache or Yavapai (National Museum of Natural History 1994). Gifford (1932) found that the Tonto Apache frequently intermarried with the Yavapai and possibly with the Cibeque

Apache, and that the Yavapai sometimes stole Apache wives. They also built huts similar to those used by the San Carlos Apache further complicating differentiation between the two groups while reiterating the Tonto Basin as a Yavapai-Apache shared use area.

46

Figure 2.25 Explorations of Arizona from 1539 to 1600 (Schroeder 1974)

47

Figure 2.26 Explorations of Arizona from 1600 to 1700 (Schroeder 1974)

48

49

Figure 2.28 Traditional Yavapai Bands and Territory (Gifford 1932, 1936 in Schroeder 1974)

50

Figure 2.29 Yavapai Use Areas (Gifford 1932, 1936 in Schroeder 1974)

51

Figure 2.30 Traditional Yavapai Locales 1540-1600 (Gifford 1932, 1936 in Schroeder 1974)

52

53

Figure 2.32 Traditional Yavapai Locales 1700-1800 (Gifford 1932, 1936 in Schroeder 1974)

54

Figure 2.33 Traditional Yavapai Locales mid-1800s (Gifford 1932, 1936 in Schroeder 1974)

55

Figure 2.34 Yavapai Territory 1583-1848 Documents Explorations, Missions, Rancherias, and Use Areas of South and Central Arizona (Thomas 1974)

56

Tonto Nat’l

Monument

Figure 2.35 Thomas’s (1974) Interpretation of Normal Land Use and Danger (hatched) Areas of the Yavapai and Northern Tonto People

57

Clans

Rancherias

Traditional use area

Tonto Nat’l Monument

Figure 2.36 Yavapai Rancherias, Use Areas, Battles with U.S. troops, Bands/Clans, and

Unoccupied Areas (Thomas 1974:358)

58

59

Figure 2.38 Overlapping Territory of the Yavapai (Gifford 1936) and Tonto (Goodwin 1942) Peoples (Brugge 1965:356)

2.8 Connection of the Zuni People

The Zuni were found, according to our research, to be likely affiliated with Tonto

National Monument. Their affiliation was supported by anthropological, archaeological, biological, geographical, and historical evidence (Table 2.13), which addressed traditional and historic time frames (Table 2.14).

X X X X X

Table 2.13 Zuni Connection with Tonto National Monument

Traditional

(~ 15,000 BC to mid-1800s)

X

Aboriginal

(mid-1800s)

X

Historic

X

Contemporary

Table 2.14 Time Frame of Zuni Connection with Tonto National Monument

60

The Zuni people maintained sovereignty over their lands throughout the Spanish (1540-

1821) and Mexican periods (1821-1846). Trade provided a method of control and monitoring, and was a major component of Zuni economy even after the Spaniards arrived. The Zuni people maintained an extensive trail system that extended hundreds of miles in all directions and they had trading partners throughout the southwest including the Rio Grande Pueblos, the

Grand Canyon tribes, the Hopi Tribe, and tribes as far south as the Gila River and Sonora, and as far west as the Pacific Coast. The arrival of the Spaniards caused travel disruption along the more distant trails. In the American period, there was an increase in the settler and cattle populations during the latter half of the 1800s and this further diminished the Zuni trail system

(Ferguson and Hart 1985).

Body and face painting of red ochre on burial have been observed at many Salado sites within the basin. Pueblo ethnographic references document this practice among the Zuni

(Ravesloot and Regan 2000). Zunis collected serpentine in the Salt River Canyon region from the 16 th

through the 18 th

centuries (Ferguson and Hart 1985). late 13 th

Archaeological evidence points to a Pueblo migration into the Tonto Basin during the

and early 14 th

centuries (Clark 2001). Griffin Wash was largely settled by immigrant groups from pueblo areas to the north and east of the basin between AD 1250-1300 (Elson

1995). Ceramic evidence suggests that after 1400, Tonto Basin people migrated to Zuni and

Acoma (Adams 2000).

Biological evidence of affiliation pertains to the Roosevelt phase of the Classic period. Dental anthropology data purport that Saladoans were connected to the Sinagua and the Western Anasazi (Turner 1998).

Geographic evidence includes several maps. A map of landforms associated with the

Zuni area (Figure 2.39) includes the Tonto Basin and the Monument, while another map of the major Zuni trails (Figure 2.40) shows a route to Mexico that crosses between the Sierra

Ancha Mountains and the Gila Mountains. While these maps may only suggest a passing knowledge of the area, a map of traditional mineral use includes the Salt River Canyon area where the Zuni collected serpentine (Figure 2.41). The extent of this map indicates detailed knowledge of the region, which includes the Tonto Basin. By the mid-1800s, Zuni people had lost or were limited in their access to many traditional use sites including the serpentine site in the Salt River Canyon (Figure 2.42) (Ferguson and Hart 1985). Contemporary Zuni geography suggests that the Tonto Basin remains part of their cultural landscape (Figure

2.43) (Toupal et al. 2004).

Historically, Zuni people had relationships and interactions with other tribes that involved extensive trading. Relative to the Tonto Basin, they traded with the Apache people.

According to Goodwin (1942), items frequently traded between Zuni and Western Apache included turquoise, ground and drilled white shell, a mineral paint (té-djí’), saddle blankets

(te’idno-zé or “striped blanket”) and a larger striped blanket (háiya-gonoduzí or “striped downward”). In return, Apaches obtained bow staves, stone arrowpoints, arrow feathers, baskets with handles made especially for Zuni trade, turkey-feather caps, buckskin leggings, and shirts.”

61

Tonto

Basin

Figure 2.39 Landforms of the Zuni Area including Tonto Basin (Ferguson and Hart 1985)

62

Figure 2.40 Major Zuni Trails (Ferguson and Hart 1985)

63

Figure 2.41 Traditional Mineral Collection included the Salt River Canyon (Ferguson and Hart 1985)

64

65

Figure 2.43 Cultural Landscape Field Data from the Zuni Tribe (Toupal et al 2004)

2.9 Summary

A body of evidence does exist for assessing the cultural connections of Apache, Hopi,

O’odham, Yavapai and Zuni to Tonto National Monument and the surrounding watershed.

Some evidence exists for all five groups prior to Spanish contact in the mid-1500s. From the mid-1500s to the mid-1900s, there is more evidence for the connections of Apache and

Yavapai people but there is also some evidence of Hopi and Zuni connections. These assessments were based on literature reviewed during this study, and thus the findings can change with additional research and tribal consultations. The information presented in this study represents the opinions of the authors and does not necessarily represent the opinions nor official positions of the U.S. Department of the Interior or the National Park Service.

66

CHAPTER THREE

BACKGROUND AND SETTING

The purpose of this chapter is to provide the reader with some important background information regarding the geological and ecological setting of the sites visited during the ethnographic interviews. The descriptions presented in this chapter are organized by site and the order in which the locations were visited. The chapter starts with the spring, the Monument’s primary source of water, followed by the TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse), the Roosevelt Lake Indian

Worker Camp, Historic Apache/Yavapai Site in Honey Butte Saddle, the TONT Site 65 (Multiroom Pueblo), TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling), and TONT Site 52 (the Northern

Annex). The ecology sections include a discussion of botany and zoology. Many plants were noted during on site ethnographic interviews, while others were identified using photographs, the

Monument’s official plant list, and various Arizona plant identification books. It is important to note that the botanical, zoological, and geological descriptions provided in this chapter are not intended to be authoritative summaries. Instead, the information is meant to orient the reader to the area’s location, general ecology and geology.

3.1 The Spring

The spring is located south of the Tonto National Monument’s Visitor’s Center and the ramada following the drainage, between Honey Butte, TONT Site 50 (The Upper Cliff

Dwelling), TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) and TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex).

The path to the Upper Cliff Dwelling passes by the former water tank and the spring. The spring is clear, runs year round, and is fed by other springs in the area. It is now the only permanent spring left in the area, but there is evidence of former springs near Tonto National Monument.

The spring provides the water used by Tonto National Monument.

3.1.1 Geology

The lands that comprise Tonto National Monument are located in the southeast portion of the Tonto Basin. The basin is the confluence of three major waterways - Tonto Creek from the northwest, the Salt River from the east, and Pinto Creek from the south. The water systems converge in the basin and flow westward.

3.1.2 Ecology

Several of the construction materials used in TONT Site 50 (The Upper Cliff Dwelling) and TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) were taken from the plant life found at this site.

Juniper (

Juniperus

spp.), Arizona sycamore (

Plantanus wrightii

), and Arizona walnut (

Juglans major

) were some of the more important plant species noted. Juniper and sycamore were used to make posts, roofs, and doors, while walnut was used to make rope found in TONT Site 51 (The

Lower Cliff Dwelling). Jojoba (

Simmondsia chinensis)

was also present at this site.

67

Figure 3.1 The Spring

The spring itself hosts a wide variety of animal inhabitants. Some of the most notable include American black bears (

Ursus americanus

), bobcats (

Lynx rufous

), mountain lions (

Felis

Concolor

), common gray foxes (

Urocyon cinereoargenteus

), javelina (

Pecari tajacu

), and

Arizona black rattlesnakes (

Crotalus viridus cerberus

). Bees, butterflies, daddy longlegs

(harvestmen), and toads were also noted at this site.

3.2 The Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp Site and TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse)

The Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp includes a concentration of artifacts in and around a cleared area with several semi-circles of rocks. These artifacts include cans, buckets, sieves, flaked bottle glass, a basket made of bailing wire, grinding slabs, and cans that have been shaped. Additionally, there was a bucket with holes punched in a flower design. The area matches pictures of dam construction camps and the cans date back to the early 1900s. It is located about 3.5 miles from the dam and 0.5 miles from the spring at Tonto National

Monument.

3.2.1 Geology

These sites are located on a continuously inclined, alluvial deposit along the mountain front. Additionally, the sites’ location along this alluvial deposit also reflects a unique geological profile. Wilson and colleagues describe the area overall as a zone of sedimentary deposits. The valleys of the present drainage system include fossiliferous alluvial and lacustrine deposits of

68

middle or early Pliocene age, and more generally incorporates correlative conglomerate, sand, silt, and clay. Wilson explains that unfossiliferous alluvial conglomerates that locally contain lava flows, tuffs, breccias, and interfinger with Tertiary volcanic rocks and terrestrial deposits tentatively correlate with the Chuska sandstone and Bidahochi formation (Wilson, Moore and

Cooper 1983; Hirschberg and Pitts 2000). Chronic elaborated on the sedimentary profile, describing the formations as quartzite, conglomerate, shale and marbleized limestone. The age of this formation is set at roughly 1 billion years old, through which time the formation has compacted, crystallized and hardened (Chronic 1983: 151).

Figure 3.2 The Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp

Gila conglomerate, a mixture of cemented gravel, clay, and silica, is found extensively throughout the Monument. A distinguishing feature of this conglomerate is that, due to the extent to which it has compacted, fractures in the conglomerate will often break through pebbles rather than around them, revealing the extent to which the conglomerate has hardened together and become one unit (Chronic 1983: 151). In more recent geologic time, the major events in the area include geomorphic changes to the drainage system about 14 million years ago and a volcanic eruption – the source of the layer of ash which would become the Apache tuff – in the area now known as the Superstition Mountains (NPS GRE 2006).

69

Figure 3.3 TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse)

3.2.2 Ecology

David E. Brown describes the Tonto Basin as an Arizona upland subdivision, Sonoran

Desertscrub, which generally receives an average annual precipitation between 200 mm and 425 mm. Roosevelt Lake receives an average of 359.4 mm per year, supporting a large number of plant and animal species. Brown describes this biome as, “Truly spectacular, it is the best watered and least desert-like desert scrub in North America” (Brown 1994: 200).

Characteristic species include palo verde (

Cercidium

spp.), mesquite (

Prosopis

spp.), catclaw acacia (

Acacia greggii

), desert hackberry (

Celtis

spp.), and jojoba (

Simmondsia chinensis

).

The site also has numerous cactus species which are also found at other sites within the

Monument such as buckhorn chollas (

Opuntia acanthocarpa

), teddy bear chollas (

O. bigelovii

),

Engelmann prickly pears (

O. p. var. discata

), and saguaros (

Carnegiea gigantean

).

The area supports a wide range of animal species, including desert mule deer (

Odocoileus hemionous

), white-tailed deer (

Odocoileus virginianus

), collared peccary (

Pecari tajacu

),

California myotis (

Myotis californicus

), black-tailed jackrabbit (

Lepus californicus

), desert cottontail (

Sylvilagus audubonii

), Bailey’s pocket mouse (

Chaetodipus baileyi

), cactus mouse

(

Peromyscus eremicus

), western white-throated woodrat (

Neotoma albigula

), common gray fox

(

Urocyon cinereoargenteus

), and the Harris antelope squirrel (

Ammospermophilus harrisii

).

Many bird species are present, such as the Harris hawk (

Parabuteo unicinctus

), elf owl

70

(

Micrathene whitneyi

), white-winged dove (

Zenaida asiatica

), Gila woodpecker (

Melanerpes uropygialis

), cactus wren (

Campylorhynchus brunneicapillus

), and curve-billed thrasher

(

Toxostoma curvirostre

). Several reptile species also found in the area include regal horned lizard (

Phrynosoma solare

), western whiptail (

Cnemidophorus tigris

), Gila monster (

Heloderma suspectum

), and Sonoran coral snake (

Micruroides eryxanthus

).

3.3 Historic Apache/Yavapai Site in Honey Butte Saddle

This site is on an uphill slope towards the main peak of Honey Butte. The sediment is loose and fine, and the site itself is rather limited in plant life compared to the surrounding area.

Metal and stone objects have been found both on the ridge and in a drainage area just below the site. Among the artifacts were a small metal buckle, and part of a metate. Horse bones and teeth also were present at the site. Sites nearby have been disturbed by a fire line, which was bulldozed up to the ridge in the 1960s, and artifacts originally from this site could have been damaged in the process.

Figure 3.4 Historic Apache/Yavapai in Honey Butte Saddle

3.3.1 Geology

This site is located on the ridge between the major and a lesser peak of Honey Butte

.

Underlying several local characteristics, Wilson and colleagues describe the geologic profile of

Historic Apache/Yavapai Site in Honey Butte Saddle as a blend of Mescal limestone and associated basalt flows, Dripping Spring quartzite, and Pioneer shale (Wilson, Moore and

Cooper 1983; Hirschberg and Pitts 2000).

71

The greater Tonto Basin fits into a series of large intermontane basins filled with debris eroded from the surrounding mountain ranges. The terrestrial debris is interbedded with sedimentary layers deposited as the area’s once present sea repeatedly washed over the land.

This presence of water and its evaporation altered the appearance of local rocks with ripple marks and mud cracks and transformed the landscape on a macro level through cycles of deposition, uplift, and erosion. The Salt River had a major role in the most recent uplift, carving out valleys and canyons, and depositing the debris in the remaining lowlands. The material traveled in accordance with its size, as the river deposited coarser materials near the mountains and finer sediments into the center of the basin. More specifically at Honey Butte, the forces of erosion take the form of landslides and rock falls (NPS GRE 2006).

Figure 3.5 Honey Butte

72

3.3.2 Ecology

David E. Brown’s description of the Tonto Basin area as an Arizona upland subdivision,

Sonoran Desertscrub, can serve as a basic ecological classification for the site. With an average annual precipitation between 200 mm and 425 mm, this upland subdivision supports a large number of plant and animal species, affirming its identity as a part of what Brown describes as,

“Truly spectacular, it is the best watered and least desert-like desert scrub in North America”

(Brown 1994: 200). Specifically, the Roosevelt Lake area receives an average of 359.4 mm of precipitation per year.

In accordance with Brown’s overall biome profile, the site contains many of the prominent upland species, such as mesquite (

Prosopis

spp.), jojoba (

Simmondsia chinensis

), palo verde (

Cercidium

spp.), and cat-claw acacia (

Acacia greggii

). The site also contains many characteristic cactus species, including several varieties of cholla and prickly pear (

Opuntia

spp.), and the saguaro (

Carnegiea gigantea

). Additional plants identified include ocotillo

(

Fouquieria splendens

), brittlebush (

Encelia

spp.), fiddleneck grass (

Amsinckia

spp.), Arizona lupine (

Lupinus arizonicus

), globe mallow (

Sphaeralcea

spp.), desert marigold (

Baileya multiradiata

), and buckwheat (

Eriogonum fasciculatum

). Furthermore, the Historic

Apache/Yavapai Site in Honey Butte Saddle site also hosts populations of Sonoran scrub oak

(

Quercus turbinella

), Texas mountain laurel (

Sophora secundiflora

), firecracker penstemon

(

Penstemon eatonii

), strawberry hedgehog cactus (

Echinocereus engelmannii

),

Russian thistle

(

Salsola Kali

), burro bush (

Hymenoclea monogyra

), desert hibiscus (

Hibiscus coulteri

), and amaranth (

Amaranthus

spp.).

The area also supports a wide range of animal species including collared peccary (

Pecari tajacu

), California myotis (

Myotis californicus

), black-tailed jackrabbit (

Lepus californicus

), desert cottontail (

Sylvilagus audubonii

), Bailey’s pocket mouse (

Chaetodipus baileyi

), western white-throated woodrat (

Neotoma albigula

), deer (

Odocoileus

spp.), and the Harris antelope squirrel (

Ammospermophilus harrisii

). Several bird species, such as the Harris hawk (

Parabuteo unicinctus

), elf owl (

Micrathene whitneyi

), white-winged dove (

Zenaida asiatica

), Gila woodpecker (

Melanerpes uropygialis

), cactus wren (

Campylorhynchus brunneicapillus

), and curve-billed thrasher (

Toxostoma curvirostre

) were also noted. Finally, several reptile species in the area include regal horned lizard (

Phrynosoma solare

), western whiptail (

Cnemidophorus tigris

), Gila monster (

Heloderma suspectum

), and Sonoran coral snake (

Micruroides eryxanthus

)

(Brown 1994).

3.4 TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo) is an unexcavated site with a viewscape that includes

TONT Site 50 (The Upper Cliff Dwelling), TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling), TONT

Site 52 (the Northern Annex), Cholla Canyon, the primary peak of Honey Butte, Schoolhouse

Wash, and the present-day Roosevelt Lake. Notably, sounds from the Lower Cliff Dwelling are clearly audible on the ridge, while sounds from the ridge are not audible from other locations in the Monument. There is an abundance of smooth, rounded stones, found both individually and as part of a conglomerate deposits (See Figure 3.7), as well as desert varnish on some of the rocks

73

and crystal formations (See Figure 3.8) on a nearby rocky peak. The small peak to the north also supports lichen and moss.

Figure 3.6 TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

The site is located on the ridge to the east of the Monument’s visitor center. Access to this site is restricted because there is no formal park trail, as well as the fact that part of the saddle is on Forest Service land. Some archaeological material has been removed from this site.

3.4.1 Geology

This site is located on the saddle between the major peak of Honey Butte and a lesser peak. Underlying several local characteristics, Wilson and colleagues describe the geologic profile of Historic Apache/Yavapai Site in Honey Butte Saddle as a blend of Mescal limestone and associated basalt flows, Dripping Spring quartzite, and Pioneer shale (Wilson, Moore and

Cooper 1983).

The greater Tonto Basin fits into a series of large intermontane basins filled with debris eroded from the surrounding mountain ranges. This terrestrial debris is interbedded with sedimentary layers deposited by the once present sea. This presence of water and its evaporation altered the appearance of local rocks with ripple marks and mud cracks, and additionally transformed the landscape on a macro level through cycles of deposition, uplift, and erosion. The

Salt River played a major role in the most recent uplift, carving out valleys and canyons and depositing the debris in the remaining lowlands. The river deposited coarser materials near the mountains and finer sediments into the center of the basin (NPS GRE 2006).

74

Figure 3.7 Conglomerate

Figure 3.8 Crystals

75

3.4.2 Ecology

Brown (1994) identifies the biotic community as Sonoran Desertscrub and part of the

Tropical-Subtropical Desertlands. The flora shifted from woodland to desert during the

Holocene, and as a result it is currently situated in the Arizona upland. Trees, tall shrubs and succulent life-forms are commonly found along drainages (Brown 1994:182). The slopes and the broken ground are characteristic of this habitat. Brown states that the “vegetation most often takes on the appearance of a scrubland or low woodland of leguminous trees with intervening spaces held by one to several open layers of shrubs and perennial succulents,” (1994:200). The summer rainfall between June and August makes up to sixty percent of the 359.4mm of rainfall

Roosevelt, AZ receives annually.

Figure 3.9 Tobacco at TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

The site contained many of the prominent upland species, such as palo verde (

Cercidium

spp

.

), mesquite (

Prosopis

spp.), ocotillo (

Fouquieria splendens

), cat-claw acacia (

Acacia greggii

), and jojoba (

Simmondsia chinensis

), as well as several characteristic cactus species, such as the saguaro (

Carnegiea gigantean

), cholla and prickly pear (

Opuntia

spp.). Additional plants identified during field visits to this site include: the goldenflower century plant (

Agave chrysantha),

chia (

Salvia columbariae

), fiddleneck grass (

Amsinckia

spp.), Arizona lupine

(

Lupinus arizonicus

), globe mallow (

Sphaeralcea

spp.), desert marigold (

Baileya multiradiata

), and buckwheat (

Eriogonum fasciculatum

). The peak of the ridge is one of the few places in the

Monument where desert tobacco (

Nicotiana trigonophylla

) (See Figure 3.9) is found.

76

The area also supports a wide range of animal species including deer (

Odocoileus

spp.), black-tailed Jackrabbit (

Lepus californicus

), desert cottontail (

Sylvilagus audubonii

), cactus mouse (

Peromyscus eremicus

), and common gray fox (

Urocyon cinereoargenteus

). Several bird species are present as well, such as the Harris hawk (

Parabuteo unicinctus

) and the whitewinged dove (

Zenaida asiatica

). A hummingbird was also spotted at this site during one of the

Native American Interpretation visits. Finally, a number of notable reptile species can be found, including regal horned lizard (

Phrynosoma solare

), common kingsnake (

Lampropeltis getula

), western whiptail (

Cnemidophorus tigris

), and Gila monster (

Heloderma suspectum

).

3.5 TONT Site 51 (Lower Cliff Dwelling)

TONT Site 51 (Lower Cliff Dwelling) is a group of rooms made of tabular and block masonry which is held together by adobe mortar and plaster. Other materials such as juniper, sycamore, pine, yucca and saguaro ribs were also used in the construction of the Lower Cliff

Dwelling. A side canyon drainage is located on the south side of the structure which feeds into

Cave Canyon below. A series of geologic faults and water percolation has created a natural cave where the Dwelling was constructed. The cave ceiling and walls are smoke-blackened, presenting evidence of previous fires in the cave’s interior.

Figure 3.10 TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

77

3.5.1 Geology

TONT Site 51(The Lower Cliff Dwelling) is situated at an elevation of 3181 feet. The site is composed of several different strata of the Precambrian section of the Apache Group, which is part of the Monument’s primary geological profile; Pioneer shale, Dripping Spring quartzite, Mescal limestone, and basalt form the oldest strata. The Lower Cliff Dwelling was built in a large cave formed by natural weathering processes, which began between 50,000 and

400,000 years ago. The cave is composed of siltstone and sandstone, which is highly susceptible to gradual flaking, also known as spalling. This ongoing process continues to shape the area today.

Changes to the drainage system occurring about 14 million years ago and a large volcanic eruption in the Superstition Mountains about 18 million years ago also impacted the geological history of the area. This eruption deposited an ash layer known as Apache Leap tuff, which contributes to the area’s unique geology and hydrology today. In addition, the Gila conglomerate stands out as a characteristic geological unit, an ancient alluvial fan deposit that contains cemented gravel, clay, and silica (NPS GRE 2006).

In this area, natural pigments (See Figure 3.10) that are culturally important to Native people are found near the Lower Cliff Dwelling. Geologically, the most readily distinguishable types of pigments are red ochre (hematite), yellow ochre (limonite), and white, most likely composed of highly pure clay deposits.

3.5.2 Ecology

Brown (1994) identified the biotic community of the Tonto Basin as Sonoran Desertscrub and part of Tropical-Subtropical Desertlands. The summer rainfall between June and August makes up to sixty percent of the 359.4mm that Roosevelt, AZ receives annually. Situated in the

Arizona upland, the flora presents trees, shrubs, and succulents.

The site contains many characteristic species of this biotic community, such as the jojoba

(

Simmondsia chinensis

), palo verde (

Cercidium

spp

.

), cat-claw acacia (

Acacia greggii

), and mesquites (

Prosopis

spp.). Cactus species, such as the buckhorn cholla (

O. acanthocarpa

), the teddy bear cholla (

O. bigelovii

), Engelmann prickly pear (

O. p. var. discata

), hedgehog cactus

(

Echinocereus

spp.), barrel cactus (

Ferocactus

spp.), pincushion cactus (

Mammillaria grahamii microcarpa

) and the saguaro (

Carnegiea gigantea

) also occur. Additional species noted at this site include: goldenflower century plant (

Agave chrysanta

Peebles), banana yucca (

Yucca baccata

Tor.), ocotillo (

Fouquieria splendens Engelm

.), threeawn (

Aristida

spp.), buckwheat

(

Eriogonum fasciculatum

), wolfberry (

Lucium exsertum

), tanglehead (

Heteropogon contortus

), desert sunflower (

Viguiera deltoidea var. parishii

) and odora (

Porophyllum gracile

).

78

Figure 3.11 Pigments at TONT Site 51(The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

The animal species include California myotis (

Myotis californicus

), desert cottontails

(

Sylvilagus audubonii

), Bailey’s pocket mouse (

Chaetodipus baileyi

), cactus mouse (

Peromyscus eremicus

), western white-throated woodrats (

Neotoma albigula

), and the Harris antelope squirrel

(

Ammospermophilus harrisii

). Several bird species, such as turkey vulture (

Cathartes aura

), falcon (

Falco

spp.), raven (

Corvus corax

), and hawk (

Accipiter

spp.;

Buteo

spp. and

Hemipepsis

spp

.

) were observed at the site. The reptile species noted at the site include the common sideblotched lizard (

Uta stansburiana

) and the zebra-tailed lizard (

Callisaurus draconoides

), along with other lizards (

Phrynosomatidae

).

The Mexican yellow butterfly (

Eurema mexicanum

) is also present.

3.6 TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)

TONT Site 52 (the Northern Annex) is located within an overhang slightly northeast of

TONT Site 51 (Lower Cliff Dwelling). It contains a series of small walls constructed with adobe clay mortar and plaster and quartzite. It also features a series of cupules on a flat surface in a small enclave at the northern end. The spring, Honey Butte, the Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker

Camp Site, and the TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse) are all visible from TONT Site 52 (the Northern

Annex).

79

Figure 3.12 TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)

3.6.1 Geology

TONT Site 52 (the Northern Annex) is situated at an elevation of approximately 3180 feet. The site is composed of several different strata of the Precambrian section of the Apache

Group, which is part of the monument’s primary geological profile; Pioneer shale, Dripping

Spring quartzite, Mescal limestone, and basalt form the oldest strata. TONT Site 52 (the

Northern Annex) was built in an enclave formed by natural weathering processes, which began between 50,000 and 400,000 years ago. The enclave is composed of siltstone and sandstone, which is highly susceptible to gradual flaking, also known as spalling. This ongoing process continues to shape the area today.

Changes to the drainage system occurring about 14 million years ago and a large volcanic eruption in the Superstition Mountains about 18 million years ago also impacted the geological history of the area. This eruption deposited an ash layer known as Apache Leap tuff, which contributes to the area’s unique geology and hydrology today. In addition, the Gila conglomerate is a major geological component of this site. If forms an ancient alluvial fan deposit that contains cemented gravel, clay, and silica (NPS GRE 2006).

In this area, natural pigments (See Figure 3.12) that are culturally important to Native people are found near the entrance into TONT Site 52 (the Northern Annex). Geologically, the most readily distinguishable types of pigments are red ochre (hematite), yellow ochre (limonite), and white, which is most likely composed of highly pure clay deposits.

80

Figure 3.13 TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex) and Pigments

3.6.2 Ecology

The Tonto Basin is identified as Sonoran Desertscrub and is part of Tropical-Subtropical

Desertlands by Brown (1994). Sixty percent of the annual precipitation for the area occurs between June and August, with an annual precipitation of 359.4mm for Roosevelt, AZ. Located in the Arizona upland, the flora includes trees, shrubs, and succulents.

The site contains many important species of the region, such as jojoba (

Simmondsia chinensis

), palo verde (

Cercidium

spp

.

), cat-claw acacia (

Acacia greggii

), and mesquite

(

Prosopis

spp.). Cactus species, such as the buckhorn cholla (

O. acanthocarpa

), the teddy bear cholla (

O. bigelovii

), Engelmann prickly pear (

O. p. var. discata

), and the saguaro (

Carnegiea gigantea

) are also present. Furthermore, ocotillo (

Fouquieria splendens

), pincushion cactus

(

Mammillaria grahamii microcarpa

), wolfberry (

Lucium exsertum

), tanglehead (

Heteropogon contortus

), desert sunflower (

Viguiera deltoidea var. parishii

) and odora (

Porophyllum gracile

) were also noted.

The animal species include California myotis (

Myotis californicus

), desert cottontails

(

Sylvilagus audubonii

), Bailey’s pocket mouse (

Chaetodipus baileyi

), cactus mouse (

Peromyscus eremicus

), western white-throated woodrats (

Neotoma albigula

), and the Harris antelope squirrel

(

Ammospermophilus harrisii

). Several bird species, such as turkey vulture (

Cathartes aura

), raven (

Corvus corax

), and hawk (

Accipiter

spp.

and Buteo

spp.), were observed at the site. The reptile species noted at the site include common side-blotched lizard (

Uta stansburiana

), zebratailed lizard (

Callisaurus draconoides

), as well as other lizards (

Phrynosomatidae

).

81

CHAPTER FOUR

ZUNI SITE BY SITE ANALYSIS

This chapter presents the Zuni interpretation and the ethnographic analysis of the seven sites discussed during the Zuni portion of the Tonto National Monument field visits. Park

Service staff and University of Arizona (UofA) researchers picked sites based on cultural resources found at these locations. American Indian identification and the cultural importance of some sites extend beyond the archaeological evidence. It is evident from these interviews that the lands of Tonto National Monument are important to Indian people.

The comments and analysis that are included in this chapter are organized by site and the order in which the locations were visited, starting with the spring, which is the Monument’s primary source of water. The spring is followed by TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse), the Roosevelt

Lake Indian Worker Camp, the Historic Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle, TONT Site

65 (Multi-room Pueblo), TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling), and TONT Site 52 (The

Northern Annex). Geological, ecological, botanical and zoological information can be found for each site in Chapter three.

Following a brief introduction to each site are the comments made by tribal representatives regarding the cultural meaning and traditional uses of the sites. After this section, representatives offered management and access recommendations. Tribal representatives have suggested a variety of management strategies for the sites visited during this study and the

Monument as a whole. The individual site evaluations and recommendations are found at the end of each site’s section and express concerns on a number of issues such as what stories should be told to Monument visitors, what kinds of behaviors are appropriate at or near a site, environmental impacts, and the possibility for Native American monitoring. Overall Monument recommendations, presented by theme and ethnographic comments are at the end of this chapter.

The authors of this report have not edited the individual recommendations, thus these recommendations may represent multiple and sometimes conflicting management strategies.

82

4.1 The Spring

All the different water sources, wherever they are, the springs are all areas where we use the phrase “uwaname,” where the water people are located. And all our prayers and songs are directed to those “uwaname,” the water people. Any water source, as a spring, would be considered sacred because of that one phrase that we identify those areas as. We pray not only for ourselves but the whole world because water is never-ending; it connects all the aquifers. All the different underground water sources connect with each other. So when we pray to the

“uwaname,” we pray not only for our people, but for the continuation of health, prosperity for everybody.

- Zuni Person A

Figure 4.1 The Spring

The spring is located south of the Tonto National Monument’s Visitor’s Center and the ramada following the drainage, between Honey Butte, TONT Site 50 (The Upper Cliff

Dwelling), TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) and TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex).

The path to the Upper Cliff Dwelling passes by the former water tank and the spring. The spring is clear, runs year round and is fed by other springs in the area. It is now the only permanent spring left in the area, but there is evidence of former springs near Tonto National Monument.

The spring provides the water used by Tonto National Monument.

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4.1.1 Native American Comments

UofA ethnographers conducted a total of 3 interviews with Zuni people at the spring.

Zuni people consistently reiterated that the spring is an extremely important place. They felt water from the spring would have been used for ceremonial purposes as well as for daily living.

Zuni Person B summarized the importance of the spring stating:

Pretty much to do our religious ceremonies. I mean water is vital to everything, everyday life, so the spring there is like an ideal spot. Not just for ceremonies, but for everyday use.

4.2 The Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp Site

The Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp includes a concentration of artifacts in and around a cleared area with several semi-circles of rocks. These artifacts include cans, buckets, sieves, flaked bottle glass, a basket made of bailing wire, grinding slabs, and cans that have been shaped. Additionally, there was a bucket with wholes punched in a flower design. The area matches pictures of dam construction camps and the cans date back to the early 1900s. It is located about 3.5 miles from the dam and .5 miles from the spring at Tonto National Monument.

4.2.1 Native American Comments

This site was visited during the orientation meeting and Zuni people were given the opportunity to comment about this site. Zuni representatives declined and chose to focus their time and efforts on other sites.

4.3 TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse)

This site is located on the east side of the entrance road to the Monument and is 1 mile south of the modern Roosevelt Lake shoreline. The site consists of a three-walled stone foundation with the open end of the structure facing north. The Juniper wood, dating from after the 1350s that was used as construction material at this site matches that found at TONT Site 51

(The Lower Cliff Dwelling). Vegetation has been removed from the site in an effort to preserve it. The archaeological material found at this site has been limited.

4.3.1 Native American Comments

UofA ethnographers conducted a total of 3 interviews with Zuni people at TONT Site 22

(Fieldhouse). Zuni people described the area as a farming and food-gathering site, possibly with permanent living. Zuni Person A suggested the possibility of hand-irrigated waffle gardens. Park service information about metate artifacts supported the Zuni s’ assumption that crops were processed at this site before transporting them uphill. Zuni Person A stated that the structure, or field house would be used during the growing season, so that the farmers could watch the crops, protect them against animals, and have a place to stay until harvest. The farmers could have also used this place to harvest desert plants when they were in season.

Regarding place features, Zuni Person A pointed out that the Salt River would have been used for drinking supplies and to gather water for irrigation. Zuni Person C added that nearby

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drainages would have had check dams for water control after rainfall, which served both drinking and irrigating purposes. Zuni Person A emphasized the present food plants, such as jojoba, saguaro, mesquite, palo verde and cholla. Additionally, it was mentioned that buckhorn cholla was formerly used in ceremonies by a specific Zuni clan that is no longer in existence.

Zuni Person A also pointed out structural parallels; Zuni s used to build seasonally occupied three-wall structures until the 1960s. The opening of a three-walled structure would be directed towards the field in order to overlook and protect the crops from raccoons, ravens, and crows.

Figure 4.2 TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse)

Over the course of the field visit, Zuni people concluded that traders would have been welcomed in the farming area and possibly at the TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) due to the close ties of the different sites. Zuni people assumed that the same people who farmed the fields in the valley also occupied TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling). The farming people may have provided the cliff people with food or might have used the Lower Cliff Dwelling as a defensive hideout in case of a threat.

Zuni people felt connected to all the archaeologically distinguished peoples with a communal way of life. Structures similar to TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse) were built at Zuni up until the 1960s, which they felt indicated a relationship. They felt the discovery of a nearby shrine would cement this connection.

Zuni people made the following recommendations regarding TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse).

The Zuni s expressed a desire to return to this site in order to reconnect to the site and leave offerings. Zuni Person C emphasized the hope to learn more about the “puzzle” of ancestral history by returning visits to ancestral lands. Zuni people hope that the site remains access-

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restricted and that archaeological objects will be returned to the site after they are photographed and recorded.

4.4 Historic Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle

This site is on an uphill slope towards the main peak of Honey Butte. The sediment is loose and fine, and the site itself is rather limited in plant life compared to the surrounding area.

Metal and stone objects have been found both on the ridge and in a drainage area just below the site. Among the artifacts were a small metal buckle and part of a metate. Horse bones and teeth also were present at the site. A fire line, which was bulldozed up to the ridge in the 1960s, has disturbed sites nearby; any artifacts originally from this site could have been damaged in the process.

Figure 4.3 Historic Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle

4.4.1 Native American Comments

UofA ethnographers conducted a total of 3 interviews with Zuni people at the Historic

Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle. During the site visit, Zuni people expressed that this site would have been used during pilgrimages, but that these pilgrimages would have left no visible trace. Thus, while this site has a connection to the Zuni people, the artifacts found at the site – the tin cans, metal objects, and horse remains – originated with another group. Food

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brought on a Zuni pilgrimage would not have been brought in a can, but rather it would have been dried or cured. In addition to consumption, parched corn, piki, or dried elk or deer meat also would have been left as offerings. Zuni people felt the cans might have been from worker’s rations from the dam construction. In addition to cans, Zuni people also felt that bringing horses on a pilgrimage would also be inappropriate. Overall, Zuni people felt that they might have come to this site as part of a pilgrimage, but that they would have left no trace as per the Zuni way.

4.5 TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

The way the structures are built or situated identifies the Zuni people to here, because of the community lifestyle. Everyone was within one centralized area instead of being scattered within this valley. The reason for that is to help with the crops, help with the ceremonies, even helping raising our young ones, to teach them respect, not only for the people, but for the earth, for the things surrounding them, to have that respect for the way of life, for the Zuni s, that we always had. The community lifestyle for our people has always been there, and the way these sites are situated, they have the same concept of community life. This is our history our people left, the sites, the petroglyphs, the cliff dwellings, as a reminder to the people that they were here, that at some time they were here within the valley doing the same things, practicing the same things that we do back home. It’s like a book; this is our recording of our past, and hopefully the present and the future would be gained by this concept of the way of life that our ancestors had. And just with that information we can relate to the people back home that we still have the same history, same lifestyle.

-

Zuni Person A

Figure 4.4 Zuni People, UofA Ethnographers and Park Service Staff at TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

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TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo) is an unexcavated site with a viewscape that includes the TONT Site 50 (The Upper Cliff Dwelling), TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling),

TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex), Cholla Canyon, the primary peak of Honey Butte,

Schoolhouse Wash, and the present-day Roosevelt Lake. Notably, sounds from the Lower Cliff

Dwelling are clearly audible on the ridge, while sounds from the ridge are not audible from other locations in the Monument. There is an abundance of smooth, rounded stones, found both individually and as part of a conglomerate deposits, as well as desert varnish on some of the rocks and crystal formations (See Figure 4.6) on a nearby rocky peak. The small peak to the north also supports lichen and moss.

The site is located on the ridge to the east of the Monument’s visitor center. Access to this site is restricted because there is no formal Monument trail, as well as the fact that part of the saddle is on Forest Service land. Some archaeological material has been removed from this site.

Figure 4.5 Zuni People and UofA Ethnographers with Tobacco at TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

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Figure 4.6 Zuni Person Holding Crystals at TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

4.5.1 Native American Comments

UofA ethnographers conducted a total of 3 interviews with Zuni people at TONT Site 65

(Multi-room Pueblo).

When asked about the geology of this area or elements that stand out, Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

It

[TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)]

probably ties to the sites up there

[TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)],

and the crystals up here

[peak]

would be an important area for the people …If they were over here on this site and doing their celebrations, especially the restricted ceremonies, then the people up there

[TONT Site

51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)]

would not hear what’s going on here. But if they had their ceremonies, I mean the sacred songs or prayers, set on that site

[TONT Site 51

(The Lower Cliff Dwelling)],

then the whole valley would have an opportunity to, I guess, not steal, but listen to the prayers. That’s why we have isolated areas where we do most of our sacred, private ceremonies from the Zuni people. All that would be done in an area where only the members of the societies would participate. … One of the areas that people tend to make shrines would be in an area where they can see the surroundings. Not only that, but if the different societies leave a shrine or make a shrine, then the shrine would be there to protect the people that they can see within eyesight. The shrine would there for the protection for everybody. And if it’s in an area like this where you are going to see the whole valley, it would be an ideal spot.

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Figure 4.7 Zuni People, UofA Ethnographers and Park Service Staff at TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

Zuni Person B:

The area looks out from the highest point. I know that somebody would want to live out here because of what they see around, the surroundings. …we pretty much use whatever natural resources are around, and I’m sure that back then there was a whole bunch of wildlife and I’m sure there was some kind of stream or spring going around, and actually the spring down here too, so this would be an ideal area to actually live in, do farming.

Zuni Person C:

Well, the first one we came upon, where we seen the shrine, shrine site, on those shrine sites they’re usually east. They erect standing in front of the shrine, but in this case we didn’t find that rock that’s supposed that stood up there. That’s an indication that one or two leaders that had been living there, and on the shrine site there is usually a door right in front before the shrine site is. And positions of the dwelling down there is facing towards the east, north easterly, easterly north, coming from the sunrise. And the site down there looks like, up on the, people living there since the

[20’s]

about eight to seven rooms

.

… It belonged to an individual with a high rank in their tribe. Since we found that shrine, it’s the only reason that we could tell from an ordinary person to one of the leaders that are medicine men is because of the site in front of their doorway.

When asked, “Why or for what purpose would Indian people have used this area,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

They would probably do their ceremonies in that place where we went this morning

[TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)].

It would be an ideal area for people

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-

-

to be out on the lookout, and an ideal area to construct the shrine and leave offerings. I think that’s why the tobacco plant is up here. Somebody left it an offering and the seeds took root. Everything is here, water, plants, and an area for them to stop and do some prayers and celebration, do some dances. I am pretty sure, before the lake was here there was a big settlement down there with the river flowing through. They would probably have a few individuals up here at all times. … They would have to make an announcement that they’re going to have a dance. And then the people that are initiated or are part of a kiva who can be coming up. This

[the peak]

would be identified as a sacred area.

Zuni Person B:

Yea, pretty much farming and just living on the land and I’m sure once we came out of the Grand Canyon, this is one of the areas that we would have gone through in search of the middle place that is currently Zuni pueblo right now. Our migration history is not a set route, we could have gone around areas, not really like a straight line, so this would have been one of the areas that they could have stopped by on the way to the middle village. Yea, pretty much whatever areas that they settled they would have had some kind of area to do their religious ceremonies and all that, spring.

Like they mentioned that they found that Zuni polychrome on the other side, around that way. I mean back then we came out as one group of people, we didn’t have any, like what the archaeologists label us, Hohokam, and all the different names, we pretty much connect with all the people, the pueblos that came out.

Zuni Person C:

And the people living there might have been farmers, hunters, gatherers, that is there’s not that much trees. There’s plenty of water, we found lots of water down here and they would have used that to water their gardens, not to mention that there’s a little spring on the bottom that we had seen yesterday that was blocked off from other people since the settlers came and blocked it off. And to me, that, the water stream almost connects to the river section if it hadn’t been blocked off, probably have had a riverstream bigger that what it is like now. And since we found a turquoise medallion

(classified as a pendant by Monument archeologists, see Figure 4.8)

, it means that there was people who were probably high in their

[status]

… Probably they might have been warriors of some sort, more like a medicine man society clan, or something like that, since the medallion is small and… So the people who occupied the terrain here, might have moved back and forth trading with other neighbors, and since the park service people found some cotton items, there was cotton fields down there, lakeside, they might have brought it up here and used it for their clothing and what have you. … I think it’s seasonal, since the wintertime they might have moved up there, like across there, those cliff dwellings are right now. Where they stored their food up there, since it’s going to be snow, they used those for storage things. And the safety of their families, its way up there and the only way you can get up is from the bottom on up, and you can’t get any access from top to bottom because those cliffs are way high up there …not to mention that we found some crystals

[on the peak]

, and the only people who associate with the crystals are the head leading one of the tribe and medicine men. … All the medicine men used them

.

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Figure 4.8 Zuni Person with Turquoise Medallion (pendant)

Figure 4.9 Jojoba at TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

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When asked, “Which, if any, of the following features is an important part of why this place is significant to Indian people,” Zuni people responded:

Feature Type

11a. Source for Water

11b. Source for Plants

Zuni Person A:

All the different water sources, wherever they are, the springs are all areas where we use the phrase “uwaname,” where the water people are located. And all our prayers and songs are directed to those “uwaname,” the water people. Any water source, as a spring, would be considered sacred because of that one phrase that we identify those areas as. We pray not only for ourselves but the whole world because water is never-ending; it connects all the aquifers. All the different underground water sources connect with each other. So when we pray to the “uwaname,” we pray not only for our people, but for the continuation of health, prosperity for everybody.

Zuni Person B:

Pretty much to do our religious ceremonies. I mean water is vital to everything, everyday life, so the spring there is like an ideal spot. Not just for ceremonies, but for everyday use.

Zuni Person C:

Yes, since the stream is on the other side of where the site is, they might have hauled it with pottery, or a long time ago they would use, the lining of a big horn sheep stomach. They would drain, and clean it out, wash it real good, and they would have more like your portable water bag right there, that they could wet it, and get it all flexible, and put water in it.

Zuni Person A:

Everything has their place. The jojoba here only grows in arid climates like this, and we don’t expect to find that in Zuni. But just because it’s not grown in Zuni , it doesn’t mean that it’s not an important use or important plant. We gather the seeds, we gather the leaves, whatever we can use back home. Just being able to collect things that are mentioned in not only the songs, but prayers, would be identified because of the plants that we bring back.

Zuni Person B:

The plants were useful too, especially the seeds. We pretty much collect all the seeds from all the plants. Again used for the religious ceremonies and again for everyday eating, edible plants.

Zuni Person C:

Cactus, tobacco, they’ve got right here, like I said, cedar, would be used for medicine too, and this cactus fruits… And these cactus plants might have been for a food source, the fruits, not to mention the yuccas that have been used for shoes, ropes, baskets.

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11c. Source for Animals

11d. Evidence of

Previous Indian Use e.g.- rock rings, historic structures, rock art

Zuni Person A:

All the animals are respected as being maybe a part of, or a reincarnation of our people, especially the bear, the mountain lion, all the big - what you may call the predators. They symbolize strength, power, cunning, and so these animals are the brothers of the medicine societies. Even the smallest bug is considered sacred, because it may be a reincarnation of our people. So, it’s always taught that you’re not supposed to step on a bug or injure an animal because it might be your relative. The deer and the rabbits were put on this earth to maintain the way of the people, the journey to wherever we’re headed to.

Zuni Person B:

Animals, looks like the most were out here back then. I mean all that, whatever animals and plants, it’s all mentioned in our prayers and songs. Pretty much everything’s important.

Zuni Person C:

Like I said, bighorn sheep, rabbits, squirrels, raccoons, groundhogs. They would clean out the groundhogs and they would stuff it with cedar branches, so that the meat won’t be bitter, it would be like season in it.

[Do you think this area could have been a place maybe they might have gathered feathers here?]

Yes, it’s a good source since there’s water; a calm place around there, adjacent to the water, that would be the best place to hunt around here’s down there at the bottom of the river.

Zuni Person A:

The way the structures are built or situated identifies the Zuni people to here, because of the community lifestyle. Everyone was within one centralized area instead of being scattered within this valley. The reason for that is to help with the crops, help with the ceremonies, even helping raising our young ones, to teach them respect, not only for the people, but for the earth, for the things surrounding them, to have that respect for the way of life, for the Zunis, that we always had. The community lifestyle for our people has always been there, and the way these sites are situated, they have the same concept of community life. This is our history our people left, the sites, the petroglyphs, the cliff dwellings, as a reminder to the people that they were here, that at some time they were here within the valley doing the same things, practicing the same things that we do back home. It’s like a book; this is our recording of our past, and hopefully the present and the future would be gained by this concept of the way of life that our ancestors had. And just with that information we can relate to the people back home that we still have the same history, same lifestyle.

Zuni Person B:

Whatever is out there now, it’s there for eternity cause people could have moved to another area and left it for whoever came through again to reuse it, so it’s pretty much like, you see all that evidence from the different ceramic ware and all that and how the Park Service people were talking

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11e. Geological Features e.g.- mountain, spring, cave, canyon, landmarks

about different time periods and when they could have been used through like time. The shrine is important in our use religiously and it’s there for a purpose and they do offering in that area and the reason it was sat there is to protect the area in general and pretty much the whole universe. Could be like a marker in search of the middle place and others, like coming behind, they could use the landmarks on their way.

Zuni Person C: [You said the turquoise pendant was something that a real special person would use.]

Yes, and they use it on their prayer feathers, with the stick, it’s put in the stream where it has a feather hanging out, and makes it, asks for rain, long life. Well that’s what it is – rain is life.

[And then the pottery up there?]

Probably would have been used for storage, holding water, cooking.

Zuni Person B:

Well, whatever mineral that is out here, we pretty much use that to this day, like crystals and all the pigments, and all that. We have some sources on the reservation, like pigments, and all that we try to collect, whatever we go out, and collecting from different areas helps us, makes our prayers stronger …Wherever we make our trips, we usually collect any type of water source, and that helps us pray for the whole universe.

Zuni Person C:

Well, it

[the ridge]

has more like a lookout overhang towards the east, and you can clearly see the cliffs to the west, where those dwellings are on top.

[There were this piece of conglomerate stone, had this round, kind of oval shape smooth stones…Would those stones have been used?]

Yes for medicine purposes. Those kinds of stones, if they were about dime size, you use it in a medicine bow. They call them spiritual rocks, very small round rocks.

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When asked, “Do you think these people were connected to the people farming around the river,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person B:

Pretty much I think the people down there would have made this their main area of living and if the farming fields down there, that’s where they found those temporary structures, so you could work in the field and stay in there and if the planting season was over, they pretty much came up this way to go on with their everyday living.

Zuni Person C:

Yes, certainly. They had some kind of communication; they might have exchanged goods with one another.

[Do you think they were the same people?]

I don’t think so, because there are different kinds of pottery shards. It’s all over down there; we found two different kinds of pottery shards.

When asked, “Were these sites connected to the north-south trail along the valley bottom,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

I am pretty sure that they

[pilgrims]

had an understanding of where to go whenever they needed help, even if they weren’t a part of this group.

Zuni Person B:

Yea, our migration was not really like a single route. It’s like wherever you find the structures, it pretty much indicates what areas we travel, and now we have roads and its like leads from one point to another, but back then they were just going about the whole valley. Pretty much back home we use shells and all that and I mean that the only place you can find those is by the ocean, so I think our trade routes over there, all the way back to the California coast and all that. So basically, like throughout time, this area has been traveled by all the different people.

Zuni Person C:

Yes, they’re adjacent. In fact, I was looking down this way towards the north, and the dwelling we went to yesterday, there’s a, looks like a trail that goes off and beyond, goes across to the river, I mean to the road, towards the lake area, you can head up there and still see it

.

When asked, “Is this place connected to the other sites in the Monument, and if yes, how,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

Even today we have our social dances that are shared by the people, and those songs are happy songs, songs for gathering, songs to have fun. An area like this one here

[ridge]

is very serious, because a person’s life would be at stake. With that thought, there are restricted songs or practices that are only done by the appropriate people. And those songs, or prayers, or chants aren’t supposed to be listened in on. And they are only sung at different times and even the thought of thinking of that songs would be bad not only for the person that’s thinking of the song, but for the people, because it’s only sung at very serious or different ceremonies. So, an isolated area like this would benefit those types of ceremonies. This ridge is only for the invited members because it’s not a big enough area to accommodate a lot of people.

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-

Zuni Person B:

Pretty much like whatever archaeological sites in this valley it connects to the area like this, especially if there’s water sources and plant and mineral, animal sources. So all of those connect with the landscape.

Zuni Person C:

Yes, of course. …Well like I said they would have been traders, giving each other like, hunters who have their meat, and whatnot, and the farmers would have their corn and vegetables, what they have grown over there. They might have swapped.

Not to mention the turquoise we found there, they might have swapped for something else, like trading.

Figure 4.10 A Zuni Person and UofA Ethnographer at TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

When asked, “Do you think your people today are connected to the people who were here in the past,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

All the archaeologists gave us names for all the different people that were here, but for Zuni it’s just one group of people, and that’s our ancestors. … what we call

“ah ł ashenawa,” our ancestors.

Zuni Person B:

I mean that’s what they’ve been labeled as, but to us we are all related. I mean if you see like a report or anything, they have all these boundaries, where these certain people lived here and all that, but then we didn’t have all those boundaries. I mean like I mentioned before, these structures could have been left and other people

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coming through would have used the same structure and then moved on. It’s never abandoned.

Zuni Person C:

Oh yeah, yes. …Well it’s a similar kind of shrine we have back in Zuni .

When asked, “It has been documented that people left this area around 1450, did your people return to this place after this date,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

the coast.

Pilgrimages were probably another way for them to come here, going to

-

-

Zuni Person B:

I’m pretty sure, I mean we had these trade routes and they would have come through this area when they went to go trade or collect shells from the coast and whatever minerals and plants they needed. It’s kinda like a Motel 6, you know where to stay.

Zuni Person C:

Well, they probably moved down to Zuni , cause we had some villages down there. There’s about eight villages that used to be out there, and now there’s just one of our villages still sitting. They might have moved east for whatever reason, maybe enemies, or drought, like I said, when the conquistadors came, that’s when most of our people started disappearing, our villages.

When asked, “Did your people return to this place during the historic period,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

Well, we’re here.

Zuni Person B:

I mean that whole area could have been reused, like resettling or pilgrimages to collect plants, minerals, and water, so we would have come back to this area too.

Zuni Person C:

That’s hard to say, we would need some more data, what we could collect, and look around, and we don’t have that time, our time frame was lacking.

[About crystals on peak]

…if natives find an abundance of material to collect, it’s probably the first place we would go.

When asked, “Would you like to come back today,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

I don’t think we had adequate time to go to those lower sites. It’s not just one site that we’re interested in; it’s this whole valley. Whatever travels our ancestors made, we still want to connect to the same sites, to the same areas.

Zuni Person B:

here.

Yeah, especially since we didn’t get a chance to see everything that’s out

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Zuni Person C:

Yes. See I found some medicine down there, yesterday, for hives. And those plants just grow around this kind of region. So they might have gathered medicine.

Concerning site-specific management and access restriction recommendations, Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person B:

… areas like this, we don’t want to have a whole bunch of people come up here, especially since there’s that sacred shrine up here. … Just pretty much like we said, no visitation, and just we have to have people come out to do their collections.

[In private?]

Yea.

4.6 TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

The way the structures are built or situated identifies the Zuni people to here, because of the community lifestyle. Everyone was within one centralized area instead of being scattered within this valley. The reason for that is to help with the crops, help with the ceremonies, even helping raising our young ones, to teach them respect, not only for the people, but for the earth, for the things surrounding them, to have that respect for the way of life, for the Zuni s, that we always had. The community lifestyle for our people has always been there, and the way these sites are situated, they have the same concept of community life. This is our history our people left, the sites, the petroglyphs, the cliff dwellings, as a reminder to the people that they were here, that at some time they were here within the valley doing the same things, practicing the same things that we do back home. It’s like a book; this is our recording of our past, and hopefully the present and the future would be gained by this concept of the way of life that our ancestors had. And just with that information we can relate to the people back home that we still have the same history, same lifestyle.

- Zuni Person A

Figure 4.11 TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

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TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) is a group of rooms made of tabular and block masonry which is held together by adobe mortar and plaster. Other materials such as juniper, sycamore, pine, yucca and saguaro ribs were also used in the construction of the Lower Cliff

Dwelling. A side canyon drainage is located on the south side of the structure which feeds into

Cave Canyon below. A series of geological faults and water percolation has created a natural cave where the Dwelling was constructed. The cave ceiling and walls are smoke-blackened presenting evidence of previous fires in the cave’s interior.

Figure 4.12 Pigments at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

4.6.1 Native American Comments

UofA ethnographers conducted a total of 3 interviews with Zuni people at TONT Site 51

(The Lower Cliff Dwelling) and TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex). Zuni people believed that the two sites were separate, but connected.

When asked about the geology of this area or elements that stand out, Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

necessity.

Just the place where the residences were built; it was probably out of

Zuni Person B:

I think this area like was chosen because of the location away from whatever they might have been looking out for, sort of a defensive area, so they could see who’s coming in.

Zuni Person C:

I guess the valley. It’s more like a lookout

.

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Figure 4.13 Zuni People at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

Figure 4.14 Zuni Person Talking to Park Service Staff Member at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

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When asked, “Why or for what purpose would Indian people have used this area,” Zuni people responded:

- Zuni Person A:

People up here were probably the same people that were down there

[in the valley],

but during times of war or when they were being threatened or attacked they had to have an area to go to in order to be protected from whoever was trying to do harm to the people. This area is very hard to get access to, so just for defense purposes this is probably where they came up.

[And in times when there was peace and no threat, would this be used for some other purpose?]

Well, it would probably be used for storage areas, granaries...Probably during the hot summer months, to be in here, to have shade. We went into one of those rooms and it was a lot cooler in there than it was out here. … Just with the architecture and the way the homes are built, it signifies, or suggests that this was a family oriented area where groups of people, families, would all come to for sanctuary or for living.

Zuni Person B:

Just for everyday living, so all this would be connected with the stuff that’s below and especially the site across

[ridge site].

Then again, the area was chosen because of the location of the spring and all that…We’ll probably have a better idea if we go visit that main area on the other side and see what we find on that side, but these kinds of places, homes were used both for living and for religious ceremonies. I mean one of the rooms could have been like especially for religious use and the other quarters could have been just regular living quarters.

Zuni Person C:

They might have been around here, winter, the shelter, the rock, the mountain itself.

[So for the structures, they would’ve stayed in that guy over there (TONT

Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)), and they would have come here (TONT Site 52

(The Northern Annex)) for…]

Yes…Looks they were both built at the same time frame, according to the one on the other side, it’s almost similar too the one on this side.

102

When asked, “Which, if any, of the following features is an important part of why this place is significant to Indian people,” Zuni people responded:

Feature Type 1= YES 2= NO List and Describe each specific feature, like Waterfall, Indian Tea Plant, Mt. Sheep

11a. Source for Water

11b. Source for Plants

X

X

X

X

Zuni

The spring was probably running still at that time.

[Are there water catchments that you see up here?]

I didn’t observe any, and I was looking out for areas where they might stall water from down there, but that’s why they have those big vessels that they carried on their heads, to carry the water, so they would probably transport water through those big pots. Big pots that you see in museums, those real giant ones, would be the main containers for the water. They used the small ones to haul the water up and then dump in the big one.

Zuni Person B:

Yea, the spring is very important.

Zuni Person C:

Well, on the other side

[TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff

Dwelling)]

we’d seen two rooms with altar dug outs that might have been used.

In the first unit we seen in the corner, the far corner, was a water bowl, already dug into the mountain wall, and I guess it left some water in there, where there was rings indented the inside of the dugout. There was about 1 ft diameter, and the other one was about a six inch diameter. And they were about a foot apart, meaning that there was an altar in there at one time, and like the water was sitting, was medicine water, in their case it’s holy water.

Oh yeah.

Uh huh, they used the same water to wetten the paint.

[Would they have brought water up from the spring?]

Oh yeah, yes. That would be the only source, the spring water down here.

Zuni Person A:

Their main staple was probably whatever they could find here, just other than what they were growing. There’s abundant seeds that we observed this morning on the walk to the other side

[TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)],

and times of plenty, especially like this year there would be more

[foods],

jojoba, and all the other plants that they would use for food.

103

11c. Source for Animals

11d. Evidence of Previous

Indian Use e.g.- rock rings, historic structures, rock art

11e. Geological Features e.g.- mountain, spring, cave, canyon, landmarks

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

Zuni Person B:

As you can see, they pretty much utilized all the resources, the local rock, sand to make the mud, and like I said, for the roof area, the juniper and the twigs.

[Saguaro ribs?]

Yea.

Zuni Person C: [Would they have used the plants up here?]

Oh yes, yes. There’s lots of vegetation up here.

Zuni Person A:

Well, I haven’t really seen any animals so I’m not sure what – I think they mentioned some whitetail, probably see some bears, mountain lions, bobcats, and peccary, but these are animals that the medicine societies pray to for power, for strength, and the deer is just about used for everything, from clothing, food, tools…

Zuni Person C:

They might have had animals out here. But they roam around here, is that bighorn sheep. It’s the terrain for it.

Zuni Person A:

We identified four different paint variations. The red ocher, the pink, the yellow, and the white, and this being an area where there’s a lot of copper, we’re thinking that there might have been some place around here where they could get the crystal cola and the azurite, their main, they’re from copper.

That would basically cover about 90% of all the colors that we use for our prayer sticks, and our ceremonial uses.

Zuni Person B:

So are the sources for plants, animals, and we’ve seen the pigments that are around here, so that’s a very important source too. The red, the yellow, and the white. Yea, pretty much make an offering of traditional foods and turquoise.

Zuni Person C:

Yes…Looks they were both built at the same time frame, according to the one on the other side, it’s almost similar too the one on this side.

Zuni Person B:

Yea. I think it

[the cave]

was also used for the weather too, like the environment, I think it kept rain from coming upon them, the snow, the heat during this time of the day.

104

When asked, “Do you think these people were connected to the people farming around the river,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person B:

To the river and to whatever fields they had down there, farming fields.

Yea, wherever was the closest source

[of water],

and yesterday that we found those manos and ground stone where those temporary camps were; so they pretty much processed the food there and brought it up this way.

Zuni Person C:

Oh yes, there’s a community.

Figure 4.15 Zuni People at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

When asked, “Were these sites connected to the north-south trail along the valley bottom,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

Even to this day places open for people traveling through; the only place restrictions would probably be on that side

[TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)],

but this side would probably be open for people. It’s mostly the way the architecture is - it’s like a family living quarters, living areas.

Zuni Person B:

there.

Pretty much just connecting to the other sites and to the fields down

Zuni Person C:

Oh yes, it’s the only way coming up. There’s hardly any way of coming up, except from the bottom up. There’s no way of coming down from the top, because the overhang.

105

When asked, “Is this place connected to the other sites in the Monument,” and if yes, how, Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

Yes

. [And we talked a little bit from that side about how that side [TONT

Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)] is connected to this side, where this side would be social and public events, and that side would be quiet and distant.]

Right.

Zuni Person B:

Yes, wherever they set up, it’s all connected in one way or another, and some of them could have been temporary living areas and some of them could have been permanent living quarters. Especially these cliff dwellings, how they put so much work into the walls, and plastering the walls too, so it seems like they were living here for quite awhile.

-

When asked, “Do you think your people today are connected to the people who were here in the past,” Zuni people responded:

-

Zuni Person C:

Oh yes. … Since this was a little community, they might have had relatives or friends living on, just across this valley right here.

Zuni Person A:

Just with the architecture and the way the homes are built, it suggests that this was a family oriented area where groups of people, families, would all come to for sanctuary or for living.

[The Zuni people feel good about those kinds of places?]

Yeah, yeah.

Zuni Person B:

Yea, it is living our way of life; I know they used to live back there. They still have the same pueblo community there.

When asked, “It has been documented that people left this area around 1450, did your people return to this place after this date,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

To collect the paints… And just to say “hi” to the ancestors; every time we come to a site we take off our hats and greet them as if they were there. And it’s like asking them, “How have you been, how are you,” like actually talking to an individual instead of a spirit; we have the same concept of them still being here.

Zuni Person B:

Especially with all the sources of minerals and water, making that pilgrimage to gather those resources.

When asked, “Did your people return to this place during the historic period,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person B:

I’m sure, because we have all these other kiva and religious leaders who have their own areas where they collect, and they could have come back here just to do that, just to collect the water and the minerals, especially since that shrine is over there on that site on the ridge.

[After the Monument was set up?]

I don’t think they did because of restrictions.

106

Zuni Person C:

Oh yeah, this is a good hideout, to see from across and from a distance looking out.

Figure 4.16 Zuni People, UofA Ethnographers, and Park Service Staff Member at TONT Site 51

(The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

When asked, “Would you like to come back today,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

Yes.

[To gather paint?]

Paint and go to the other sites that we didn’t get a chance to see. … I’ve already talked to my grandkids about bringing them to the Grand

Canyon, and this would be another place for them to understand that people had to adapt to different ways of life just to survive. And being up here in areas where they felt safe, even if they were threatened, they had some means of defense. So they need to understand that we weren’t just farmers; we had to go to extremes in order to survive, and I think this would be one of the extremes to be living here in an area like this.

And if we bring our kids and our grandkids up here, it will not only educate them, but whoever is around.

If they listen to our explanation to our kids, then the people who are up here will benefit from that little presentation, that little talk, so I think if it’s for education’s sake to bring the kids we probably wouldn’t want to restrict people from coming up. That could probably encourage people to come and listen to our perspective, our explanation of what happened here, or the reason why the people had to come up here.

Zuni Person B:

Yea, I’m pretty sure; today we made the connection with our people, since we were given the opportunity to come back, and I think the other areas we would like to visit is where the other Zuni stuff was found and the main cliff dwelling on the other side of this mountain.

107

Concerning site-specific management and access restriction recommendations, Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

Yes, just having those barriers would keep the site intact for years to come…

[So the sign at the other structure says that the place was abandoned, and the

Zuni people would like it to say,]

“These people that were here are still within the vicinity, and these are the Hopi, the Zuni , and all the Pueblo tribes within the Rio

Grande. We did not disappear; we’re still maintaining our existence and our culture and our way of life.”

Zuni Person C:

It needs close monitoring, since there was graffiti on the other side

[the

Lower Cliff Dwelling].

4.7 TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)

They might have been around here, winter, the shelter, the rock, the mountain itself. … There is a little map

[the cupules]

, indented with markings on there, like there’s a person that was studying the stars and made a map. Constellations on the table… only made the map.

[Would they have brought people up here to teach them how to do that, or was this a person who would come up here on his own?]

It’s a person, obviously knew what he was doing, maybe a time keeper. He knew when the solstice would start.

[So for the structures, they would’ve stayed in that guy over there, and they would have come here for…]

Yes…Looks they were both built at the same time frame, according to the one on the other side, it’s almost similar too the one on this side.

- Zuni Person C

Figure 4.17 TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)

108

TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex) is located within an overhang slightly northeast of

TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling). It contains a series of small walls constructed with adobe clay mortar, plaster and quartzite. It also features a series of cupules on a flat surface in a small enclave at the northern end. The spring, Honey Butte, the Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker

Camp Site, and TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse) sites are all visible from the Northern Annex.

Figure 4.18 UofA Ethnographer Interviewing Zuni Person at TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)

4.7.1 Native American Comments

UofA ethnographers conducted a total of 3 interviews with Zuni people at TONT Site 51

(The Lower Cliff Dwelling) and TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex). Zuni people believed that the two sites were separate, but connected.

When asked about the geology of this area or elements that stand out, Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

necessity.

Just the place where the residences were built; it was probably out of

Zuni Person B:

they might have been looking out for, sort of a defensive area, so they could see who’s coming in.

I think this area was chosen because of the location away from whatever

Zuni Person C:

I guess the valley. It’s more like a lookout

.

109

When asked, “Why or for what purpose would Indian people have used this area,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person B:

I think that’s an indication of the stars and it’s pretty much every set of a calendar, the summer and winter solstice. Especially if they had their farming fields down there, they would know when to plant and all that. It would show everybody, all the cupules, used to go by the sun and the moon to set their dates for ceremonies and for planting. We’ll probably have a better idea if we go visit that main area on the other side and see what we find on that side, but these kinds of places, homes were used both for living and for religious ceremonies. I mean one of the rooms could have been like especially for religious use and the other quarters could have been just regular living quarters.

-

Zuni Person C: They might have been around here, winter, the shelter, the rock, the mountain itself. There is a little map

[the cupules]

, indented with markings on there, like there’s a person that was studying the stars and made a map. Constellations on the table, only made the map. [Would they have brought people up here to teach them how to do that, or was this a person who would come up here on his own?] It’s a person, obviously knew what he was doing, maybe a time keeper. He knew when the solstice would start.

[So for the structures, they would’ve stayed in that guy over there, and they would have come here for…]

Yes…Looks they were both built at the same time frame, according to the one on the other side, it’s almost similar too the one on this side.

Figure 4.19 Cupules

110

Figure 4.20 A Zuni Person and Park Service Staff Member Looking at Cupules at TONT Site 52

(The Northern Annex)

At the site, the Zuni representatives discussed the cupules and their patterns. They also took photos of the cupules (see Figure 4.20) for further discussions with the Elder Advisor

Committee for the Zuni Cultural Resource Enterprise (ZCRE). After conferring with the Elders,

ZCRE believe the cupules represent at least three constellations to include the Little Dipper, the

Big Dipper, and the Milky Way. The Zuni representatives specifically identified the Milky Way as the main constellation in the pattern of cupules. The Zuni have seven constellations that are mentioned in our medicine society prayers. The Zuni representatives believe this was a place for astronomy or astrology that was used by a Sun Priest. The Sun Priest was the main person who would track the sun and the moon.

On Friday, January 09, 2009, ZCRE reported this information to the Pueblo of Zuni

Governor and Tribal Council. The ZCRE representative stated that this has never before been mentioned in a report and that it is important to divulge this information to protect the sites for future usage. It was important then and it is still important today. The ZCRE representative stated that there are many important places here and this information needs to be documented to ensure the Park Service has the correct information about this site. The ZCRE representative requested to be allowed to return to this site for further investigations. They would need to have unfettered access to the site for at least one overnight stay for a better analysis of the cupules.

111

When asked, “Which, if any, of the following features is an important part of why this place is significant to Indian people,” Zuni people responded:

Feature Type 1= YES 2= NO List and Describe each specific feature, like Waterfall, Indian Tea Plant, Mt. Sheep

11a. Source for Water

11b. Source for Plants X

X

X

X

X

X

Zuni Person A:

The spring was probably running still at that time.

[Are there water catchments that you see up here?]

I didn’t observe any, and I was looking out for areas where they might stall water from down there, but that’s why they have those big vessels that they carried on their heads, to carry the water, so they would probably transport water through those big pots. Big pots that you see in museums, those real giant ones, would be the main containers for the water. They used the small ones to haul the water up and then dump it the big one.

Zuni Person B:

Yea, the spring is very important.

Zuni Person C:

Oh yeah, yes. That would be the only source, the spring water down here.

Zuni Person A:

Their main staple was probably whatever they could find here, just other than what they were growing. There’s abundant seeds that we observed this morning on the walk to the other side

[the ridge],

and times of plenty, especially like this year there would be more

[foods],

jojoba, and all the other plants that they would use for food.

Zuni Person B:

As you can see, they pretty much utilized all the resources, the local rock, sand to make the mud, and like I said, for the roof area, the juniper and the twigs.

[Saguaro ribs?]

Yea.

Zuni Person C: [Would they have used the plants up here?]

Oh yes, yes. There’s lots of vegetation up here.

11c. Source for Animals X

mentioned some whitetail, probably see some bears, mountain lions, bobcats, and peccary, but these are animals that the medicine societies pray to for power, for strength, and the deer is just about used for everything, from clothing, food, tools…

112

11d. Evidence of

Previous Indian Use e.g.- rock rings, historic structures, rock art

11e. Geological

Features e.g.- mountain, spring, cave, canyon, landmarks

X

X

X

X

bighorn sheep. It’s the terrain for it.

Zuni Person A:

Well, there’s gotta be a reason for them to be making those little indentations in the rock. It’s in the formation what makes you wonder what they were trying to portray, or what they were trying to tell the people. It’s just a theory, but I was looking at them and they look like they might be the astrology, the stars. It’s one that looked like formation of one of the dippers, the little dipper.

[Would people have used that to tell time? Or would they have used it to interact with the stars?]

Yeah, probably interact with the stars. You still mention the milky way, and the four stars, the two of the stars that are of alignments and are mentioned still in our prayers to this day.

[About both cliff sites]

We identified four different paint variations. The red ocher, the pink, the yellow, and the white, and this being an area where there’s a lot of copper, we’re thinking that there might have been some place around here where they could get the crystal cola and the azurite, their main, they’re from copper. That would basically cover about 90% of all the colors that we use for our prayer sticks, and our ceremonial uses.

Zuni Person B:

So are the sources for plants, animals, and we’ve seen the pigments that are around here, so that’s a very important source too. The red, the yellow, and the white.

Yea, pretty much make an offering of traditional foods and turquoise.

Zuni Person C:

Yes…Looks they were both built at the same time frame, according to the one on the other side, it’s almost similar to the one on this side.

Zuni Person B:

Yea. I think it

[the cave]

was also used for the weather too, like the environment, I think it kept rain from coming upon them, the snow, the heat during this time of the day.

113

When asked, “Do you think these people were connected to the people farming around the river,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person B:

To the river and to whatever fields they had down there, farming fields.

Yea, wherever was the closest source

[of water],

and yesterday that we found those manos and ground stone where those temporary camps were; so they pretty much processed the food there and brought it up this way.

Zuni Person C:

Oh yes, there’s a community.

When asked, “Were these sites connected to the north-south trail along the valley bottom,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

Even to this day places open for people traveling through; the only place restrictions would probably be on that side

[TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)],

but this side would probably be open for people. It’s mostly the way the architecture is - it’s like a family living quarters, living areas.

Zuni Person B:

there.

Pretty much just connecting to the other sites and to the fields down

Zuni Person C:

Oh yes, it’s the only way coming up. There’s hardly any way of coming up, except from the bottom up. There’s no way of coming down from the top, because the overhang.

When asked, “Is this place connected to the other sites in the Monument,” and if yes, how, Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

Yes

. [And we talked a little bit from that side about how that side (ridge) is connected to this side, where this side would be social and public events, and that side would be quiet and distant.]

Right.

Zuni Person B:

Yes, wherever they set up, it’s all connected in one way or another, and some of them could have been temporary living areas and some of them could have been permanent living quarters.

-

When asked, “Do you think your people today are connected to the people who were here in the past,” Zuni people responded:

-

Zuni Person C:

Oh yes. … Since this was a little community, they might have had relatives or friends living on, just across this valley right here.

Zuni Person A:

Just with the architecture and the way the homes are built, it suggests that this was a family oriented area where groups of people, families, would all come to for sanctuary or for living.

[The Zuni people feel good about those kinds of places]

Yeah, yeah.

114

-

Zuni Person B:

Yea, it is living our way of life; I know they used to live back there. They still have the same pueblo community there.

Zuni Person C:

have religious initiation. There’s a sand painting that’s almost similar the one that’s up there.

Oh yes, the constellation table up there looks like one of ours… where we

Figure 4.21 Zuni Person at TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)

When asked, “It has been documented that people left this area around 1450, did your people return to this place after this date,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

To collect the paints… And just to say “hi” to the ancestors; every time we come to a site we take off our hats and greet them as if they were there. And it’s like asking them, “How have you been, how are you,” like actually talking to an individual instead of a spirit; we have the same concept of them still being here.

Zuni Person B:

Especially with all the sources of minerals and water, making that pilgrimage to gather those resources.

Zuni Person C:

Well the condition of these dwellings is more like they left around that time because it’s all rubble. So, small walls sticking up now; obviously the whole front frame just fell into the canyon right here.

115

When asked, “Did your people return to this place during the historic period,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person B:

I’m sure, because we have all these other kiva and religious leaders who have their own areas where they collect, and they could have come back here just to do that, just to collect the water and the minerals, especially since that shrine is over there on that site on the ridge.

[After the Monument was set up?]

I don’t think they did because of restrictions.

Zuni Person C:

Oh yeah, this is a good hideout, so see from across and from a distance looking out.

When asked, “Would you like to come back today,” Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

Yes.

[To gather paint?]

Paint and go to the other sites that we didn’t get a chance to see. … I’ve already talked to my grandkids about bringing them to the Grand

Canyon, and this would be another place for them to understand that people had to adapt to different ways of life just to survive. And being up here in areas where they felt safe, even if they were threatened, they had some means of defense. So they need to understand that we weren’t just farmers; we had to go to extremes in order to survive, and I think this would be one of the extremes to be living here in an area like this.

And if we bring our kids and our grandkids up here, it will not only educate them, but whoever is around.

If they listen to our explanation to our kids, then the people who are up here will benefit from that little presentation, that little talk, so I think if it’s for education’s sake to bring the kids we probably wouldn’t want to restrict people from coming up. That could probably encourage people to come and listen to our perspective, our explanation of what happened here, or the reason why the people had to come up here.

Zuni Person B:

Yea, I’m pretty sure; today we made the connection with our people, since we were given the opportunity to come back, and I think the other areas we would like to visit is where the other Zuni stuff was found and the main cliff dwelling on the other side of this mountain.

Concerning site-specific management and access restriction recommendations, Zuni people responded:

Zuni Person A:

Yes, just having those barriers would keep the site intact for years to come. …

[So the sign at the other structure says that the place was abandoned, and the

Zuni people would like it to say,]

“These people that were here are still within the vicinity, and these are the Hopi, the Zuni , and all the Pueblo tribes within the Rio

Grande. We did not disappear; we’re still maintaining our existence and our culture and our way of life.”

Zuni Person C:

Lower Cliff Dwelling].

I mean, some people might want to come on this side and do the same.

It needs close monitoring, since there was graffiti on the other side

[the

116

4.8 General Native American Recommendations

The following section contains non-site specific management recommendations. The recommendations have been organized by topic and these comments have not been altered in any way by the writers of this report.

Site control and monitoring

Zuni Person B:

We tend to let nature take its course, so we try not to fix it up or do much disturbance. Limit visitation and then just look out for looters. Pretty much not try to do anything unless there’s something major going on, digging them out and all that, and I know there’s testing and data recovery and those processes, but we don’t want any kind of excavations done

.

-

other information, what’s being done, what’s going on.

Native American Access

-

Zuni Person C:

I think that both having Indian and non-Indian people monitoring the sites would be a good suggestion, since they will be looking over and try giving each

Zuni Person A:

If we bring our kids and our grandkids up here, it will not only educate them, but whoever is around. If they listen to our explanation to our kids, then the people who are up here will benefit from that little presentation, that little talk… That could probably encourage people to come and listen to our perspective, our explanation of what was happening here or what happened here, or the reason why the people had to come up here.

Zuni Person B:

The past archaeologists had a phrase of “being abandoned” and it’s never mentioned that these areas were abandoned or left to look for the Middle Place.

These areas were used for the migration for pilgrimage, and because of land restrictions and private ownership we were denied the opportunity to reconnect to these areas. So with these consultation trips we are getting the opportunity back. For us just to be here, connecting, seeing the shrines, and connecting to our people that were here, will hopefully bring the blessings that we pray for, just because of that connection back.

New Visitor Center Information

Zuni Person A:

With more information coming from the Native people, they

[visitors]

would have a better understanding of what happened here, because it’s not site one, site two, and site three, it’s an area where people raised their children, practiced their culture, had the same lifestyle that we still have.

So, with that information – even though

Zuni is quite a distance from here – it’s just a fact that these people had the same lifestyle and we want to share this with the people coming in. This is our history, it’s like opening a book to other people and telling them, that this is what and who they are, these are the people that were here and they’re still within the vicinity. They didn’t fall off the face of the earth.

117

Zuni Person B:

Since this

[TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)]

is the main area they

[visitors]

visit, and I can probably get together with other members that weren’t able to come along on this trip, but we can pretty much get them together and tell them what we saw and they can come up with some kind of wording that they can share with the other visitors.

Zuni Person A suggested substituting the sign on abandonment with the phrasing:

These people that were here are still within the vicinity, and these are the Hopi, the Zuni , and all the Pueblo tribes within the Rio Grande. We did not disappear; we’re still maintaining our existence and our culture and our way of life.

4.9 Ethnographic Comments

Ethnographic comments are provided after the American Indian interpretation and evaluation of places at Tonto National Monument. The purpose of these comments is to contextualize certain statements made by the tribal representatives during the on-site interviews.

Each American Indian interpretation and evaluation section engages a wide range of important issues. The ethnographic comments section selects one or more of these issues and provides additional insights based on extant published literature.

This ethnographic comments section is focused on the issue of time keeping places, which was defined as important by the Zuni tribal representatives. Zuni people felt that educating the public about Zuni ways and their connection to the sites at Tonto was important. The cupules represent one example of a non-intuitive practice where the Zuni perspective would help visitors gain a deeper understanding of the sites. The ethnographic comments on this topic are intended to further inform the reader regarding this topic, but are not to be considered as a complete analysis of the topic.

4.10 Telling Time: Studying the Sun, Moon, and Stars

All humans keep track of physical time, which is structured by the movements of the planets, stars, moon, and the sun. Originally, physical time was marked at stable places on the landscape. Physical time is divided into the many kinds of units such as a day, month, season, and year, decade, and millennium. Mythic time is something that existed before physical time but does exist today in another dimension. It is governed by different forces than physical time.

Places exist where a properly prepared human can pass back and forth through a portal to another time frame and spatial dimension.

Human activities are influenced by time, which often dictates that specific human activities (rituals or ceremonies) occur at exact moments. Moment-specific human activities are often the most important things that people can do, generally serving to keep their lives, their communities, and their world in balance. In order to know when these moments are to occur, humans have specialists and specialized tools for telling exact time. The tools for time keeping are often physical, such as a topographically distinct landscape feature which permits a shadow or light shaft to move across a specific place at the moment which is to be marked, remembered, prepared for, and ceremonialized.

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4.10.1 Zuni Time Keeping

To the Zuni people, time keeping has been critical to track the phases of the moon and movement of the sun in order to determine the start of the winter and summer solstices

(Stevenson 1970). For the Zuni , the new year begins on their winter solstice—

itiwan’a

(also known as middle time or middle place and is also the same name for the summer solstice)

(Stevenson 1970; Tedlock 1983). The preparations and celebrations of these events officially begin when the North Priest requests that all adults make prayer sticks for both the moon and the sun. The North Priest determines the date each year for the combined lunar and solar prayer stick offering at middle time. The priest calculates both summer and winter times by observing and studying closely the phases of the moon in accordance with the sunrise and sunset positions along the horizon (Benedict 1935; Tedlock 1983). These celestial bodies display a double periodicity; in that the moon is diurnal and monthly, while the sun is diurnal and seasonal.

According to Tedlock (1983: 94-95), “The Zuni matching up of these distinct but related rhythms reveals a union of different modalities of the sacred.”

The solstices are seen as inversions of each other (Tedlock 1983). For example , in winter middle time, the full moon is bright and it mimics the movement and large round shape of the sun, only in this case it rises at dusk moving across the sky east to west and setting at dawn in a single night. Oppositely, the sun during this time is low and weak in the southern sky. During the summer middle time, there is a dim new moon and a bright high northern sun. The Zuni s have used the inversion and equalization of the seasons and monthly celestial cycles to organize their calendars and ceremonial cycles (Tedlock 1983).

Given the spiritual complexity and responsibility that is involved with time keeping, this role was given to a religious specialist sometimes referred to as a priest or shaman. The religious traditions of time keeping through lunar and solar observations amongst Native Americans have long been noted in the ethnographic literature (Carlson and Judge 1987; Marshack 1985; Stephen

1936; Stevenson 1970; Stoffle et al. 2008). Frank H. Cushing (1981) recorded time keeping practices by a Sun Priest during his time at Zuni . In his ethnography, he wrote:

Each morning, too, at dawn, the Sun Priest, followed by the Master Priest of the

Bow, went along the eastern trail to the ruined city of Mas-tsa-ki, by the riverside, where, awaited at a distance by his companion, he slowly approached a square tower and seated himself just inside upon a rude, ancient stone chair and before a pillar sculptured with the face of the sun, the sacred hand, the morning star, and the new moon. There he awaited with prayer and sacred song the rising sun. Not many such pilgrimages are made ere the “Suns look at each other,” and the shadows of the solar monolith, the monument of Thunder Mountain, and the pillar of the gardens of Zuni , lie along the same trail.” Then the priest blesses, thanks, and exhorts his father, while the warrior guardian responds as he cuts the last notch in his pine-wood calendar, and both hasten back to call the house tops the glad tidings of spring (Cushing 1981: 116-117).

Cushing also noted how the Zuni s used their observations of celestial movement to regulate many aspects of daily life. He wrote:

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Nor may the Sun Priest err in his watch of Time’s flight; for many are the houses in Zuni with scores on their walls or ancient plates imbedded therein, while opposite, a convenient window or small port-hole lets in the light of the rising sun, which shines but two mornings in the three hundred and sixty-five on the same place. Wonderfully reliable and ingenious are these rude systems of orientation, by which religion, the labors, and even the pastimes of the Zuni s are regulated (Cushing 1981: 117).

Cushing documented that people with extremely specialized knowledge used tools such calendar sticks to make celestial observations such as noting the sunrise along a structural alignment aimed at a determined point on the horizon. Archaeologists have likened this ceremonial item and practice to activities that occurred at the Sun Dagger at Fajada Butte in New

Mexico, a major ceremonial destination area for Pueblo peoples (Marshack 1985).

4.10.2 Time Keeping and TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)

Being able to understand the movement of the sun, moon, and stars requires that a person be trained by religious specialists. This knowledge is considered powerful, and it is not something that was understood by the average person. In order to be properly trained, people had to prepare themselves for a journey that would take them to unique celestial observation places.

During the current ethnographic study, Zuni people believe that this is one of these unique places, particularly, TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex), and they have likened this place as a school for teaching about time keeping.

As part of TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex), there are a series of small walls constructed with adobe clay mortar, plaster and quartzite. These walls were part of the structures where the religious specialists would stay during their time at this place.

To the north of the small walls is an enclave with a flat stone that has a series of cupules and different colors of ochre. The view from this part of TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex) is unobstructed and allows a person to have a clear view of the sky. Zuni people believe that the cupules were made to create a map of the constellations which one can use to track the star positions across the sky.

4.10.3 Time Keeping and Fajada Butte- A Comparative Case

TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex) and the sites of Tonto National Monument are similar in function to other time keeping locations. One such place is located in Chaco Canyon, in present day northwestern New Mexico. Like TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex), Fajada

Butte (Figure 4.22) is an engineered place designed for time keeping. Fajada Butte is surrounded by a series of sites that served important roles in the types of ceremonial activity that occurred.

This section will highlight four components to the Fajada Butte complex. This analysis is based on an American Indian study funded in 1992 by the National Park Service to interpret Fajada

Butte and the sky watching and marking features it contains including a solar calendar (Stoffle et al. 1994). That study involved representatives from Zuni as well as Acoma, Hopi, Navajo, Santa

Ana, and Zia.

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Figure 4.22 Fajada Butte

Fajada Butte is a large topographic feature that stands over 400 feet high. It was a ceremonial destination place that time keeping specialists would travel to from other Chaco communities. These journeys would be part of major events that were marked by the Sun

Dagger. Also, trips would be made to this area for continuous interactions with the sites and shrines, ceremonies, interactions with other religious specialists to share ideas, and for teaching inexperienced people about time keeping and the movements of the sun, moon, and stars.

Sun Dagger

The Sun Dagger (Figures 4.23 and 4.24) on Fajada Butte is in the southeastern gap of

Chaco Canyon, approximately one kilometer to the east of Chacra Mesa. The dagger is formed by three large sandstone slabs that collimate sunlight onto two spirals (Newman, Mark, and

Vivian 1982; Sofaer and Sinclair 1982). The slabs result from a natural rock fall and not human construction.

While impossible to date the rock fall and peckings, it can be inferred that Indian people carved the spirals after observing the light patterns for numerous annual cycles thus using naturally occurring patterns and human made alternations to engineer a calendar (Newman,

Mark, and Vivian 1982, Stoffle et al. 1994).

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Figure 4.23 UofA Ethnographer and Native American Representative at the Sun Dagger

Figure 4.24 Spiral Peckings with Beam of Light

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Astronomers’ Rooms and Time Markings

TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex) and Fajada Butte have designed areas that have time markings. At Fajada Butte, along the predominant ledge just below the Sun Dagger, there are a series of rooms that extend around most of butte (Figure 4.25). These rooms have been exposed due to erosion processes. In nearly all of the rooms that were visited during the 1994 study, pieces of pottery were found. One of the rooms is circular shaped and Indian people believe that it was a kiva. It has been estimated that 20 to 30 rooms were built at this level, and they are believed to be the rooms where time keeping specialists lived during ceremonial activities on the butte (Stoffle et al. 1994). Rooms were used by more experienced specialists to teach new comers about celestial movements.

Figure 4.25 Astronomers’ Rooms at Fajada Butte

Near the roofs of these rooms are various calendars and peckings (Figures 4.26 and 4.27) which have been identified as representing clans, origin beings, ancestral beings, and physical representations of time. In accordance with traditional and contemporary use patterns of Pueblo households, the roofs of these rooms were seen as appropriate places to study, teach, and record the movements of the stars, sun, and moon (Stoffle et al. 1994).

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Figures 4.26 and 4.27 Cupules and Time Marker Peckings

Prayer Shrine

An important feature found on Fajada Butte is the prayer shrine (Figure 4.28) located at the top. The religious specialists used the shrine during their time keeping ceremonies because prayer shrines are seen as communication devices for moving prayers from this world to other worlds. A shrine was also found during the Zuni visit to TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo), in which Zuni representatives attributed it as a place for saying prayers.

Figure 4.28 Prayer Shrine on top of Fajada Butte

Ceremonial Support Living Quarters

To the north and south of Fajada Butte are mounds containing one or two-story rooms.

These mounds are densely covered with pottery sherds (Figures 4.29 and 4.30) and other artifacts, many of which are similar to those found in the rooms along Fajada Butte. These

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mounds and artifacts suggest that these areas served as support areas for those conducting activities on Fajada Butte (Stoffle et al. 1994). These structures are located at the bottom which was considered safe enough for non-initiated people such as women to stay. Those involved in activities on Fajada Butte needed a support system below which would provide them with food, water, and shelter when needed.

Figures 4.29 and 4.30 Pottery from the Support Living Quarters

Parallels can be drawn between the Fajada Butte support quarters and the TONT Site 51

(The Lower Cliff Dwelling). During ethnographic interviews, Zuni representatives believed that the Lower Cliff Dwelling could have served as a separate ceremonial site or as the support area for those using the TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex).

Ceremonial Trails

Chaco in general is a central place approached by a series of ceremonial trails (Gabriel

1991). When the Zuni representatives (as well as the other pueblo representatives) visited Fajada

Butte, they emphasized the traditional use of these trails and that the trails were still known by the Zuni people. Many of the trails to Chaco are currently mapped, some are virtual roads. The notion of a ceremonial trail however does not require a specific path for the trail to be culturally important, although this does occur elsewhere. Instead, a trail is a path that has physical and spiritual dimensions and thus exists even when portions of it have been disturbed. These trails retain their cultural importance and are used in contemporary pilgrimages back to Chaco. During the 1994 study for instance, Zuni representatives expressed concern about the protection of trails because they are “like umbilical cords that connected their ancestral homes to the canyon shrines” (Stoffle et al. 1994).This is another parallel with the trails to Tonto and emphasizes the widespread contemporary interest in protecting both the trails and Indian access to these trails.

4.10.4 Time Keeping Amongst Traditional Peoples

Zuni time keeping and traditional time keeping places discussed above can be better understood by situating them within the professional literature, which is represented in part by published findings in

ARCHAEOASTRONOMY: the Journal of Astronomy and Culture

(archaeoastronomy.net). From this and other sources it is possible to present a short list of similar places from Europe and elsewhere in the New World (Carlson and Judge 1987; Eddy

1974; Newman, Mark, and Vivian 1982; Patrick 1974; Ruggles 2006; Stoffle et al. 2008).

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Stonehenge and Avebury megalithic temples, County of Wiltshire, southern England.

Newgrange earthworks, passage grave, and midwinter rays of sun, beside the River

Boyne, Ireland.

Carnac, greatest of all European megalithic centers, 6,700 BP, Hamlet of Le Menec near

Carnac, France.

Externsteine rock caves and temples atop rocks, Detmold in Lower Saxony, Germany.

Machu Picchu and the Intihuatana – sacred Inca stone dedicated to the sun God Inti and used as a scientific clock, near Urubamba River, Peru.

Pyramids of the Sun and Moon and associated plazas in Teotihuacan, central Mexico.

Palenque, a Mayan ceremonial center operated by astronomer-priests, State of Chiapas,

Mexico.

Bighorn Medicine Wheel on Medicine Mountain, between Sheridan and Lovell,

Wyoming.

Chimney Rock on a mountain near the Pierda River, Colorado.

Solar Calendar, a Southern Paiute ceremonial center in southern Utah

Once recognized that there is a persistent visual connection between a topographically distinct landscape feature and a proximal time marker, the relationship is tested through frequent use and, if accuracy persists, chosen as a place of preference for human pilgrimages and activities associated with temporal moments. Said simply, clocks have to work and when they do they are kept and protected. When people repeatedly conduct important activities at places, these places are commemorated and can become culturally central. Such places can become famous for their temporal services, and thus humans return to such places over generations – some say forever. People do not walk away from or leave such places unattended because world, community, and personal balance are at stake. These places occupied culturally central positions in the lives of Native Americans and Native Europeans for thousands of years; and now each place is celebrated and protected by national heritage law in these countries.

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CHAPTER FIVE

WHITE MOUNTAIN APACHE SITE BY SITE ANALYSIS

This chapter presents the White Mountain Apache interpretation and the ethnographic analysis of the seven sites discussed during the White Mountain Apache portion of the Tonto

National Monument field visits. Sites were chosen by Park Service staff and University of

Arizona (UofA) researchers based on cultural resources found at these locations. American

Indian identification and the cultural importance of some sites extend beyond the archaeological evidence. It is evident from these interviews that the lands of Tonto National Monument are important to Indian people.

The comments and analysis that are included in this chapter are organized by site and the order in which the locations were visited, starting with the spring, which is the Monument’s primary source of water. The spring is followed by TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse), the Roosevelt

Lake Indian Worker Camp, the Historic Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle, TONT Site

65 (Multi-room Pueblo), TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling), and TONT Site 52 (The

Northern Annex). Geological, ecological, botanical and zoological information can be found for each site in Chapter three.

Following a brief introduction to each site are the comments made by tribal representatives regarding the cultural meaning and traditional uses of the sites. After this section, representatives offered management and access recommendations. Tribal representatives have suggested a variety of management strategies for the sites visited during this study and the

Monument as a whole. The individual site evaluations and recommendations are found at the end of each site’s section and express concerns on a number of issues such as what stories should be told to Monument visitors, what kinds of behaviors are appropriate at or near a site, environmental impacts, and the possibility for Native American monitoring. Overall Monument recommendations, presented by theme and ethnographic comments are at the end of this chapter.

The authors of this report have not edited the individual recommendations, thus these recommendations may represent multiple and sometimes conflicting management strategies.

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5.1 The Spring

Like they say, water is sacred, water is life. I think the main thing that would mainly attract people here would be that spring.

-

White Mountain Apache Person A

The spring is located south of the Tonto National Monument’s Visitor’s Center and the ramada following the drainage, between Honey Butte, TONT Site 50 (The Upper Cliff

Dwelling), TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) and TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex).

The path to the Upper Cliff Dwelling passes by the former water tank and the spring. The spring is clear, runs year round and is fed by other springs in the area. It is now the only permanent spring left in the area, but there is evidence of former springs near Tonto National Monument.

The spring provides the water used by Tonto National Monument.

Figure 5.1 The Spring

5.1.1 Native American Comments

UofA ethnographers conducted a total of 2 interviews with Apache people at the spring.

Apache people consistently reiterated that the spring is an extremely important place for sustaining life. It is believed that water from springs will make a person stronger both physically and spiritually and that because of this spring water was preferred in daily life. Apache representatives further went on to comment:

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White Mountain Apache Person A:

I think the main, what would mainly attract people here would be that spring. There’s songs sung about water, we’ve got the spring right down here below the dwellings. Like they say, water is sacred, water is life. I think the main thing that would mainly attract people here would be that spring. All through time you know, even the cliff dwellers you know, and you’ve got people knowing the Apaches, knowing the spring was there, probably other bands of other tribes. So to me this place right here I’m sure was used by a lot of people, especially with that spring - I’m sure it was a lot bigger then too, running water. But then we also, you never know too because there’s just so many clans, and a lot of times they lived in the draws where springs are where there like, you know, not, they’re hidden. Soon as they get up, and they always taught a girl to get up with the sun, when the sun comes up. Always say your prayers.

And I’m sure they were tied to the spring. Knew every part of this land. My mother used to say, like the springs, the Apaches would hide food for each other, and whoever you know, they were running from, or, they’re traveling even gathering food, they would know that there’s a next place, ok there’s going to be food there.

White Mountain Apache Person B: [Would the water in the canyon have attracted them?]

I think so. They did a lot of traveling; they had a nomadic type of lifestyle, following the seasonal food. I’m pretty sure they were familiar with the spring sources when they were in the areas…They would mostly camp at ridges, for defense purposes, adjacent to a spring, or water source, but they wouldn’t necessarily camp at the same place

.

White Mountain Apache Person C

1

:

All springs are considered Holy to Apache people, we use it for ceremonies.

5.2 The Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp Site

I think it’s your typical Apache camp. I mean it’s very difficult to identify an Apache camp if you’re not sure what you’re looking for. I mean you can walk over an Apache camp and not realize there has been a camp there. It’s one of your typical Apache camps, not a whole lot of artifacts left behind, a sure sign would be a rock ring used for a wikiup, a gowah, and maybe some metal artifacts and broken glasses, but since it’s a temporary camp you wouldn’t find any permanent features there I think.

-White Mountain Apache Person B

The Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp includes a concentration of artifacts in and around a cleared area with several semi-circles of rocks. These artifacts include cans, buckets, sieves, flaked bottle glass, a basket made of bailing wire, grinding slabs, and cans that have been shaped. Additionally, there was a bucket with wholes punched in a flower design. The area matches pictures of dam construction camps, and the cans date back to the early 1900s. It is located about 3.5 miles from the dam and .5 miles from the spring at Tonto National Monument.

1

White Mountain Apache Person C was unable to attend the field session but provided additional comments during the review process.

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Figure 5.2 Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp

Figure 5.3 Indian Women at a Worker Camp near Roosevelt Lake during the Dam Construction Period

(Photo courtesy of Tonto National Monument)

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Figure 5.4 Indian Women at a Worker Camp near Roosevelt Lake during the Dam Construction Period

(Photo courtesy of Tonto National Monument)

5.2.1 Native American Comments

UofA ethnographers conducted a total of 2 interviews with White Mountain Apache people at the Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp Site.

When asked, “What factors were involved in choosing Apache worker camp locations,” White

Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

I was just trying to see how, why would they pick that spot, but I guess that it was just because they were building the dam and the road building, but I noticed too, that south of the area where they pointed out they found that camp there is a drainage there, which I assume that the spring from up here runs down to it, so to me that would be their water source. And what else I saw different was the landscape, the cactus, the palo verde, the brush, the desert brush, that’s what I saw, and then plus the ridge where we were at this morning, the mountains. From what I hear, and from what people tell me, is that it was, what White Mountain Apache Person C told us, is that these camps were made to, by the Apaches, for the people to live and the actual construction of the dam.

[Now I think they were saying that they have three camps all within just a couple mile radius of each other. Why do you think the camps were, kind of all…]

I wouldn’t know that part, the only reason that I could see is then doing the actual road building, and just moving from spot to spot. I’m not sure. And it could have been a place also where they gathered, there’s a lot of things to gather around here.

[So I guess the distance from the spring down to the camp, that, is that an appropriate distance to camp away from the spring, or would…]

I wouldn’t know that part, I’ve never. To me, it seems like a short distance in my opinion because I know in other places you travel far to

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get water. And I think that water was running, the drainage is right there. I’m sure that spring was running.

Figure 5.5 UofA Ethnographers Interviewing White Mountain Apache Person

White Mountain Apache Person B:

Within a mile. Usually try to camp near or adjacent to a water source. At that time, the lake probably wasn’t appropriate to use for domestic use. Probably rather have a clean source, spring or something.

[So, they might work for a period and then go back to their area for whatever reason for a while and then when they came back maybe that camp was occupied by a different group of people?]

That might be the case or maybe the distance to where they were working would have probably moved further and they would probably follow or select another site closer to the area.

[How about the idea of distance to work. I mean all the camps, all six or seven of them are about three miles to the main job site, assuming they’re working primarily on the dam. What do you think of that distance, would that be a long distance for them to walk to work, 3 miles, or is that just a quick trot down there?]

They probably had horses where they would go to and from work and the reason for several different camps would be that people, or different Apache tribes, coming in, say from San Carlos or Yavapai or

White Mountain, and they would generally have their own camp rather than have one big camp set up together.

When asked, “Would a death at the camp cause the camp to be moved,” White Mountain Apache people responded:

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White Mountain Apache Person B: [I thought your theory was interesting, that maybe someone died and they moved the camp.]

Uh-huh.

[Does that still make sense to you?]

Yeah and then maybe some families come in and maybe work a year or two and would leave again for various reasons and eventually come back again. If that site was occupied they would select another area probably or if someone had deceased or died in the area, they would generally move the camp to another area.

When asked, “Would workers from different Apache tribes/clans camp separately,” White

Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person B:

Different clan… each Apache tribe has different clans within the tribe so it would probably be different tribes of Apaches. I mean if different families came in from White Mountain they would most likely camp together rather than camping with a different Apache tribe that they weren’t too familiar with. They probably had horses where they would go to and from work and the reason for several different camps would be that people, or different Apache tribes, coming in, say from San Carlos or Yavapai or White Mountain and they would generally have their own camp rather than have one big camp set up together.

When asked to describe the camp, White Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A: [Some of the tin, the cans that we saw from I guess, yeah we saw the stuff. Would any of them have been used for a water jug, or would they have made like a pitch basket?]

I’m sure they would have used those as a water jug too, besides the pitch basket, just because it’s available, it’s right there, and it takes time to make a tus. That’s what they’re called, tus, their water jugs. I’m quite sure they used both of them because in the pictures we saw, the cans

(See Figure 5.6)

there and the tus.

[That can we saw yesterday, that had the holes punched in it. What was that one used for?]

Tulepai strainer. That’s a type of drink, the Apaches make, that’s what they used to make that, grind the corn, and like kind of put it through a colander, if you will, that’s that type, and get all that, the bigger stuff, to toss that out.

White Mountain Apache Person B:

I think its your typical Apache camp. I mean it’s very difficult to identify an Apache camp if you’re not sure what you’re looking for. I mean you can walk over an Apache camp and not realize there has been a camp there. It’s one of your typical Apache camps, not a whole lot of artifacts left behind, a sure sign would be a rock ring used for a wikiup, a gowah, and maybe some metal artifacts and broken glasses, but since it’s a temporary camp you wouldn’t find any permanent features there I think.

[They were using those big cans probably for helping to carry water and they probably also continued to make the water basket?]

Yes, I think so but eventually I think those burden baskets that or the water jug or the tus, was eventually replaced by tin cans or jars when they became available.

[And they used Pitch?]

They would use pitch from

Piñon trees, to cover it inside and out.

[What they were calling Jingles…do they have an

Apache name?]

I’m not sure. If they do, I don’t know.

[And they put them on fancy dresses, Buckskin dresses and baskets.]

Uh-huh.

[Did they have another use? Did they

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put them on the bridals of horses or would that spook the horse?]

I’m not sure…mostly for decoration, maybe for certain ceremonies, arts and crafts.

Figure 5.6 Tin Can Found at Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp

When asked, “Would workers’ families be at these camps,” and if yes, “what was daily life like at the camps,” White Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A: [I look at that place, and I just think about the folks there, and what it must have been like back then.]

I think about that too, because I think about, first of all the women’s job was to give, gather the wood and water, and I think,

“Gosh could I have gone up this way, get water on my back, take it down, walk all around the area, scavenging for wood, for their evening fires, you know, preparing food, need water, and it’s so hot. It’s just hot, and we’re not, I’m not even…I wouldn’t, I don’t know, it’s just you think about them. I know that they have to have coming wagons, but you know, like we were thinking, where did they put the horses. Well I bet they put the horses near the water, because that would make sense, you know, put them near the water, the river. Corral them there, and maybe that’s where they had their wagons and then they would go down in the morning to… you know. Take them through the day, and maybe that’s what they did when they were building the dam, too, because there was just, like I said, it makes sense to put your animals by the water, and that water was you know, big. And see I think, did you see those little pods. I’m not sure if it’s this one or, I forget what they did with it, but they’d cook it and they’d eat it, they’d do something with it.

Prickly pear was common, and not the century plant, but there’s another one, it’s a long

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one too, it was wild, sugar cane. Yeah sugar cane. Oh yeah! And then, I forget what plant it’s called, but they call it wild bananas, and they come up about this big, and you pick them, and you just roast them, just like put them under the coals, it’s so sweet, that tastes good too, and that’s common around here.

[So that’s why they probably did that big roasting pit that they found up there.]

Probably, they probably had corn down here too. I would’ve, I would’ve had a corn field down here, just to sustain me.

[So with the worker camp, where would they, I mean were they, do you think that they had small gardens, or…?]

Down by the river I bet. I bet they did. See that’s why, I think, I’m going to get my sis to go see Eva, to take her, to take my boyfriend and I want to let her tell me her story.

Record her, like how you’re doing. It’ll be an Apache, but at least we’ll have an idea of what it was like for her to live down here as a child, and then the two men that actually worked down here too.

White Mountain Apache Person B:

I’m not sure. Usually, it would probably be the men that go out to these distant places and if it’s a permanent type of employment where it will keep them out here, say a year or so, they might want to go back and bring their family in for shorter periods of employment where it wouldn’t last so long. They normally wouldn’t take their family I wouldn’t think.

[If they did stay, and it appears to be a pretty heavy demand for employment for at least three or four years and they could come in and out of that cycle, and if they decide to stay in one of these camps, would something like normal life be established? You know, with women and kids and horses and they would try to make a place that would seem like home out of these camps?]

Yeah, I think you would find more of the permanent structures like ramadas or two or three wikiups. That would probably, if they brought their family in, you would normally see two or three wikiups, ramadas, maybe places to keep their horses, more permanent structures. And you wouldn’t find as many features or artifacts at temporary camps.

White Mountain Apache Person C:

An elder named Eva Watt told me some of her relatives from San Carlos lived in that area when they were working on Roosevelt dam and her parents worked that area on Apache Trail. What is visible today are camps where Apaches lived during the turn of the century, including people from Cibecue.

When asked, “Is this place connected to the other sites in the Monument,” and if yes, how, White

Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

I think so, just because of what White Mountain

Apache Person C had mentioned to us, how those, what is it ‘c,u,p,l,e,s’ how do you pronounce that? Well he said that Apaches used that to put a mixture and they would grind, I’m not sure what it is, but they used that for their wikiups, and this other side, on the east side, on the ridge there, across from the cliff dwellings, I’m sure they went up there to get some tobacco, we saw tobacco up there, and they probably used that as a look out point as well too, just to see people coming around. Or maybe, who knows, maybe they were getting food delivered to them and would look out for people, I don’t know, to me that would make sense too.

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Figure 5.7 UofA Ethnographer and White Mountain Apache Person at Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp

When asked, “Were local resources (plants, animals, minerals) utilized by Apache people, and if yes, how,” White Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

Yeah, there’s a lot of areas throughout this whole valley, different plants and different things they gathered. Prickly pear. I’m not sure about right down there, but I’m sure by the river they probably gathered their willow for the burden baskets, wood, wood as well, that’s why we always gathered wood for the camp fires.

[Maybe used the palo verde for anything?]

Probably just for burning. And see

I think, did you see those little pods. I’m not sure if it’s this one or, I forget what they did with it, but they’d cook it and they’d eat it, they’d do something with it. Prickly pear was common, and not the century plant, but there’s another one, it’s a long one too, it was wild, sugar cane. Yeah sugar cane. Oh yeah! And then, I forget what plant it’s called, but they call it wild bananas, and they come up about this big, and you pick them, and you just roast them, just like put them under the coals, it’s so sweet, that tastes good too, and that’s common around here

.

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White Mountain Apache Person B:

It depends on the season. Whenever the food was in season I’m pretty sure they went out and harvested and roasted the agave plants, maybe the other beans, prickly pears…whatever medicinal plants they might have needed. If it was in season, I’m sure they probably used it. I’m pretty sure there were plants that were gathered to make burden baskets or tus for water storage. They probably did sell artifacts to supplement their income but I’m not sure if they went out there to make these artifacts for arts and crafts purposes or to sell. I mean they probably did make them to utilize around the camp and then sold one or two to supplement their income but not necessarily for arts and crafts to sell to tourists.

White Mountain Apache Person C:

During Apache wars, camps were hard to find as

Apaches were leave no trace people because there was bounty on Apache scalp. Back then we used that area for food gathering only.

When asked, “Would Apache people at the camps make seasonal visits home,” White Mountain

Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A: [Would this have been more traditionally a summer place, I mean a winter place?]

I don’t, I’m not sure…but you know, that people used to gather at the acorn here in Globe, from all the way from the Fort Apache Reservation, or wherever they, you know, they went a lot of places, so it was just everywhere, nomads.

White Mountain Apache Person B:

I’m not sure. As long as there was this employment for them, they would remain or travel the distance, and whenever it slowed down or they were let go they would eventually move back to where they came from, White River,

White Mountain, San Carlos or Camp Verde.

[Would they go home for other reasons, like certain kinds of, you know, important seasonal events that would call them back home for a period of time?]

Probably, if there was a death in the family. Normally, they would take in an additional family if there was nobody there to take of them. Like if the husband died, one family would take in the other family, especially if they were close relatives, in-laws, sisters, whatever, would merge as one family. That might be one of the reasons to travel back to the reservation.

[And they would bring those new people back down here?]

It depends, they wouldn’t necessarily be traveling with a large family I think.

[Would they develop a strategy? Obviously not all Apache people came to live here, so would a family say, well I want you guys to go and work, maybe sending some people down to work for a while, while the rest of the family tends to whatever, the farms or the cattle or whatever they were doing back home? Do you think they would develop a strategy rather than bring the whole family down here to live?]

I’m not sure. Usually, it would probably be the men that go out to these distant places and if it’s a permanent type of employment where it will keep them out here, say a year or so, they might want to go back and bring their family in for shorter periods of employment where it wouldn’t last so long. They normally wouldn’t take their family I wouldn’t think.

When asked, “Were these sites connected to the north-south trail along the valley bottom,” White

Mountain Apache people responded:

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White Mountain Apache Person A:

It could have been. I think it could have been. The

Apache trails run right down through here.

Figure 5.8 White Mountain Apache Person at Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp

When asked, “Did the camps come to be viewed as home or were they always seen as temporary,” White Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person B: [Why did they pick that rocky ground? Would that have been the first choice for a camp?]

Rocky ground…with here, I think there wasn’t a whole lot of area to select from, especially following the job for employment. You would camp where it was appropriate versus where you would for seasonal food sources. Then they would probably have pre-selected areas where you would normally camp every year. Maybe to a fresh water source or secluded places where they would feel comfortable camping. But with here, it’s probably more or less that they were following the job where it was appropriate to make the camp, make use of it. Yeah, I think you would find more of the permanent structures like ramadas or two or three wikiups. That would probably, if they brought their family in, you would normally see two or three wikiups, ramadas, maybe places to keep their horses, more permanent structure. And you wouldn’t find as many features or artifacts at temporary camps.

[So they would make ramadas like this for shade and working outside?]

Uh-huh. Yeah.

[This is kind of strange thing, its kinda the transition between a worker dormitory and a home, but if they did live there for a period of time and established ramadas and wikiups and places for their horses and stuff and children were born and life went on, would they come to view it as a home?]

I don’t think. They’re coming from a more permanent place where their family or

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clan has already been established and that’s the place they grew up and lived and they have family and relatives there and to come out for employment, the employment would end and eventually they would make it back to wherever they from, the reservation, because that is where their families is at, extended family, clan members, so they would eventually make it.

[So they would always know they were going home?]

Yes, I think they would. They might be here a few years, established some permanent features but eventually they would always end up going home… I think wherever they were at, besides

Tonto, I guess employment brought them to Tonto, but wherever they would travel to whether for employment or resources, they would always bless the area, bless the camp to ward off whatever evil spirits, whatever might be in the area, they would always bless the living area.

[They were away from home, do you think they were afraid?]

Depends on the time period. In the late 1800s, when they were being pursued by the cavalry I’m pretty sure they were always on the defense and were worried about their surroundings.

In this situation, during the construction of the dam, they were here for employment and weren’t being pursued to be taken back to the reservation. It depends which time period we are talking about.

When asked, “How did Apache workers interact with non-Apache workers,” White Mountain

Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A: [Do you think they interacted with the folks along the river?]

Depending on who it was, depending on their enemies were at the time.

White Mountain Apache Person B: [Were they hassled?]

During this time period?

[As workers.]

As far as being discriminated against…I’m not sure, I don’t know that much history about the construction at Roosevelt.

[What do you suppose those worker camps were like? I’m sorry, the job site. What do you think it was like to be an Apache worker amongst all the other workers, hundreds and hundreds of outsiders?]

I’m pretty sure there were various ethnic groups that were working out with the construction. They probably got along together. Something similar to when Fort Apache was up and running from the late 1800s until 1922, they had various ethnic groups. They had the Black soldiers there, had the Orientals, the Apaches, the Caucasians, it was more like a working group at that point, so I’m pretty sure the environment was similar when they came out to find employment elsewhere.

[So it was a bunch of guys and support ladies working together and getting along?]

I would think so. In my view or perspective, Apache peoples tend to keep to themselves, to the environment they’re comfortable with. Hardly or rarely, at this point of time would they marry into different race.

[But, something short of marriage, like just going out with some friends or being invited for dinner over to someone else’s dormitories, the other worker’s dormitories. Are there new kinds of relationships forming at this time?]

I’m not sure, being exposed to this new environment and not really understanding the language, or maybe they weren’t as educated, I’m pretty sure there was some tension and difficulty adjusting to new environments. I wouldn’t think that they would be out there mingling with the other ethnic groups but more or less probably was here for the employment and kept to their own group…separate from others I guess.

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When asked, “Would Apaches have picked a leader to represent and translate for them,” White

Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person B: [Given the complexity of this new environment and coming out of the period of being pursued and hassled, would they have picked a leader who could deal with worker issues, a leader who would look after them, someone who would translate for them, their needs to the management? Would these camps have created a worker, I mean a leader, like a foreman on a work crew?]

I’m not sure if they actually selected a leader to identify issues and try to relay their needs to management.

They probably just kept to their own group.

When asked, “What types of problems would the Apache workers have faced,” White Mountain

Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person B:

The only problems that they encountered at a work site like this was probably alcohol. When they were introduced into this new environment they were probably introduced to alcohol as well, and they tended to get into trouble whenever they would go out and consume alcohol.

[Would they have brought alcohol back to these camps to consume here or would they try to go into the bars down there at the dam site?]

They would probably stay more at the work sites or camp areas, rather than bring back up the alcohol because alcohol is never really tolerated in traditional

Apache lifestyle. There was that Tulapai they would mix, kind of like an alcohol deal, but that was only consumed at ceremonies or whenever they could make Tulapai and even then, that was taken out of the camp and consumed away from the camp. This would usually be the men or older folks that would do this. It wasn’t a daily part of life, I guess you could say.

[So they would try to protect the women and children and the naturalness of the culturally appropriate behavior around the camp. It would separate the camp life, from whatever, maybe Friday afternoon paycheck, drinking at the bars down at the dam?]

Yeah I would think so. It would not be proper to bring alcohol back to the family environment back at the camp.

When asked, “Would the construction of the dam have been viewed as a positive experience,”

White Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

Just the fact that, by them getting a job, that meant they were able to provide food, clothing, for their families, and we lived at a time, when, like I’ve said before, we didn’t know what to do, how to make a living, you know, and versus when we were able to roam around and just live off the land. But then boundaries were put up, and it was hard. It was hard for these people then. A lot of things they did without, that they couldn’t have. The men were able to start working, then start, you know seeing people, getting things they needed in order to survive. A lot of people probably didn’t even have shoes then, just the moccasins…well here…but yeah, that would be my thing, just that, history show that Apaches were part of, you know, building the roads and part of the Roosevelt Dam. You know, just like Hoover Dam, you’ve been, have you seen their display of, you know, how all these workers worked their, and how it provided income and how it you know, helped the economy boom and you know…That’s

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what happened here, with the Roosevelt Dam, and now look at it today. Everyone depends on the water coming down, especially for the Phoenix area.

[And that Apache story is so important.]

Mmm, hmm.

Figure 5.9 White Mountain Apache Person at Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp

White Mountain Apache Person B: [That was maybe a new experience because they came out of periods of being pursued and hassled. So do you think it was a new experience and a positive experience?]

Yeah, I think it would be viewed as a positive thing being exposed to a different environment.

[The whole idea that here is a people that have largely been aggressive to you and suddenly you are in a new environment and these people are telling you to do something and you go ahead and do it without feeling bad about things. I mean, how did they deal with that?]

I think they were at a point where, they realized, in a lot of ways, that it was best to adapt to an ever changing environment, rather than to hold on to old traditional ways where you had traveled just days on end, following seasonal growth, and you know, finding something permanent, employment it is something that was probably better to get used to and adapt to rather than living the old traditional ways, although they still held on to some of those values.

When asked, “What did Apache people learn from this experience,” White Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

Just the fact that, by them getting a job, that meant they were able to provide food, clothing for their families, and we lived at a time, when, like I’ve said before, we didn’t know what to do, how to make a living, you know, and

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White Mountain Apache Person B:

I’m not sure, I guess, adapting to a new environment, changing a way of life I guess that they had known for centuries to this new environment, new lifestyle, new language, new material things. So it must have been difficult to embrace at that time.

[Do you think they found things that they would like and take home?]

Probably, methods, I’m not sure as far as material things, I’m pretty sure they, not really possessed too many personal things, but more what they would learn along the way that they would pass on to their families. Versus material things, maybe a vehicle.

Just what they learned. I think they would try to pass that on, the values they learned, the skills, probably pass it on to their kids, so it was something cherished, something to strive for, something to become a better person.

When asked, “How did Apaches view their participation in the construction of the Roosevelt

Dam,” White Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

Just the fact that, by them getting a job, that meant they were able to provide food, clothing, for their families, and we lived at a time, when, like I’ve said before, we didn’t know what to do, how to make a living, you know, and versus when we were able to roam around and just live off the land. But then boundaries were put up, and it was hard. It was hard for these people then. A lot of things they did without, that they couldn’t have. The men were able to start working, then start, you know seeing people, getting things they needed in order to survive. A lot of people probably didn’t even have shoes then, just the moccasins.

-

versus when we were able to roam around and just live off the land. But then boundaries were put up, and it was hard. It was hard for these people then. A lot of things they did without, that they couldn’t have. The men were able to start working, then start, you know seeing people, getting things they needed in order to survive. A lot of people probably didn’t even have shoes then, just the moccasins.

White Mountain Apache Person B: [Would they be proud of this, I mean when they got back home and it was all over, and it was all over in five years or so, would they go back home and say that they were proud that they made that dam? Would they see the dam as theirs in the sense that they made. And bring their kids back and say dad or granddad made that dam?]

I wouldn’t necessarily say proud. They would probably try to pass on that they had taken part in constructing the dam and try to instill the values as far as going out there and actually working for a living to get where they were at. But I wouldn’t say proud, probably thankful and try to pass on the values that they learned onto their family as far as working for a living and getting something done with your life

I would think. That’s something my father I guess, there is approximately 26 lakes on the

Fort Apache Indian Reservation and at that time, my father was working on those operations and he was head equipment operator and he would tell us stories how the dams were initially constructed and how hard things were then, but he wouldn’t necessarily be proud or to a point where he would brag, like ‘oh I built this, I built that dam’, not that type of attitude. He would just try to instill in us how hard he worked and how he had to support his family, I guess he was just teaching us the value of hard work.

[Is personal pride not a good thing?]

Not really, I think more humble, of the Apache

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people, rather than proud.

[What do you think they thought about making the biggest dam, to dam two rivers? It had to be an event of some magnitude in their lives because no one had ever dammed a river like that and made this kind of a lake. Did they think it was wrong?]

It was probably overwhelming to build a dam, to construct this lake, and they never probably really grasped the entire concept. I don’t think they were seeing what kind of impact it would have twenty, thirty or forty, fifty years down the road. Just how important water is.

[Well how about new generations, you guys? What does it mean today, for you and your kids that Apache people participated in this event?]

I think there would be a lot of issues and concerns. Even now there are plans of putting a dam up on

Fort Apache Indian Reservation and that has been a long standing issue, even with the state of Arizona. Water the main resource on the Fort Apache Indian Reservation.

[Is there a debate among people today on the appropriateness of a dam?]

Yes, water rights issues are one of the biggest issues today. Looking down the road how it is going to affect the tribe fifty or a hundred years from now, two hundred years from now. Most of the water sources that run into Roosevelt Dam, come from Fort Apache, the Salt, the Black

River.

[So that’s your river?]

Uh-huh.

When asked, “What would you like people to know about this event in Apache history,” White

Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

That this was built, I would say built just because it’s close to the dam during the era when Roosevelt Dam was being built, and that Apache workers were here assisting the U.S. government, with the building of this dam, which gave them an opportunity to have a job. Just the fact that, by them getting a job, that meant they were able to provide food and clothing for their families, and we lived at a time, when, like I’ve said before, we didn’t know what to do, how to make a living, you know, and versus when we were able to roam around and just live off the land. But then boundaries were put up, and it was hard. It was hard for these people then. A lot of things they did without, that they couldn’t have. The men were able to start working, then start, you know seeing people, getting things they needed in order to survive. A lot of people probably didn’t even have shoes then, just the moccasins.

[To know about the history.]

It’s a part of it, but like I said too you know. We need to get a hold of those other three elders that we know, that were here, and I think they would be able to tell us more.

Because I would like to know.

White Mountain Apache Person B: [What do you think of those sites, I mean, do they represent a point in history, something you want to bring your grandkids, you’re too young for grandkids, but something that Apache people would want to bring future generations to, and explain this part of your history?]

I think so. I think the new generations that are growing up now should be exposed to that time and era…how difficult it was to travel over many miles just for employment, to make ends meet and just what it took to survive without electricity, no running water, no transportation. They went through some difficult times in order to work. So I think it would be a benefit for the new generation now, to learn and know about this era when their grandparents or greatgrandparents had to travel

. [Course you can learn that in a school or a book. So would you like to see a place like that preserved and somehow, preserved as a place to teach?]

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Yeah, I think it would make a bigger impact if you actually bring students out here and they can see the environment and the conditions that these Apache people lived during that time period. I’m not sure, we try to work with our youth now. I think the majority of them, and this number keeps rising, they are not really connected to their traditional values and culture and I think that is one of the important things I think we need to hold to as Native Americans and we are losing that fast. And to try and get our elders involved, they are like our last ties to our traditional culture. We should try to expose our new generations to our traditions and culture as much as we can.

Figure 5.10 UofA Ethnographer Interviewing White Mountain Apache Person

When asked, “Would Apache people want these camps preserved for current and future generations, and if yes, how,” White Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A: [Do you think folks from, the White Mountain people, and the San Carlos people, they’d like to come back and visit the worker camp?]

I think they would. I know they would. I mean, it’s like a place where you were as a child, and you remember things you did with your, you know, your playmates or your aunties or whomever. When you were traveling and living with, I’m sure they’d like to come back and see. See what it looks like now… I think it’s fine the way it is, because it’s like, no one knows it’s there, except the Park Service people and I can’t, I didn’t see that much artifacts when we did go back there a while ago, except just a few can’s and he did pick up the important things, like that strainer, you know I’m glad he got that. That’s still almost fully intact still. Most of the ones I’ve come across are, you know, really, really rusted, falling apart.

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White Mountain Apache Person B:

Yeah, I think it would be a benefit for them to come out and see first hand what life was like back in the early 1900s. And how important it is to hold to these values, in order to survive in this day and age. Uh-huh, it’s interesting.. my mother was born and grew up in a wikiup. It wasn’t until 1950s I think, when houses started being constructed on the reservation. So she tells the stories about how they used to get the tin cans and they would tie them on donkeys and maybe go a mile down to the creek and fill up their cans and take them back to the wikiup. Now I’m not sure if I could survive in a wikiup; it’s a hard life. It would be a great benefit to bring kids out these days, to teach them how they survived back then with no electricity, no running water, no education being brought up in a totally new environment.

[Now you don’t want to use the word proud, but you exhibit a source of pride in the fact that they did that.]

I think that pride can be used both in a negative and a positive way…like boasting or bragging wouldn’t be considered appropriate whereas talking to kids and grandkids saying ‘this is how grandpa survived, this is what he had to do without all the foundations that we have now and this is hard work and try to pick up some of these values in order to make it in today’s world’.

5.3 TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse)

This site is located on the east side of the entrance road to the Monument and is one mile south of the modern Roosevelt Lake shoreline. The site consists of a three-walled stone foundation with the open end of the structure facing north. The Juniper wood, dating from after the 1350s that was used as construction material at this site matches that found in TONT Site 51

(The Lower Cliff Dwelling). Vegetation has been removed from the site in an effort to preserve it. The archaeological material found at this site has been limited.

5.3.1 Native American Comments

Apache people interviewed during this study believed that representatives from the San

Carlos Apache Tribe would be better suited to comment on this site given San Carlos people’s heavy involvement in the dam construction. Apache representatives believed that this site and others in close proximity were likely to have been used during the dam construction period.

5.4 Historic Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle

I’m not sure if it was an Apache camp; if it is, it was probably a temporary camp. And then if it was Apache, it would probably be in the late 1800s when they were followed by cavalry and it probably wouldn’t hold any good feelings to bring Apaches back here, or to just remind them of a time and era where they were been chased by cavalry just to be confined to a reservation.

- White Mountain Apache Person B

This site is on an uphill slope towards the main peak of Honey Butte. The sediment is loose and fine, and the site itself is rather limited in plant life compared to the surrounding area.

Metal and stone objects have been found both on the ridge and in a drainage area just below the site. Among the artifacts were a small metal buckle, and part of a metate. Horse bones and teeth

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also were present at the site. Sites nearby have been disturbed by a fire line, which was bulldozed up to the ridge in the 1960s, and artifacts originally from this site could have been damaged in the process.

Figure 5.11 Honey Butte with its Major and Lesser Peaks

5.4.1 Native American Comments

UofA ethnographers conducted a total of 2 interviews with White Mountain Apache people at the Historic Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle.

When asked about the geology of this area or elements that stand out, White Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

The landscape, for me? First of all it’s the lake, and then the mountains, and then if I look this way, then the dwellings, the cliff dwellings. And just the desert itself, cactus, I love the cactus, right here... Ok, that site, it’s pretty much like they said, was destroyed around with the fire, the dozer, back then. White Mountain

Apache Person C also just mentioned that on the south side of Roosevelt Dam itself, just to remind the people that there are a lot of Apache sites along the Apache trail which takes off from around that area and that I don’t know exactly where it is, but continues to

Four Peaks, which is a sacred mountain in our culture. There are songs sung about Four

Peaks

. [So which direction is the Four Peaks again?]

It’s right this way. There’s a mountain, Four Peaks, because the number four in our culture is sacred. The four directions. But…

[It’s different from the San Francisco Peaks?]

Well that’s, everyone, I don’t know – that’s sacred for us, ok, we’ve got Mt. Graham back here, which is a big issue sacred to us. San Francisco Peaks is sacred for us. Mt. Baldy is sacred to us. Then with, the Navajos, they’ve got the San Francisco Peaks. That’s really Hopis and Navajos, and you’ve got, I’m trying to think of that other mountain, in New Mexico, that’s another boundary. We all have our, you know, the mountains, which is all very sacred.

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White Mountain Apache Person B:

I just thought that it was interesting where the camp was situated on the saddle.

When asked, “Why or for what purpose would Indian people have used this area,” White

Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A: [When Apache people would come into the area, would they have come up to these, this place on the ridge, to gather plants and to use…]

I’m sure they would’ve. And I was thinking, Apache Person B and I were thinking that, you know, right back there, you know I’m sure the Apaches probably came up here just to look, you know, and see who was coming, or you know, or when they were running from the cavalry I’m sure they hid up here, because they had to hide. They were, I mean, look at Geronimo and those guys. They were never caught, they surrendered. The cavalry could never catch up with them. That’s how the Apache’s were, nomadic. Knew every part of this land. Those were things, you know, things like they used, from the historic period, they had like the cans right? They probably, somebody probably, I don’t know just left it up here, maybe they had someone sit up here to look out for them, but you know that would be in the early 1900s like we were saying, the camp workers were here, at these old Apache sites. I know they were looking for people then too because you’ve got, the cavalry, or not the cavalry, but you’ve got this assimilation process going, and you’ve got these bureau people, the bureaucrats who like, the teachers or I don’t know, they would come and round up the children, and force them, and take them to these boarding schools, and I know, even my mother told me, they would run and hide, from them. So I’m sure they took, brought their kids here probably had, you know what did they call them, the truant officers. So I’m sure they were over here looking for the kids, because they had to go there was a school in San Carlos, they had a boarding school there, and I’ve heard stories from San Carlos people where they would run from these truant officers and they were always looking for the kids, just so they could force them to go to school. So I’m sure that they probably sat up here, someone did, looking for that truant officer. That’s another part of history that you know a lot of, we as, our grandmas and grandpas told us that. I’m pretty sure that that was going on then too, trying to get the kids to school.

White Mountain Apache Person B:

I’m not sure if it was an Apache camp; if it is, it was probably a temporary camp. And then if it was Apache, it would probably be in the late

1800s when they were followed by cavalry and it probably wouldn’t hold any good feelings to bring Apaches back here, or to just remind them of a time and era where they were been chased by cavalry just to be confined to a reservation.

[What kind of evidence would you expect to see on the ground that would tell you it was an Apache place?]

Not a whole lot of artifacts. They wouldn’t really stay in one area for a longer period of time.

More recent, I guess late 1800s, you would find a lot of cans, glass. Maybe a rock ring – wickiups and Gowah, Apache housing. Wickiup would be the English version of the

Apache term, Gowah, “Apache dwelling,” I guess. I’m not sure. Again, they would probably temporarily camp here in the area, a kind of defensive place, while out gathering whatever food that was in season.

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When asked, “Which, if any, of the following features is an important part of why this place is significant to Indian people,” White

Mountain Apache people responded:

Feature Type

11a. Source for Water White Mountain Apache Person A:

There’s songs sung about water, we’ve got the spring right down here below the dwellings. Like they say, water is sacred, water is life. I think the main, what would mainly attract people here would be that spring. All through time you know, even the cliff dwellers you know, and you’ve got people knowing the Apaches, knowing the spring was there, probably other bands of other tribes. So to me this place right here I’m sure was used by a lot of people, especially with that spring - I’m sure it was a lot bigger then too, running water. But then we also, you never know too because there’s just so many clans, and a lot of times they lived in the draws where springs are where they’re like, you know, not, they’re hidden. Soon as they get up, and they always taught a girl to get up with the sun, when the sun comes up. Always say your prayers. And I’m sure they were tied to the spring. Knew every part of this land. My mother used to say, like the springs, the Apaches would hide food for each other, and whoever you know, they were running from, or, they’re traveling even gathering food, they would know that there’s a next place, ok there’s going to be food there.

11b. Source for Plants -

-

White Mountain Apache Person B: [Would the water in the canyon have attracted them?]

I think so. They did a lot of traveling; they had a nomadic type of lifestyle, following the seasonal food. I’m pretty sure they were familiar with the spring sources when they were in the areas. They would mostly camp at ridges, for defense purposes, adjacent to a spring, or water source, but they wouldn’t necessarily camp at the same place

.

White Mountain Apache Person A: [When Apache people would come into the area, would they have come up to these, this place on the ridge, to gather plants and to use…]

I’m sure they would’ve. At different times of the year they’ll march off and take their donkeys and their baskets and walk wherever and go gather the food plants, enough to get through the winter.

There’s a lot of plants that I do not know, traditional plants, good medicine, and also some things they used for ceremonial purposes.

White Mountain Apache Person B:

The beans, the agave plants. I couldn’t really see; there’s

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11c. Source for Animals

11d. Evidence of

Previous Indian Use e.g.- rock rings, historic structures, rock art

11e. Geological Features e.g.- mountain, spring, cave, canyon, landmarks

various bands of Apaches ranging from New Mexico, Southern Arizona, into Mexico; I couldn’t really see which band would use which type of food.

[Are there a lot of differences in the Apache groups?]

Not from what I understand. They are very similar as far as the food they use, food they harvest.

White Mountain Apache Person A: [What about, um, would they have used any animals at the site, or would the animals be important at all, that were here?]

I’m sure that they are important, but to me, I just think the deer. The deer is very important to us. We were never taught to kill bears, and deer is used in ceremonial purposes, the eagle, the owl, turkeys, those are the ones I know we normally use like for ceremonies, this place was used too. This is important too.

-

-

White Mountain Apache Person B:

Yes, I think so. They would have hunted where they could.

White Mountain Apache Person A:

Well, for me, as far as finding old cans and tins and stuff like that. It just seemed like as if, that would be a place where the people climbed up here and dropped things up here, because it just wouldn’t make sense to, have a dwelling so far away from your water source, and the people that were here were pretty much associated, at the time, when the dam was being built, and then according to White Mountain Apache Person C, who was our cultural specialist there are several Apache site camps right near the, he said on the north side of the dam.

[What about the metal objects that they talked about were being found in there, what kinds of things were…?]

Those were things, you know, things like they used, from the historic period, they had like the cans right? The probably, somebody probably,

I don’t know just left it up here, maybe they had someone sit up here to look out for them, but you know that would be in the early 1900s like as we were saying, the camp workers were here, at these old Apache sites.

-

White Mountain Apache Person B:

I just thought that it was interesting where the camp was situated on the saddle.

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Figure 5.12 The Historic Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle

When asked, “Do you think these people were connected to the people farming around the river,” White Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

Isn’t that because you know, you look at the time, because you’ve got those guys building this dam in, what 1910, somewhere around there right? And that other one before, I don’t think so, I don’t know, that’s my personal opinion. But then we also, you never know too because there’s just so many clans, and a lot of times they lived in the draws where springs are where they’re like, you know, not, they’re hidden. They don’t, you know. At that time, you got all these people coming in and settling the area and especially in the 1870s you got a lot of activity going on even further, like down by Tucson, with the mining going on down there. And then you’ve got

Holbrook, you know, Winslow, you’ve got that, you know trail, going that way too, because everybody’s coming out you know going to the west. Then remember when you had the gold rush, there were a lot of people coming through this area, and I’m sure they were coming across these Apaches, the Navajos.

White Mountain Apache Person B: [Would the Apache people have farmed around the river?] I

believe they would. It’s near a good water source. There are bands of Apaches –

I’m pretty sure there were some groups around in the area that utilized the river bottom to grow different types of crops. Beans, squash, corn, maybe.

[Were you alone here?]

I’m pretty sure there were other bands of different southwestern tribes, Pimas, other tribes down to southern California, southern Arizona, southern New Mexico, Mexico.

[They were in the region. Were the Apache people alone in this valley when they farmed here?]

I wouldn’t say they farmed the area or lived in it for a long period of time, over several years. They might have passed through, maybe utilize the area on a temporary basis. But as far as living in the valley for several years, I’m not sure at that, since Apaches were

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known to be nomadic. I wouldn’t say they were in one certain area for several years.

[What kind of relationships would the Apache have had with other groups around here, more settled farmers like the Pimas?]

Since the Apaches covered a large area in southwestern United States down into Mexico, I think there was some raiding of different tribes.

[Would the relationship be more hostile than trading?]

There was probably sometimes trading, maybe in not really hostile time periods, in times of peace. They covered a lot of areas following food sources; I’m sure they came across other tribes that they would deal with. I don’t think Apaches were really hostile until the 1800s, when the military era came into play.

[So before that time, the relationships to other people were friendly trading and that sort of thing?]

I would think so, which was kind of the case with the White Mountain Apache tribe. They didn’t want to lose their homeland, or places they had been awhile. When the cavalry came into the picture, they more or less worked with the cavalry in capturing other hostile Apaches, after the 1800s.

Figure 5.13 UofA Ethnographers Interviewing White Mountain Apache Person

When asked, “Were these sites connected to the north-south trail along the valley bottom,” White

Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

They had the part of the Apache trails went through here. This was used I think, because you’ve got, I remember you know, all this, back then you have all that raiding going on too, I’m sure they had their trails.

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White Mountain Apache Person B: [Where did the Apache people come from?]

I believe probably from the east, off the Plains. But there’s also the traditional version, where

Apache were put on this land and that’s how the Creator brought us here. And each story there is with each different Apache clan, Apache tribe. I’m pretty sure Apaches here, which would probably be Yavapai Apaches or McDowell Apaches, would have their own version of how they were brought here.

[So each group has another place where they feel they were more or less placed by the Creator?]

Yes, I think so.

[When the Apache came to this area in the 1500s, would they come along a particular trail that may have already been established?]

I’m pretty sure they followed a basic route, since they were moving from place to place following seasonal growth. And they were familiar with the areas, different mountain ranges and how they would orient themselves.

[In later times, after the

Apache people lived here, would they have a name for these trails in here?]

I would think so. They would have names for different mountains, different ranges, where food sources were at.

When asked, “Is this place connected to the other sites in the Monument, and if yes, how,” White

Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

I think that it is. I think the main, what would mainly attract people here would be that spring. All through time, you know, even the cliff dwellers, you know, and you’ve got people knowing the Apaches, knowing the spring was there, probably other bands of other tribes.

[So do you think, maybe this site, that site up there, was connected to like, either the U structures down below…]

Yeah, yeah, like I said, I think they used this as a lookout point. I don’t know for what, but…

[Like, maybe for that worker camp, or…]

Yeah, you know, just checking. But, you know, yeah, I think so.

White Mountain Apache Person B: [We talked about the other gathering areas, like the mescal pits. Do you think, the Apache people who came up here might have also gone to those mescal pits, and collected agave and used the agave roasting pits?]

Yes, I think so.

They were familiar with the valley and where the all food sources were.

When asked, “Do you think your people today are connected to the people who were here in the past,” White Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

the copper mining industry going.

I do. My grandpa was here in Globe when they had

White Mountain Apache Person B:

Yes, I think there is still a strong connection. Before they were confined to the reservation, they covered a large portion of the southwestern

United States. Today, they still travel to various places to collect certain resources. One example would be to collect the acorn, which is one of their main food sources, I guess, which normally doesn’t go up high elevation. But they would travel down to Safford, I guess, the southern region where acorns are abundant.

When asked, “Did your people return to this place during the historic period,” White Mountain

Apache people responded:

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-

White Mountain Apache Person A:

Those were things, you know, things like they used, from the historic period, they had like the cans right? They probably, somebody probably, I don’t know just left it up here, maybe they had someone sit up here to look out for them, but you know that would be in the early 1900s like as we were saying, the camp workers were here, at these old Apache sites. I know they were looking for people then too because you’ve got, the cavalry, or not the cavalry, but you’ve got this assimilation process going, and you’ve got these bureau people, the bureaucrats who like, the teachers or I don’t know, they would come and round up the children, and force them, and take them to these boarding schools, and I know, even my mother told me, they would run and hide, from them. So I’m sure they took, brought their kids here probably had, you know what did they call them, the truant officers. So I’m sure they were over here looking for the kids, because they had to go there was a school in San Carlos, they had a boarding school there, and I’ve heard stories from San Carlos people where they would run from these truant officers and they were always looking for the kids, just so they could force them to go to school. So I’m sure that they probably sat up here, someone did, looking for that truant officer. That’s another part of history that you know a lot of, we as, our grandmas and grandpas told us that. I’m pretty sure that that was going on then too, trying to get the kids to school.

Figure 5.14 White Mountain Apache Person Looking at the View from the Historic Apache/Yavapai Site in

Honey Butte Saddle

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White Mountain Apache Person B:

Yes, I think anywhere where there are water sources.

And a place like this where you have a view was used more as a defense, I guess. A defensive location for temporary camps next to a water source, maybe whatever food that was available, and used it for temporary camps.

When asked, “Would you like to come back today,” White Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

Oh yes. Because all of this used to be all Apache land, down there to the Four Peaks, Superstition, down toward Tucson, all the way across to our reservation, Camp Verde, Tonto, Payson, all up in there. Remind me to give you one of our maps. We have our clans goes all the way up to Payson, comes all the way down here.

White Mountain Apache Person B:

If there are food sources they need, it would serve the purpose to come back to collect food. I think it would be a benefit to teach their new generation about how they survived before the 1800s, what different types of food sources they used, where else they traveled. In a way, it’s part of their tradition, or culture.

Concerning site-specific management and access restriction recommendations, White Mountain

Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

I do have this one recommendation and I would just hope that I could get a hold of the two Cibecue men who are in their, probably 80’s or

90’s who worked here, who could give us more insight to the conditions then, and also

Eva Watt as well. That would be from our perspective, and I know there are other people that were here that probably have passed on. Like they say, our elders are our most precious treasure right now, of any culture. They are the most precious because they have all the knowledge and they know and they lived at this particular period of time.

And as far as protecting, you know, it’s fine. I’m sure they’re not going to send hikers up here and like Matt said, that was the main, like, going problem. Not problem, but they would just have to just watch out for the hunters, and I’m sure they keep a close eye on the place because it sounds like they check on it periodically, and that’s good.

[Would you like to see Indian, possibly Indian monitors coming out with the Park Service to monitor?] I

would. I’d like to see us build some type of partnership, especially with here because they’re closer to us, as I mentioned before with preservation and the ruins I would like to learn that because that’s part of my job and it’s something that no one can teach me, only if I go right to the source where they’re doing things like that. That’s, you know, something I would like to with us, but you know, as far as my, the Apache side, that would be nice if you could get the Apache story of them being here. There’s always two stories, there’s not just two stories here. You’ve got other tribes that were here too, and they were looking for a living, get food for the family, because at that time, we were just so poor, we were just looking, how can they feed the family? How can they make money?

When you know, most times you’re, you know, you come to a society where people go to schools, and are very cultured and we’ve come alone with absolutely nothing. Not having a clue as to how to live, live in the white man’s world. We had no choice, we were forced to. I’m not sure. I feel like I would like to stay overnight, but that’s just me, you know.

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This is Roosevelt Lake; I love the lake. I love water. I would like to just tell them that this was our home. This area was our home, and this is where we lived. You know, us I know,

Apache Person B and I, we definitely want you guys to also do a, like this what we’re doing, with White Mountain Apache Person C too. But, he really, he really knows a lot more of the oral histories up here, and I’m sure he would have the knowledge and wisdom on behalf of us, to tell us, “This would be good, if we said this or that” so out of respect to him and to my elders, that I would have to go ask them first before I, you know what I mean, just to get, I want that point of view. My job is to work for the tribe and you know, do things such as this for them, but at the same time be able to take a report back and say, “well we want to know what you guys want to be, what you want on, you know, black and white,”… our side of the story.

White Mountain Apache Person B:

I guess, this permission to collect or gather food plants as they would come into season at a certain time of the year. That would be one of the only requirements. I think it would be a benefit to teach their new generation about how they survived before the 1800s, what different types of food sources they used, where else they traveled. In a way it’s part of their tradition, or culture.

5.5 TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

No doubt that to me they probably did look out. You know, I’m sure they prayed up here as well, came up here and say their prayers, the traditional Apaches always pray in the mornings. Soon as they get up, and they always taught a girl to get up with the sun, when the sun comes up.

Always say your prayers. And I’m sure they were tied to the spring.

White Mountain Apache Person A

The Structure Site on the Ridge is an unexcavated site north of the Historic

Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle on the same ridge, with a viewscape that includes

TONT Site 50 (The Upper Cliff Dwelling), Tont Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling), TONT Site

52 (The Northern Annex), Cholla Canyon, the primary peak of Honey Butte, Schoolhouse Wash, and the present-day Roosevelt Lake. Notably, sounds from the Lower Cliff Dwelling are clearly audible on the ridge, while sounds from the ridge are not audible from other locations in the

Monument. There is an abundance of smooth, rounded stones, found both individually and as part of a conglomerate deposits, as well as desert varnish on some of the rocks and crystal formations on a nearby rocky peak. The small peak to the north also supports lichen and moss.

The site is located on the ridge to the east of the Monument’s visitor center. Access to this site is restricted because there is no formal Monument trail, as well as the fact that part of the saddle is on Forest Service land. Some archaeological material has been removed from this site.

5.5.1 Native American Comments

UofA ethnographers conducted a total of 2 interviews with White Mountain Apache people at TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo).

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When asked about the geology of this area or elements that stand out, White Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

The landscape, for me? First of all it’s the lake, and then the mountains, and then if I look this way, then the dwellings, the cliff dwellings. And just the desert itself, cactus, I love the cactus in this part of the world right here.

White Mountain Apache Person B:

And again, sitting on this high point, it would be an area where which was probably used for defensive purposes, as you can see for miles around and there is a spring source not too far and some food sources as well.

Figure 5.15 TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

When asked, “Why or for what purpose would Indian people have used this area,” White

Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

No doubt, that to me they probably did look out. You know, I’m sure they prayed up here as well, came up here and say their prayers, the traditional Apaches always pray in the mornings. Soon as they get up, and they always taught a girl to get up with the sun, when the sun comes up. Always say your prayers.

And I’m sure they were tied to the spring. And the site we’re sitting on, I think people with the Hopi, Zuni tribes are more familiar because they are, that’s their ancestors, where us, we as Apache people when we come to sites such as this, you know we’re basically taught just to leave things alone. You know, they weren’t a part of our tribe…Fort Apache Indian Reservation is just right up over there

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Figure 5.16 Honey Butte

Figure 5.17 White Mountain Apache Person and UofA Ethnographers

White Mountain Apache Person B:

And again, sitting on this high point, it would be an area which was probably used for defensive purposes, as you can see for miles around and there is a spring source not too far and some food sources as well.

[Were even these structures made by Apache people?]

I don’t think so. From what I understand Apaches were in the area from about the early 1500s, 1600s. I think the only time that Apache peoples would use structures would be in a defensive position, where they would reuse ancient Pueblo type of sites. And just use what material was there for a defensive purpose.

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When asked, “Which, if any, of the following features is an important part of why this place is significant to Indian people,” White

Mountain Apache people responded:

Feature Type

11a. Source for Water

11b. Source for Plants -

-

White Mountain Apache Person A:

I think the main thing that would mainly attract people here would be that spring.

White Mountain Apache Person B:

I think so. They did a lot of traveling; they had a nomadic type of lifestyle, following the seasonal food. I’m pretty sure they were familiar with the spring sources when they were in the areas…They would mostly camp at ridges, for defense purposes, adjacent to a spring, or water source, but they wouldn’t necessarily camp at the same place

.

White Mountain Apache Person A:

The tobacco for sure, would have been brought up here. Yeah, because I know that, John told me that, when they did the trading, you know the cliff dwellers, the people that were here, they transported or transplanted or whatever you want to call it, they had the plants, so that was indicative of trading going on…Oh and the tobacco, you mentioned tobacco, we do use that. They gather tobacco. We have some areas up on the White Mountain Reservation that, you know that’s a gathering place, and we do have a lot of logging activity out there, so when we hear of them coming into the area, we always inform them. We call the timber sales offices and their supervisors to you know, please just don’t let your dozers or don’t get into this area. What we normally do is we red flag off the gathering of the plants, the ones that we know are significant to us. But the tobacco, the Apaches do, they do collect that, and they use that in their ceremonies.

White Mountain Apache Person B:

The beans, the agave plants. I couldn’t really see; there’s various bands of Apaches ranging from New Mexico, Southern Arizona, into

Mexico; I couldn’t really see which band would use which type of food.[

Are there a lot of differences in the Apache groups?]

Not from what I understand. They are very similar as far as the food they use, food they harvest.

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11c. Source for Animals

11d. Evidence of Previous

Indian Use e.g.- rock rings, historic structures, rock art

11e. Geological Features e.g.- mountain, spring, cave, canyon, landmarks

White Mountain Apache Person A:

I’m sure that they are important, but to me, I just think the deer. The deer is very important to us. We were never taught to kill bears, and deer is used in ceremonial purposes, the eagle, the owl, turkeys, those are the ones I know we normally use like for ceremonies, this place was used too. This is important too. There’s a lot of plants that I do not know, traditional plants, good medicine, and also some things they used for ceremonial purposes.

-

White Mountain Apache Person B:

Yes, I think so. They would have hunted where they could.

White Mountain Apache Person A:

The tobacco for sure, would have been brought up here. Yeah, because I know that, John told me that, when they did the trading, you know the cliff dwellers, the people that were here, they transported or transplanted or whatever you want to call it, they had the plants, so that was indicative of trading going on.

White Mountain Apache Person B:

I think the only time that Apache peoples would use structures would be in a defensive position, where they would reuse ancient Pueblo type of sites. And just use what material was there for a defensive purpose.

White Mountain Apache Person A:

Yeah, crystals I’m not that familiar with, but there is, we do use crystals.

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When asked, “Do you think these people were connected to the people farming around the river,” White Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A: [Do you think this site up here is connected to the sites down below?]

I think so yeah.

White Mountain Apache Person B: [Would the Apache people have farmed around the river?] I

believe they would. It’s near a good water sources. There are bands of Apaches

– I’m pretty sure there were some groups around in the area that utilized the river bottom to grow different types of crops. Beans, squash, corn, maybe.

[Were you alone here?]

I’m pretty sure there were other bands of different southwestern tribes, Pimas, other tribes down to southern California, southern Arizona, southern New Mexico, Mexico.

[They were in the region. Were the Apache people alone in this valley when they farmed here?]

I wouldn’t say they farmed the area or lived in it for a long period of time, over several years. They might have passed through, maybe utilize the area on a temporary basis. But as far as living in the valley for several years, I’m not sure at that, since Apaches were known to be nomadic. I wouldn’t say they were in one certain area for several years.

[What kind of relationships would the Apache have had with other groups around here, more settled farmers like the Pimas?]

Since the Apaches covered a large area in southwestern United States down into Mexico, I think there was some raiding of different tribes.

[Would the relationship be more hostile then trading?]

There was probably sometimes trading, maybe in not really hostile time periods, in times of peace. They covered a lot of areas following food sources; I’m sure they came across other tribes that they would deal with. I don’t think Apaches were really hostile until the 1800s, when the military era came into play.

[So before that time, the relationships to other people were friendly; trading and that sort of thing?]

I would think so, which was kind of the case with

When asked, “Were these sites connected to the north-south trail along the valley bottom,” White

Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

They had the part of the Apache trails went through here. This was used I think, because you’ve got, I remember you know, all this, back then you have all that raiding going on too, I’m sure they had their trails.

-

the White Mountain Apache tribe. They didn’t want to lose their homeland, or places they had been awhile. When the cavalry came into the picture, they more or less worked with the cavalry in capturing other hostile Apaches, after the 1800s.

White Mountain Apache Person B: [Where did the Apache people come from?]

I believe probably from the east, off the Plains. But there’s also the traditional version, where

Apache were put on this land and that’s how the Creator brought us here. And each story there is with each different Apache clan, Apache tribe. I’m pretty sure Apaches here, which would probably be Yavapai Apaches or McDowell Apaches, would have their own version of how they were brought here.

[So each group has another place where they feel they were more or less placed by the Creator?]

Yes, I think so.

[When the Apache came to this area in the 1500s, would they come along a particular trail that may have already been established?]

I’m pretty sure they followed a basic route, since they were moving from place to place following seasonal growth. And they were familiar with the areas, different mountain ranges and how they would orient themselves.

[In later times, after the

Apache people lived here, would they have a name for these trails in here?]

I would think

160

so. They would have names for different mountains, different ranges, where food sources were at.

Figure 5.18 UofA Ethnographers Interviewing White Mountain Apache Person

When asked, “Is this place connected to the other sites in the Monument,” and if yes, how, White

Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

I think that it is. I think the main, what would mainly attract people here would be that spring. All through time you know, even the cliff dwellers you know, and you’ve got people knowing the Apaches, knowing the spring was there, probably other bands of other tribes.

[So do you think, maybe this site, that site up there, was connected to like, either the U structures down below…]

Yeah, yeah, like I said, I think they used this as a lookout point. I don’t know for what, but…

[Like, maybe for that worker camp, or…]

Yeah, you know just checking. But, you know, yeah, I think so.

White Mountain Apache Person B: [We talked about the other gathering areas, like the mescal pits. Do you think, the Apache people who came up here might have also gone to those mescal pits, and collected agave and used the agave roasting pits?]

Yes, I think so.

They were familiar with the valley and where the all food sources were.

When asked, “Do you think your people today are connected to the people who were here in the past,” White Mountain Apache people responded:

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-

-

White Mountain Apache Person A:

I do. My grandpa was here in Globe when they had the copper mining industry going.

White Mountain Apache Person B:

Yes, I think there is still a strong connection. Before they were confined to the reservation, they covered a large portion of the southwestern

United States. Today, they still travel to various places to collect certain resources. One example would be to collect the acorn, which is one of their main food sources, I guess, which normally doesn’t go up high elevation. But they would travel down to Safford, I guess, the southern region where acorns are abundant.

Figure 5.19 UofA Ethnographers Interviewing White Mountain Apache Person

When asked, “Did your people return to this place during the historic period,” White Mountain

Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

Those were things, you know, things like they used, from the historic period, they had like the cans right? They probably, somebody probably, I don’t know just left it up here, maybe they had someone sit up here to look out for them, but you know that would be in the early 1900’s like as we were saying, the camp workers were here, at these old Apache sites. I know they were looking for people then too because you’ve got, the cavalry, or not the cavalry, but you’ve got this assimilation process going, and you’ve got these bureau people, the bureaucrats who like, the teachers or I don’t know, they would come and round up the children, and force them, and take them to these boarding schools, and I know, even my mother told me, they would run and hide, from them. So I’m sure they took, brought their kids here probably had, you know what did they call them, the truant officers. So I’m sure they were over here looking for the kids, because they had to go there was a school in San Carlos, they had a boarding school there, and I’ve heard stories from San Carlos people where they would run from these truant officers and they were always looking for the kids, just so

162

they could force them to go to school. So I’m sure that they probably sat up here, someone did, looking for that truant officer. That’s another part of history that you know a lot of, we as, our grandmas and grandpas told us that. I’m pretty sure that that was going on then too, trying to get the kids to school.

White Mountain Apache Person B:

Yes, I think anywhere where there are water sources.

And a place like this where you have a view was used more as a defense, I guess. A defensive location for temporary camps next to a water source, maybe whatever food that was available, and used it for temporary camps.

When asked, “Would you like to come back today,” White Mountain Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

Oh yes. Apache people would like to come back because all of this used to be all Apache land, down there to the Four Peaks,

Superstition, down toward Tucson, all the way across to our reservation, Camp Verde,

Tonto, Payson, all up in there. We have our clans goes all the way up to Payson, comes all the way down here.

White Mountain Apache Person B:

If there is food sources they need, it would serve the purpose to come back to collect food. I think it would be a benefit to teach their new generation about how they survived before the 1800s, what different types of food sources they used, where else they traveled. In a way, it’s part of their tradition, or culture.

Concerning site-specific management and access restriction recommendations, White Mountain

Apache people responded:

White Mountain Apache Person A:

No, I just think they should just continue protecting the way they’re doing and not even, let people know that it’s up here, I don’t know that’s just leave it as it is.

[Do you think Indian people would like to come back and visit this place?]

Yes, they would

. [Would there be any particular reason for them to come back?]

Maybe just to see the area, just to see the dwellings because, you know, we don’t have very many of that, much of that, so I mean, you’ve got that camp down below, but I mean,

I don’t think you could really do anything with it, in regards to redoing it again because the knowledge…I just think people generally would like to just come back here. Part of the history of this area, you know the only people that would come up this way to just, out of their way, would be just the looters, you got looters all over the place. Then you just lost protection, that’s the only thing you would have to really worry about because there is that black market, and they’re everywhere. I know especially we got a lot of looting going on and there’s not enough police around to catch every one of them, and they’re just taking these artifacts and they sell them to museums and then we have to go back and fight for them again. We just got through going through the Denver Art Museum. We got our guns back, and sacred objects, right? So then another year later it’s reported that

[crown dancers] the headdresses are there again. And I thought, “We just, you know, did so, and the museum bought it!”… You know, we have a saying in our language, I mean it’s, just respect the place. Respect it. Just respect the place.

White Mountain Apache Person B:

Well maintained. Just complete avoidance. In an

Apache tradition, perspective, you would leave what is there. You wouldn’t disturb anything. Just let things turn back into nature, or just let nature take its course.

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5.6 TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) is a group of rooms made of tabular and block masonry which are held together by adobe mortar and plaster. Other materials such as Juniper,

Sycamore, Pine, Yucca and Saguaro ribs were also used in the construction of the Lower Cliff

Dwelling. A side canyon drainage is located on the south side of the structure which feeds into

Cave Canyon below. A series of geological faults and water percolation has created a natural cave where the Dwelling was constructed. The cave ceiling and walls are smoke-blackened presenting evidence of previous fires in the cave’s interior.

5.6.1 Native American Comments

White Mountain Apache people decided not to formally interview at TONT Site 51 (The

Lower Cliff Dwelling) or TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex), recognizing that the Lower Cliff

Dwelling and the Northern Annex were not Apache sites. Instead, they opted to spend time at the

Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp. Apache Person A stated:

I think people with the Hopi,

Zuni tribes are more familiar because they are, that’s their ancestors, where us, we as Apache people when we come to sites such as this, you know we’re basically taught just to leave things alone.

5.7 TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)

TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex) is located within an overhang slightly northeast of the Lower Cliff Dwelling. It contains a series of small walls constructed with adobe clay mortar, plaster and quartzite. It also features a series of cupules on a flat surface in a small enclave at the northern end. The spring, Honey Butte, the Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp Site, and

TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse) are all visible from the Northern Annex.

5.7.1 Native American Comments

White Mountain Apache people decided not to formally interview at TONT Site 51 (The

Lower Cliff Dwelling) or TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex), recognizing that the Lower Cliff

Dwelling and the Northern Annex were not Apache sites. Instead, they opted to spend time at the

Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp. White Mountain Apache Person A stated:

I think people with the Hopi, Zuni tribes are more familiar because they are, that’s their ancestors, where us, we as Apache people when we come to sites such as this, you know we’re basically taught just to leave things alone.

5.8 General Native American Recommendations

The following section contains non-site specific management recommendations. The recommendations have been organized by topic and these comments have not been altered in any way by the writers of this report.

Site control and monitoring

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White Mountain Apache Person A: [Would you like to see Indian, possibly Indian monitors coming out with the Park Service to monitor?]

I would. I like to see us build some type of partnership, especially with here because they’re closer to us, as I mentioned before with preservation and the ruins I would like to learn that because that’s part of my job and it’s something that no one can teach me, only if I go right to the source where they’re doing things like that… You know, we have a saying in our language, I mean it’s, just respect the place. Respect it. Just respect the place.

Native American Access

White Mountain Apache Person B:

Yeah, I think it would make a bigger impact if you actually bring students out here and they can see the environment and the conditions that these Apache people lived during that time period. I’m not sure, we try to work with our youth now. I think the majority of them, and this number keeps rising, they are not really connected to their traditional values and culture and I think that is one of the important things I think we need to hold to as Native Americans and we are losing that fast. And to try and get our elders involved, they are like our last ties to our traditional culture. We should try to expose our new generations to our traditions and culture as much as we can… I guess, this permission to collect or gather food plants as they would come into season at a certain time of the year. That would be one of the only requirements. I think it would be a benefit to teach their new generation about how they survived before the

1800s, what different types of food sources they used, where else they traveled. In a way it’s part of their tradition, or culture.

Additional Interviews

White Mountain Apache Person A:

I do have this one recommendation and I would just hope that I could get a hold of the two Cibecue men who are in their, probably 80’s or

90’s who worked here, who could give us more insight to the conditions then, and also

Eva Watt as well. That would be from our perspective, and I know there’s other people that were here that probably have passed on. Like they say, our elders are our most precious treasure right now, of any culture. They are the most precious because they have all the knowledge and they know and they lived at this particular period of time…You know, us I know, White Mountain Apache Person B and I, we definitely want you guys to also do a, like this what we’re doing, with White Mountain Apache Person C too. But, he really, he really knows a lot more of the oral histories up here, and I’m sure he would have the knowledge and wisdom on behalf of us, to tell us, “This would be good, if we said this or that” so out of respect to him and to my elders, that I would have to go ask them first before I, you know what I mean, just to get, I want that point of view.

My job is to work for the tribe and you know, do things such as this for them, but at the same time be able to take a report back and say, “well we want to know what you guys want to be, what you want on, you know, black and white,”… our side of the story.

White Mountain Apache Person C:

I just wanted to know if you had input from San

Carlos people, as they camped in that are also. An elder named Eva Watt told me some of her relatives from San Carlos lived in that area when they were working on Roosevelt dam and her parents worked that area on Apache Trail… Before the new road to Miami was rerouted, we did surveys of that area with San Carlos elders and we found ceremony objects that belong to San Carlos spiritual people.

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5.9 Ethnographic Comments

Ethnographic comments are provided after the American Indian interpretation and evaluation of places at Tonto National Monument. The purpose of these comments is to contextualize certain statements made by the tribal representatives during the on-site interviews.

Each American Indian interpretation and evaluation section engages a wide range of important issues. The ethnographic comments section select one or more of these issues and provides additional insights based on extant published literature.

This ethnographic comments section is focused on the issue of Apache farming which was defined as important by the White Mountain Apache tribal representatives. The purpose of this analysis is to support the contention of the White Mountain Apache representatives that the hostile Apache stereotype is an essentialization imposed on them by outsiders. They feel that hostility was produced by others and in the absence of war and territorial encroachment the

Apache people were peaceful farmers who preferred to trade with neighbors rather than raid them. The terms farming and agriculture have been consciously used in this section to discuss aboriginal cultivation of domesticated crops. It should be noted that other scholars refer to nonanimal driven plowing as horticulture and small scale farming as gardening or cropping. Recent scholarship (Record 2008; Buskirk 1986) deems agriculture and farming as acceptable terms when discussing aboriginal cultivation. The ethnographic comments on this topic are intended to further inform the reader regarding this topic, but are not to be considered as a complete analysis of the topic.

5.10 Apache Farming

Apache agriculture has been documented and recorded in accounts by Europeans and

Americans since the late 16 th

century. Despite this evidence, the topic has often remained a side note in many Apache ethnographies with exception of Winfred Buskirk’s (1986)

The Western

Apache

, which detailed information pertaining to all aspects of Western Apache agriculture with an emphasis on the twentieth century. Several earlier accounts have emerged, however, which reveal a persistent and self-motivated attempt by some bands of Western Apache people to practice farming. The eyewitness accounts of early travelers in the southwest as well as oral histories and early ethnographies place Apache farmers in Arizona and New Mexico beginning as early as the late 16 th

century. While more ethnographic research needs to be conducted to understand more fully what each Apache tribes’ relationship with farming was, it is clear that agriculture played a consistent role among several Apache bands during the last three centuries.

Each of these studies reveals both ability and desire among some Apache groups to carry out farming practices. Richard Perry (1993) argued that each band practiced agriculture on varying levels. He noted that while the Chiricahua did practically no agriculture, White

Mountain practiced it on a large scale. Furthermore, farming, on whatever level, was used as a way to supplement nutritional needs in an addition to hunting, seasonal gathering, and raiding.

Additionally, Veronica E. Velarde Tiller discussed the farming of the Eastern Apache people known as the Jicarilla. While the extent to which farming was embraced by certain Apache tribes remains unclear, this evidence does support the notion that Apaches did practice agriculture on a

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variety of scales before, during, and after the U.S. cavalry period. The following paragraphs will examine sources from three periods that detail Apache farmers.

5.10.1

Western Apache Bands and Farming

The following is an abbreviated list of Western Apache bands and their farming locations as recorded by Buskirk (1986). This provides an insight into the extent and geographic range of

Western Apache agriculture as well as the complexity that arises when discussing “Apache agriculture” as a unified cultural practice, rather than one with much variation spread out across numerous bands.

The White Mountain region is broken into two bands, Eastern and Western. The Eastern

Band primarily farmed on the east fork of the White River on a stretch from Fort Apache to the foothills around Mount Baldy as well as at the head of Binto, Turkey, Eagle, and Cienega

Creeks. The Western Band of White Mountain had farming sites at the mouth and on the upper

Cedar Creek, Bear Springs, and at Canyon Day.

In the Cibecue area, Buskirk noted three bands, the Carrizo, Cibecue and the Canyon

Creek Band. The Carrizo band traditionally farmed along Carrizo Creek, the North fork of the

White River, and at the head of Forestdale Creek. This band was also present along the Mogollon rim and Show Low areas and was known to farm prior to the mid-nineteenth century in the areas near Taylor, Snowflake and Shumway. The Cibeque Band farmed along the Cibeque Creek and its tributaries from Salt Creek all the way to four miles below the day school, as well as near

White Springs and Spring Creek. The Canyon Creek Band had farm sites on Oak and Canyon

Creek, and on Cherry Creek on the eastern side of the Sierra Ancha.

The San Carlos area included the Pinal, Aravaipa, San Carlos and Apache Peaks Bands.

The Pinal Band had farms along six miles of Pinal Creek, at the confluence of Pinal Creek and the Salt River, and on the Salt from Pinal to Tonto Creek. The Aravaipa Band had its own farm sites at the mouth of Aravaipa Canyon and had a shared site with the Pinal Band at Dick Springs

Canyon. The San Carlos Band had several sites along the San Carlos River from Victor’s Bluff to Seven Mile Canyon. Buskirk recorded no large farming sites for the Apache Peaks Band, though he noted that some people had small farms at Seven Mile Wash next to the San Carlos

River.

The Tonto Apache are divided into two groups, Northern and Southern with each being comprised of several other bands. The Southern Tonto included the Mazatzal Band who farmed on Tonto Creek from its mouth to the area above Gem Creek. The second, third, fourth, and fifth semi-Bands had sites along Spring, Pine and Strawberry Creeks, the East Verde River, and at the confluence of Tonto and Rye Creeks. They also had fields near Payson and Gisela, as well as in the Round, Green and Star Valleys, at White Rock Mesa, Strawberry, Pine and Bluefarms in the northern Mazatzal Mountains. The Fossil Creek Band of the Northern Tonto had some small farms on Fossil and Clear Creek and on the Verde River near Deer Creek. The Bald Mountain and Oak Creek bands lacked farms as did the Mormon Creek Band, which stated that the area lacked water, decent ground, and left them too exposed to other tribes.

The above information, which was provided to Buskirk (1986) by Western Apache informants, reveals a vast area, ranging from the Little Colorado River to Mexico and from the

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Verde and San Pedro Rivers to the New Mexico border, which was under cultivation by various

Western Apache Bands prior to the mid-nineteenth century. These data support the notion that

Western Apaches were not only farming prior to the mid-nineteenth century in Arizona, but had also developed and maintained traditional farming areas amongst the various bands as well as cooperative farming relationships between bands as is evident by the existence of joint use farm territory.

5.10.2 Eastern Apache Farming

Veronica E. Velarde Tiller (1983, 2000) has provided important insights into Eastern

Apache farming. The Jicarillas traditionally occupied land in northern New Mexico and southern

Colorado. The Jicarilla territory ranged from the Sangre de Cristo Mountains which run parallel to the Rio Grande on the east and extended northward from Santa Fe to the Arkansas River in southern Colorado (Tiller 2000).The Jicarillas consisted of two bands: the Llanero (plains people) and the Ollero (mountain-valley people). Agriculture was an important part of the lives of the Jicarilla Apaches.

The Creation stories indicate that “the origin of horticulture is associated with the wild turkey, which brought it to the Jicarillas” (Tiller 2000: 27). Oral tradition also attributes farming practices to the efforts of a single man. Because of this story, men have traditionally prepared the fields, tended to the irrigation systems, and assisted with the harvest while the women did the seeding, hoeing, and weeding and the children helped when they were able (Tiller 1983). The entire process was truly a family effort (Opler 1972).

According to Tiller (1983) agriculture has been practiced by the Jicarillas since the

1600s. The Spaniards described Apache rancherias as having flat-roofed houses with “their fields of maize, melons, squash, and beans in near proximity. Irrigation was used to supplement the scanty rainfall” (Tiller 1983: 441). Corn was a staple crop which had many extensive uses that included ceremonial and medicinal purposes.

The vast difference of the terrain provides an understanding of the duality of the Jicarilla bands. Farming by the Ollero band was more prevalent than the Llanero band, which lived in the more arid plains region of their territory. The Llanero band is reported to have taken up more extensive farming “after the arrival of the Americans” (Tiller 2000: 27). It is believed that the development of agriculture was uneven due to the dangers of raiding from Plains groups, which led to crop destruction. By the 1800s the Jicarilla agricultural complex was fully developed and had spread along the streams in Cimarrom and Abiquiu regions. The Jicarillas followed a pattern that was repeated by Western Apache groups in Arizona of moving into other native groups’ farming areas after forced removal or death from disease episodes. Despite the expansion of

Apache farming, a serious decline occurred during the American period (post 1848) when the

Jicarillas were removed from their lands and forced on the reservation. The reservation ecology was not suitable for agriculture and caused the Jicarilla people to become dependent on government rations (Tiller 1983).

5.10.3 Spanish Accounts: 16 th

-18 th

Centuries

One of the earliest dates for Apache farming in the literature comes from Richard Perry who places Eastern Apaches near Taos pueblo in the late 16 th

century. He cites Spanish accounts, which describe small, but established Apache farms geared to subsistence level production.

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These Spanish accounts portray these Apaches as “peaceful farmers tending their fields” (Perry

1993: 47).

Diego de Vargas described Apache farming during his expedition to reconquer New

Mexico after the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. While traveling south of El Morro, in present-day New

Mexico, on December 2, 1692 Vargas noted in his journal that his Indian guide, Augustin el

Cabezon, had informed him that “…the Apaches Colorados had their rancheria and that they plant maize” (Hammond 1940: 238).

From

Documentos para la Historia de Mexico

(Vildosola 1856) come several documents from the mid-eighteenth century, which note Apache agriculture. In 1747, Apaches were observed planting corn near the Gila and San Francisco Rivers and around the Florida

Mountains. Corn granaries were also described in the same area. In 1757, Father Bartolome

Sanches stated that Apaches had planted cornfields all along the Gila River and Santa Lucia

Valley. In a letter the following year, Bartolome writes that more Apache cornfields were seen near the Gila River, and that some Apache captives described a river valley, believed to be a tributary of Salt River, which was planted with corn in rows and spirals. Father Escalante wrote a letter that detailed Apache farms along the San Francisco River, south of Zuni, which were planted with corn and irrigated in 1747. In 1754, he described a rancheria that had on its banks

“…various Apaches who do not roam about or have horses but much yellow corn” (Buskirk

1986: 110).

By 1763, Spanish relocation of the Akimel O’odham in southern Arizona near the confluence of Aravaipa creek and the San Pedro led to the opening of additional farm lands which became inhabited by the Apaches almost immediately (Dobyns et al. 1996). These

Apaches would continue to farm the area until their own forced removal in the 1870s.

In 1799, Jose Cortes, a Spanish Lieutenant, described several encounters with Apache farmers. He observed small-scale farming among the Coyotero and Xicarillas [sic] Apaches in

1799, noting that they were growing corn, beans, squash, other vegetables and tobacco (Perry

1993). By 1814, peaceful Apaches were reportedly cultivating crops in the area known as Tres

Alamos (east of Tucson and north of Benson). During this period, the Spanish military post at

Tucson stationed 15 soldiers to protect this group of Apache farmers (Dobyns et al 1996).

Buskirk noted that some Western Apache traditions attribute many of the origins of their crops to other peoples, such as the Hopi, Zuni, Pima, and Mexicans, and that these crops were acquired in both peaceful and hostile terms. Buskirk also uses evidence from Bourkes' journal in which he recalls Apaches telling him of ancient relationships between Apaches and the Pueblo people of the Sierra Ancha, Sierra Mazatzal and the Rio Tonto (Buskirk 1986).

5.10.4 American Accounts: 19

In the 19 th

th

Century

century, Apache farming was forced into decline due to the constant pressure of foreign militaries, particularly that of the American cavalry after 1865. This was due largely to the vulnerabilities that laid in tending a farm in one area over an extended period of time. Perry

(1993) noted that several northern groups of Western Apaches were more vulnerable to raids by the U.S. due to their large-scale farms. The Coyotero, who were more dependent on farming than the Aravaipa and Pinal Apaches, had many of their crops and fields destroyed by the U.S. army in the 1860s, causing starvation among many in the tribe. The well-documented removals of

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Apache people from their traditional lands to reservations provide strong evidence that some bands of Apache people had been practicing intensive agriculture and held it as an integral part of their lives. The following section will focus primarily on one southern Arizona band of

Apaches found in Aravaipa Creek and will consider several other instances in which U.S. intervention disrupted or altogether halted Apache farming endeavors.

5.10.5

Tce- Jine: Aravaipa Apaches

Akimel O’odham actively farmed Aravaipa Creek, which flows into the San Pedro River, until 1763 when Spanish colonial forces finished relocating the group to the mission at San

Xavier south of Tucson. Although O’odham warriors attempted to return to the area to defend it against incoming Apache immigrants, evidence suggest that by the late 18 th

century Aravaipa

Apaches had established control of and were farming the area (Dobyns and Stoffle N.d.). While there is little information regarding the first 50 years of farming by the Aravaipa Apaches, ample information and accounts surface by the mid-19 th

century as Tucson’s population grew and

Anglo settlers began pressuring resources and land near the present day community of

Winkelman, where the confluence of the Aravaipa and the San Pedro occurs. Struggles between

Anglo, Mexican and Apache farmers occurred frequently after Mexico’s independence and continued throughout the American period. The violence escalated after Mexico’s cession of land north of the Gila River to the U.S. and came to a climax after the Gadsden Purchase of 1853 and the beginning of American exploration in 1856.

The story of Eskiminzin, Apache chief of the Aravaipa band (Figure 5.20), and the attempts made by U.S. citizens and military to remove him and his band was documented by

Sherry Robinson. Beginning in February 1871, Eskiminzin began making trips to Fort Grant. By

March of that year, Eskiminzin had peacefully brought 150 of his people to Camp Grant to obtain food. Soon after, the Apache population around Camp Grant grew to 500. Meanwhile, other Apaches continued raiding non-Indian settlements in the area. These raids resulted in the formation of a mob of Tucsonans and O’odham Indians who attacked the Apache camp at Ft.

Grant in late April 1871. The attack resulted in the death of over 100 Apache, all but 8 of whom were women and children. Despite President Grant’s condemnation of the attacks, the resulting trial found all of the defendants inculpable and Eskiminzin swore off his peace treaty (Robinson

2000).

Figure 5.20 Chief Eskiminzin

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Three years after the attacks, Eskiminzin began farming in October 1874 on the Rio San

Carlos where he and his family had been relocated. It was reported that “He settled on some vacant land on the Rio San Carlos several miles from the agency and immediately began to clear the land and build an irrigation ditch” (Robinson 2000: 71).

During that same year, the U.S. government attempted to consolidate other tribes onto the San Carlos Reservation. This included the Yavapai, who were forced to abandon their irrigated farms at Camp Verde, where they had produced over forty acres of vegetables in a season, and move to the San Carlos Reservation. This action was repeated again in 1876 when the Coyotero Apaches were forced to move from Camp Apache in the White Mountains to San

Carlos. Like the Yavapais, the Coyotero Apaches were forced to leave their irrigated crops that were near harvest point during their removal (Perry 1993).

Eskiminzin was able to recruit 250 Apaches to volunteer as scouts for the U.S. and to fight against the Chiricahuas when the band resumed raiding in Southern Arizona. In 1877,

Eskiminzin left San Carlos and started a new ranch 60 miles east of Tucson in the San Pedro

Valley. Ten years after Eskiminzin began his ranch, Lieutenant Britton Davis noted his accomplishments. He wrote: “The little colony of six or eight families might well be mistaken for a colony of prosperous Mexican farmers. They had adobe houses, fields under barbed wire fences, modern (for those days) farming implements, good teams and cows” (Robinson 2000:

73). Eskiminzin drew rations from the agency for only three years, after which he lived independently for 7 years. In that time, he had amassed a large herd of animals and maintained decent crops. However in 1888, he was attacked again by a mob from Tucson, who stole “513 sacks of corn, wheat and barley, destroyed 523 pumpkins and took away 32 head of cattle”

(Robinson 2000: 73), all after firing on him and his women. After the attack, Eskiminzin left for the San Carlos Reservation where he immediately cleared another piece of land, built fences, and constructed irrigation canals on the Gila River to establish a new farm.

The response of the Tucson mob to Eskiminzin’s success was due in part to what

Tucsonans and other Anglos in the area had come to view as competition from Apaches in markets. Furthermore, the influx of U.S. military personal during the escalation of violence between various Apache groups and the U.S. had meant an increase in business for traders and farmers in the area. Thus as Perry (1993) asserts, many non-Indian businessmen had a vested interest in maintaining the conflict and keeping the U.S. Army in Arizona.

In 1890, Eskiminzin, due to his relationship with Apache Kid, his son-in-law, Eskiminzin and his family, except one wife and child who remained to care for the farm, were relocated to

Mount Vernon Barracks, Alabama. By January 1894, Eskiminzin had become the head gardener for the Apache camp that numbered around 400 (Robinson 2000).

During a meeting in August of 1894, Eskiminzin was interviewed regarding his request to return to the San Carlos Reservation. He said: “I have a farm on the Gila River above San Carlos

Agency…altogether about 38 people came here with me. They all belong in San Carlos River and have farms there” (Robinson 2000: 77). He was finally sent home in late 1894 and died at

San Carlos in 1895 or 1896. His descendents continue to farm on the San Pedro (Robinson

2000).

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This story and the events that surround it reveal the extent to which farming was important to some bands of Apaches prior to and during the period of hostilities with the

Americans. It is clear that there was both a commitment and attachment to farming that superseded any demands from the U.S. government. Furthermore, the skills necessary for successful agriculture were already held by this group of Apaches. It should be noted again that not all bands had been practicing farming on the scale that the Coyotero and Aravaipa bands did during the U.S. period and some, such as the Chiricahua appeared to have not practiced farming during the cavalry period. However by 1885, the Chiricahua had placed 75 acres of land at Fort

Apache under cultivation attesting to their ability to adapt to the changes brought on by the

American military and continue to be active participants in their own futures (Perry 1993).

5.10.6 Post-1900

The early reservation period for several Apache groups witnessed a return to farming.

Buskirk argues:

With the advent of U.S. military occupation, agricultural activities diminished until pacification had been completed. The Apache were often too harassed and fearful to plant or to linger in the vicinity of their fields to tend to them. The military practice of destroying fields discouraged planting (Buskirk 1986: 113).

Thus farming which began in ernest at the close of the Apache wars was not entirely the result of government intervention but in some cases was a return or a continuation of pre-war practices.

Eva Watt’s book,

Don’t Let the Sun Step Over You

(2004), provides much needed insight into the realities of White Mountain Apache life after the end of the Cavalry period. In her book, she describes her own families' as well as others' relationship to farming showing a strong agriculture tradition among several of the Western Apache bands.

Watt describes her uncle, John Lupe’s farm at Oak Creek Canyon below Medicine on the

Salt River, which they called Tséét ę h Na’áá in the early 20 th

century. Some of the crops she describes include watermelons, cantaloupes, corn, wheat, sorghum, and various types of beans.

Watt also recalls her grandmother and uncle’s farms at Tséé Bika Naaditin near Blue House

Mountain. Here she provides even more detail regarding the types of plants grown by her grandmother. Some include the chigolshahá or devil’s claw, nadá cho (big corn), nadá ł igai

(white corn), nadá ł itsogí, (yellow corn), and nadá dot ł ’izhí (blue corn). In this section she also details the construction of digging sticks made from a straight cedar branch, sharpened to a point at one end and with a rock tied to the other used igáyé (broadleaf yucca). This digging stick was made to plant corn (Watt and Basso 2004).

In the 1920s, Watt recalls her family finding abandoned fields in disrepair and how they repaired the fences and began seeding the land with seeds her mother had carried from Cibecue.

There they grew corn, squash, sugarcane, and sorghum (Watt and Basso 2004). For Apaches living in the San Carlos Agency, the late 1920s witnessed the construction of Coolidge Dam which placed many of the Apache farms in the area, permanently under water (Perry 1993; Watt and Basso 2004).

The ongoing Western Apache Place Names Project has provided additional information regarding locations and descriptions of traditional Apache farms. Pilsk and Cassa (2005)

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recorded information from Apache elders representing the San Carlos, White Mountain, and

Tonto Apache Tribe, and the Yavapai-Apache Nation. Many traditional gathering and farming sites have already been mapped in the region (see figure 5.21). This project offers additional insights and the promise of more information on traditional Apache connections to the Tonto

Basin and surrounding watershed.

Figure 5.21 Western Apache Sites and Names in the Tonto Basin Area (Pilsk and Cassa 2005)

Apache corn and bean farming have historically been viewed as the result of the U.S. military campaigns and subsequent relocation of Apaches onto reservations. Numerous eyewitness accounts, oral testimony, ethnographies and other historical documents, however, prove this to be false. Early traveler accounts describe Apache farms in New Mexico as early as the late 16 th

century, with more detailed accounts becoming available in the mid 18

Accounts in the 19 th

century provide detailed accounts of Apache farms and farmers and the obstacles they faced during the period of American hostilities. Finally the 20 th th

century.

century produced an ethnography (Buskirk 1986) which recorded at least two centuries of active Apache agriculture among various bands of the Western and Eastern Apache, and the 21 st

century has offered an autobiography (Watt and Basso 2004) detailing early 20 th

century Western Apache life and the role that agriculture played in allowing Apaches to remain tied to their tradition and to play active roles in determining their own present and future. Among some bands of Apache, agriculture can be viewed as a tradition and a practice that was chosen and embraced in times prior to European contact, rather than exclusively a tool of subjugation by foreign governments.

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CHAPTER SIX

HOPI SITE BY SITE ANALYSIS

This chapter presents the Hopi interpretation and the ethnographic analysis of the seven sites discussed during the Hopi portion of the Tonto National Monument field visits. Sites were chosen by Park Service staff and University of Arizona (UofA) researchers based on cultural resources found at these locations. American Indian identification and the cultural importance of some sites extend beyond the archaeological evidence. It is evident from these interviews that the lands of Tonto National Monument are important to Indian people.

The comments and analysis that are included in this chapter are organized by site and the order in which the locations were visited, starting with the spring, which is the Monument’s primary source of water. The spring is followed by TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse), the Roosevelt

Lake Indian Worker Camp, the Historic Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle, TONT Site

65 (Multi-room Pueblo), TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling), and TONT Site 52 (The

Northern Annex). Geological, ecological, botanical, and zoological information can be found for each site in Chapter three.

Following a brief introduction to each site are the comments made by tribal representatives regarding the cultural meaning and traditional uses of the sites. After this section, representatives offered management and access recommendations. Tribal representatives have suggested a variety of management strategies for the sites visited during this study and the

Monument as a whole. The individual site evaluations and recommendations are found at the end of each site’s section and express concerns on a number of issues such as which stories should be told to Monument visitors, what kinds of behaviors are appropriate at or near a site, environmental impacts, and the possibility for Native American monitoring. Overall Monument recommendations, presented by theme and ethnographic comments are located at the end of this chapter. The authors of this report have not edited the individual recommendations, thus these recommendations may represent multiple and sometimes conflicting management strategies.

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6.1 The Spring

You know every, of course every source of water is special, but even with the springs we have out home are literally defined as Pahokikikne kisiwa. As an example is the way different springs that are already carry that specialness is a ceremonial shrine; it’s an offering place. If you have a water flow, the modern Hopi behavior is we can make an offering any place along the river, but then in cases of springs, you of course narrow the source to the one place, and I don’t want to kind of triage this whole thing by saying that springs are more important than free flowing water, but this would, may serve as a ceremonial water source. But every water carries a very special sacredness to Hopi.

- Hopi Person A

Figure 6.1 The Spring

The spring is located south of the Tonto National Monument’s Visitor’s Center and the ramada following the drainage, between Honey Butte, TONT Site 50 (The Upper Cliff

Dwelling), TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling), and TONT Site 52 (The Northern

Annex). The path to the Upper Cliff Dwelling passes by the former water tank and the spring.

The spring is clear, runs year round, and is fed by other springs in the area. It is now the only permanent spring left in the area, but there is evidence of former springs near Tonto National

Monument. The spring provides the water used by Tonto National Monument.

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6.1.1 Native American Comments

UofA ethnographers conducted a total of 4 interviews with Hopi people at the spring.

Hopi Person A:

You know, there’s a certain phenomena, cultural phenomena that still is practiced today. <Hopi>. Some of those cisterns in Oraibi for example are under the stewardship or caretaking of clans, so this might very well be the case too, where a certain group or family group or clan would be designated as the caretakers of a spring.

Figure 6.2 The Trail to the Spring

Hopi Person B (as translated by Hopi Person A):

Hopi Person B also is saying that a lot of the current named springs around the villages also were carried during the migrations. So he was explaining one place called “Bluebird springs” which is right in

Somopaivi but goes into the San Francisco Peaks. There’s a place named for another spring – I think that’s Doyell’s spring over in Shultz pass, then further into the Verde

Valley, and then all the way down into Palatqwapi is where the place Choshpo Bluebird springs is carried, so he says reading the connection of modern place names to clan history…This spring would have a name, and if they were to leave from here, they would

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take the name of that spring and give it to a similar spring somewhere else on their journey and then they would take it if they moved again, and so they would move the name of the spring and it that way kind of continue to honor this spring as they moved, and part of the footprint process. So we don’t know what this spring might have looked like because the railroad people and others modified it for various purposes.

Hopi Person A:

Oh yeah, I mean, I was mentioning…<Hopi>…I was taken, some years back, by Eric Poliniama, to what is now in his opinion, Doyell’s spring, so that’s what the modern name is. All that’s left is an old hand pump because it was developed and there was an old trough there because ranchers went over there and developed it so there’s no sense of a spring but the old pump is still there.

Hopi Person C:

I think the water source is an important part for choosing this location. I guess from what I understand, it serves the park here year round, so it must have been flowing pretty good continued to spring up here. Yeah, so the water source is a good indicator to put the sites here too.

Concerning site-specific management and access restriction recommendations, Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A and B (as translated by A)

In our belief system, everything is alive, but a spring has a spirit, so the spring has served the people here a thousand years ago and today, in that sense it’s still serving the spirits of our ancestors who once lived here, and that’s why I think it’s important to have those remains come back here too, because the spirit is always here; those remains need to be here, but that’s another discussion. So I think in terms of like the visitation, I think yeah, it can maybe fall into the Pahana concept of management, but it’s also important that the spring feels human presence too.

You know? So I guess in that way, everyone in Hopi is special, no? <Hopi>. And also the other part of spiritual quality is innocence. Do people just come in to see, but don’t think like the Hopi in terms of the specialness of the spring – that’s ok, because innocence is a reflection of purity too. So if a tourist comes in just to see and see, and be curious – that’s ok, because the ruin also is alive so I was kind of in joking saying, “Here we are eating this modern as modern Hopis, getting the best of our humanness of curiosity, just like you guys are. We mentioned this thing, ‘very interesting’ right? And then telling them, if indeed the spring is alive, and indeed these villages up here are alive, they’re probably just smiling at us because they know what happened a thousand years ago, what was happening a thousand years ago, and here we are collectively as human people, trying to figure things out, scratching our heads, asking questions, and they’re just kind of privately laughing at us, you know, because they know. So I think, you know, direct intrusion, like some of the questions here Rich, I’ve never seen the spring, and we’ll comment on it again later, but if it’s fragile, if there’s erosion, sure those are management issues. But in terms of the visitation, if people go by and see it, it can be managed, I’m sure, in different ways, but the renewal you also mentioned is also done in the spiritual way. The quality of the spring is that the spring is connected to the clouds and when we offer our prayers to the spring, it’s also a petitioning of the clouds. It’s that

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they be asked to bring us rain, moisture for everything. So, the cloud people and the springs are one and the same, is what Hopi Person B’s saying.

6.2 The Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp Site

The Roosevelt Lake Indian Worker Camp includes a concentration of artifacts in and around a cleared area with several semi-circles of rocks. These artifacts include cans, buckets, sieves, flaked bottle glass, a basket made of bailing wire, grinding slabs, and cans that have been shaped. Additionally, there was a bucket with holes punched in a flower design. The area matches pictures of dam construction camps and the cans date back to the early 1900s. It is located about 3.5 miles from the dam and 0.5 miles from the spring at Tonto National

Monument.

6.2.1 Native American Comments

Due to time constraints, Hopi people did not have the opportunity to visit this site.

6.3 TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse)

This site is located on the east side of the entrance road to the Monument and is 1 mile south of the modern Roosevelt Lake shoreline. The site consists of a three-walled stone foundation with the open end of the structure facing north. The Juniper wood, dating from after the 1350s, that was used as construction material at this site matches that found at TONT Site 51

(The Lower Cliff Dwelling). Vegetation has been removed from the site in an effort to preserve it. The archaeological material found at this site has been limited.

Figure 6.3 TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse)

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6.3.1 Native American Comments

UofA ethnographers conducted a total of 4 interviews with Hopi people at TONT Site 22

(Fieldhouse). The four representatives believed that this site was used by Hopi people in the past.

To them, the site features suggest that this location was a resting and food processing area for people traveling along the trails through the Tonto Basin. Hopi representatives also thought that this site was similar to another area in the basin and therefore a shrine must be present within the vicinity. Hopi representatives added that the Tonto Basin,

Wukoskyavi

, is an important part of

Hopi clan migrations from the south in that trails from the southern areas pass through the basin to the Hopi Mesas.

6.4 Historic Apache/Yavapai site in Honey Butte Saddle

This site is on an uphill slope towards the main peak of Honey Butte. The sediment is loose and fine, and the site itself is rather limited in plant life compared to the surrounding area.

Metal and stone objects have been found both on the ridge and in a drainage area just below the site. Among the artifacts were a small metal buckle and part of a metate. Horse bones and teeth are also present at the site. Sites nearby have been disturbed by a fire line, which was bulldozed up to the ridge in the 1960s, and artifacts originally from this site could have been damaged in the process.

6.4.1 Native American Comments

Due to time constraints, Hopi people did not have the opportunity to visit this site.

6.5 TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo) is an unexcavated site with a viewscape that includes

TONT Site 50 (The Upper Cliff Dwelling), TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling), TONT

Site 52 (The Northern Annex), Cholla Canyon, the primary peak of Honey Butte, Schoolhouse

Wash, and the present-day Roosevelt Lake. Notably, sounds from the Lower Cliff Dwelling are clearly audible on the ridge, while sounds from the ridge are not audible from other locations in the Monument. There is an abundance of smooth, rounded stones, found both individually and as part of conglomerate deposits, as well as desert varnish on some of the rocks, and crystal formations on a nearby rocky peak. The small peak to the north also supports lichen and moss.

The site is located on the ridge to the east of the Monument’s visitor center. Access to this site is restricted because there is no formal Monument trail, as well as the fact that part of the saddle lies on Forest Service land. Some archaeological material has been removed from this site.

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Figure 6.4 TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

6.5.1 Native American Comments

UofA ethnographers conducted a total of 4 interviews with Hopi people about TONT Site

65 (Multi-room Pueblo).

When asked about the geology of this area or elements that stand out, Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person D:

Pretty much the whole ridge. In particular you know definitely, maybe utilizing horizon points, you know to mark off the different seasons, when to plant, looking out for the water, you know prior to it, you know definitely not being dammed up, they would utilize it, again with the agricultural. But again, just more specifically as a lookout for maybe other groups, bands coming in…A lookout point…scoping out point.

Hopi Person C:

What caught my attention was that the two sites were very visible from there, and these sites only have a restricted view, even with this hill, so the site up here is able to see down this valley towards Payson, and then also like a, very tip of a, where it’s a good view, where you could see in both, or the major directions, other than behind. So if they would see, you know, other people coming it would be a good place to signal both the residents here because it’s easily visible, and that’s what caught my attention right away.

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When asked, “Why or for what purpose would Indian people have used this area,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A:

Figure 6.5 Hopi People and a Park Service Staff Member

I mentioned up there that also, maybe even the very distinct satellites of these villages around here. They were all satellites of each other, but maybe you would have this village sort of subservient to these other two villages, kind of a reflection of the

Hopi villages in days past function, where you had groups coming in and being assigned certain areas to build their homes, until such time they were allowed to be part of their, you know, growing community, so, that’s what I mean when I say could have very well been a temporary satellite village and maybe even in certain ways, maybe even subservient to the ruling clans here. I don’t know, it’s just a reflection on how our modern Hopi villages came to be a thousand years ago, in Oraibi and Shongopovi.

Hopi Person A: [So if visitors wanted to come in and be with these people they would be asked to live up there for a while until they could be more correctly integrated into the people?]

Yeah, but for example over at Oraibi, some of the more common clans, particularly, like say in Oraibi tradition, you have the Coyote clans, two groups of

Coyote clan people coming in rather late and they volunteered to defend the village. So the village chief assigned their homes around the periphery of Oraibi and that was a very, a very simple and direct way, and so the coyote clan served in that capacity of kind of like with this village up here, like to scout. They would serve to warn. They would also be there first to greet people, so those were some of the more practical responsibilities

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that they accepted and later they served in some of these, I don’t like the term warrior societies, because it doesn’t fit into the Hopi philosophy, but they were the first to defend villages. They were these societies gcacletang, we call them paletaka or gcacletang, those societies. The popular way is to call them warrior societies but war is something we don’t promote. But anyway these were societies created for that. We’re going to give credit to Hopi Person C with this one, it might serve as a criers point, a village crier or those purposes, of people approaching or for ceremonial functions too. I think that’s what you mean though, Hopi Person C. And that would be, like in Hopi it would be called…

Figure 6.6 Hiking to TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

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-

-

Hopi Person B (as translated by Hopi Person A)

I think what Hopi Person B is advising is that it would be the ovi is a high point. o is up, and vi makes it a place. tsa’akq is crier, or announcing, tsa’aqw ovi. It’s spelled, t,s,a,k…t,s,a, then a little apostrophe, a, k…q, I believe…<discussion> Ok, t,s,a, and then apostrophe, then a,q,w, then o,v,i. It would be another place, I mean it would be another term, it would be the high place of the, the criers high point place.

Hopi Person A: [Would these criers announce ceremony, or would they actually conduct ceremony sometimes?]

They would be announcers, and they would announce not the ceremonies, but events, like communal planting. They would announce, like we do baby naming ceremonies. They would announce harvest. Oh they have all kinds of purposes, greeting…

Hopi Person A: [Now, given that that is a place where the announcement, would these places up here because of their kind of bandshell thing. Would these ceremonies happen here, certain times, and these would be heard down in the valley? Does that make any sense, that they have related but separate functions?]

Of course if it didn’t have a crier, and the crier was asked for a different you know announcements, and if that in fact was used in that manner, it would be for people to hear, like I was saying, it could even be for warning. And you know, in our ceremonial runs…<Hopi>…shouting, like I was saying and you guys were mentioning that that point seems to be kind of a unique area because you can hear up on top there too. So it could be for both warning; it could be for greeting and you would have in certain cases too, I was explaining to them about the farming valleys of our villages you had these shelters up on the cliffs there and they would be used in case the enemy arrive and in particular men farmers would escape up there, but if an enemy was spotted they would use shouts to warn themselves of the enemy and also the distance from each point, so farmers knew what to do. So they would shout across and the use of echoes would be important.

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When asked, “Which, if any, of the following features is an important part of why this place is significant to Indian people,” Hopi people responded:

Feature Type

11a. Source for Water

-

-

-

Hopi Person C:

I think the water source is an important part too, for choosing this location. I guess from what I understand, it serves the park here year round, so it must have been flowing pretty good continued to spring up here. Yeah, so the water source is a good indicator to put the sites here too.

Hopi Person D:

And then I guess that was the question why it was asked up there if you know there was any evidence of mortar or plastering, because if you don’t have that water then how are you going to make the mortar? But again, you know the water was always going to be important, no matter what. It sustains the people, plants, animals.

Hopi Person A: [Now if they had big communities down along the river, they of course had a permanent and large scale irrigated farming system here for a very long time. Would they have chosen this water for a different purpose because it was a spring as opposed to a river? Would it be used for a kind of ceremony rather than just irrigated agriculture?]

They might. You know every, of course every source of water is special, but even with the springs we have at home are literally defined as Pahokikikne kisiwa. As an example the way different springs that already carry that specialness is a ceremonial shrine; it’s an offering place. If you have a water flow, the modern

Hopi behavior is we can make an offering any place along the river, but then in cases of springs, you of course narrow the source to the one place, and I don’t want to kind of triage this whole thing by saying that springs are more important than free flowing water, but this would, may serve as a ceremonial water source. But every water carries a very special sacredness to Hopi… You know, there’s a certain phenomena, cultural phenomena that still practice today. I… <Hopi>… some of those cisterns in Oraibi for example are under the stewardship or caretaking of clans, so this might very well be the case too, where a certain group or family group or clan would be designated as the caretakers of a spring.

Hopi Person B (as translated by Hopi person A):

Hopi Person B also is saying a lot of the current named springs around the villages also were carried during the migrations. So he was explaining

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11b. Source for Plants

11c. Source for Animals -

one place called “Bluebird springs” which is right in Shongopoiv but goes into the San Francisco peaks. There’s a place named for another spring – I think that’s Doyell’s spring over in Shultz pass, then further into the Verde Valley, and then all the way down into Palatqwapi is where the place Choshpo Bluebird springs is carried, so he says reading the connection of modern place names to clan history…

Hopi Person A:

Oh yeah, I mean, I was mentioning…I was taken to, some years back, by Eric

Poliniama, is now, in his opinion, Doyell’s spring, so that’s what the modern name is. All that’s left is an old hand pump because it was developed and there was an old trough there because ranchers went over there and developed it so there’s no sense of a spring but the old pump is still there.

-

Hopi Person A: [But in the old days, before the white people…]

That’s where Chospa was.

Hopi Person C:

I think, when I look and hear the sounds of the animals too, they’re happy. Yeah, they’re content. And in Hopi we never just pray for ourselves, we always pray for all humans and all living things. It’s just our nature, talking about life and balance, and right now it is in balance, at this moment.

Hopi Person A:

This appearance of – I didn’t see it myself – but these guys talk about the appearance of a hawk, and they’re also seen as our protectors. You see other types of birds that are around like, you have buzzards here as another life form. You know they’re doing their thing, just <Hopi>, they have special qualities, religious qualities because of…

Hopi Person B (as translated by Hopi Person A):

Hopi Person B is saying that he knows that the natural world, all the animals, the reptilian world, the insect world, everything has life and power and he says the, us, he means humanity, and in our case of course we’re talking about the Hopi people, have always had a reliance on the natural world to help us survive because we know that the natural world, like the bear, like the rattlesnake; everything out there must be respected because it helps us survive, so when we are, when our human weaknesses come about, then we ask, for example, the animal world to help us, to bring moisture and rain so that everything can survive, so that’s the way that the Hopi people and the clans behave was with everything from nature. And the certain species of life, like the reptilian world, the rattlesnake would also be the

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11e. Geological Features e.g.- mountain, spring, cave, canyon, landmarks

protector of the villages, and Hopi Person B is saying that you know now and then that they also behaved like people; they thought, they had the feelings, they interacted with us as people, and they have the same qualities as humanity, although it is just my thought that today we sort of relegate, you know, the others species as lower than humanity, but Hopi say that they are even higher than us, so we don’t think like that. The environment is higher than humanity.

Hopi Person A: [So in the process of talking to an animal that might frequent this place, such as a rattlesnake or a bear, a group of people who feel attached to that animal might come and, to physically talk to this animal and leave prayers for it.]

Prayer yes. Become one with them. When I really think about it, this is just my personal thought, I just don’t think the life forms like this bear or mountain lions that may visit the spring, and other life forms here, I don’t think they need humanity, but I think that humanity needs them. They’re survivors on their own, but there are a lot of limitations as humanity. We don’t think so, particularly today, and we think science is our god.

But when I look at that ant hill; going up I noticed all these ants up there, and I saw this little beetle piggy backing another one. They were half way up, and it was kind of a, I don’t know. They were two little insects, but one was piggy backing and they were scurrying across up there. Man, how are they surviving out there? You know, I mean, they need water, and then the lizards out there. Sure the spring is available, but they’re out there just on the ground and you know, I look at even the field mice, you know, scurrying all day. Their fluids, it’s the plants. They don’t need us, but we need them…

-

-

Hopi Person B (as translated by Hopi Person A):

You know Hopi Person B’s indicating that certain stories, sites, were chosen for their environmental qualities, such as, for example, some sites were chosen because they had warmth, the contours of all these landscapes were I’m sure understood enough that some places offered warmth more than others, and that’s true.

Hopi Person A:

I mean I really think that’s true, I mean I keep talking about my farming area up north of Oraibi, five miles up from Kykotsmovi and that whole farm area is farmed, but right where me and three other farmers farm it is so frost prone, both late spring frost and early fall frost …<Hopi>… you know, right where my farm is, and that’s why all three, four of us farmers have to plant early up there, because we’re always wary of the early fall frost, and all around us the other farms don’t suffer that. But we know that that’s, so in my little farming around us three, four farmers, we behave differently because we know the land there.

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Hopi Person B (as translated by Hopi Person A):

So I think that’s what Hopi Person B is alluding to that you did have over time, you understood your environment, so you know, he’s talking about certain sites offering different environmental benefits, and then he talked about how the pahana today is interested in going green, and you know these sites up here he alludes to are facing he south, which has the best place for sunlight, the cliff dwellings. So these were specifically chosen for those kind of benefits

Figure 6.7 Hopi People with Park Service Staff at TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

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When asked, “Do you think these people were connected to the people farming around the river,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A:

I was saying and you guys were mentioning that that point seems to be kind of a unique area because you can hear up on top there too. So it could be for both warning; it could be for greeting and you would have in certain cases too, I was explaining to them about the farming valleys of our villages you had these shelters up on the cliffs there and they would be used in case the enemy arrive and in particular men farmers would escape up there, but if an enemy was spotted they would use shouts to warn themselves of the enemy and also the distance from each point, so farmers knew what to do. So they would shout across and the use of echoes would be important.

When asked, “Were these sites connected to the north-south trail along the valley bottom,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person D:

Definitely with the importance, again, following the river, you know the water channels and then I guess either way, you know, because there’s no traffic directions that say, ‘stop you can’t go here,’ you know they can go both, coming in or going out. Definitely with the turquoise you know, coming in, again, turquoise being traded into the south so that way jet and coral and other conical shells coming up this way, copper carbonate, you know talking about the minerals, definitely is of importance also to Hopi, so. Maybe later on, then making their treks to collect items that they need would also be another way to, you know, come back or retrace their footsteps, footprints of the ancestors, and then going back to maybe the sites you know, leaving an offering, maybe even lodging, bedding at there, maybe why certain sites are more fairly well maintained than others – to survive and have wall structuring still, you know, standing all the weathers and all these so many years.

When asked, “Is this place connected to the other sites in the Monument,” and if yes, how, Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person C:

I think the water source is an important part too, for choosing this location. I guess from what I understand, it serves the park here year round, so it must have been flowing pretty good continued to spring up here. Yeah, so the water source is a good indicator to put the sites here too.

Hopi Person D:

And then I guess that was the question why it was asked up there if you know there was any evidence of mortar or plastering, because if you don’t have that water then how are you going to make the mortar? But again, you know the water was always going to be important, no matter what. It sustains the people, plants, animals.

Hopi Person C:

What caught my attention was that the two sites were very visible from there, and these sites only have a restricted view, even with this hill, so the site up here is able to see down this valley towards Payson, and then also like a, very tip of a, where it’s a good view, where you could see in both, or the major directions, other than behind. So if they would see, you know, other people coming it would be a good place to signal both

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the residents here because it’s easily visible, and that’s what caught my attention right away.

When asked, “Do you think your people today are connected to the people who were here in the past,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person D:

Definitely with the importance, again, following the river, you know the water channels and then I guess either way, you know, because there’s no traffic directions that say, ‘stop you can’t go here,’ you know they can go both, coming in or going out. Definitely with the turquoise you know, coming in, again, turquoise being traded into the south so that way jet and coral and other conical shells coming up this way, copper carbonate, you know talking about the minerals, definitely is of importance also to Hopi, so. Maybe later on, then making their treks to collect items that they need would also be another way to, you know, come back or retrace their footsteps, footprints of the ancestors, and then going back to maybe the sites you know, leaving an offering, maybe even lodging, bedding at there, maybe why certain sites are more fairly well maintained than others – to survive and have wall structuring still, you know, standing all the weathers and all these so many years.

When asked, “It has been documented that people left this area around 1450; did your people return to this place after this date,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A:

You know of course, the modern Hopi, probably since the time the Hopi villages started to be formed used shells, sea shells, and we still do. Of course we obtain them differently now, so I’m assuming that there probably were these trading networks, and I don’t know how much research has been done in studying how extensive these trading networks were, but one tradition has the Snake Clan again traversing back down to the ancestral areas, onto the Baja, down south again and then also coming in with shells as one tradition. So the Snake societies, the Snake dancers used those shells, so I’m just saying that I think the trade network of the Hopi villages certainly was part of it and then into the Upper Verde Valley of course I mentioned the gathering of the salt, was attractive to the Hopi clans and then the gems and turquoise, all of that were mined in the

Upper Verde so the trading and the need for certain types of minerals may have also attracted Hopi Clans coming back down into these areas.

Hopi Person A: [And then when they would pass and trade and stuff with these former ancestral places and pray and maybe leave an offering, and talk to the place again and then move on.]

That’s what we’ve done. I mean we left our offerings up there a while ago.

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Figure 6.8 Hopi People at TONT Site 65 (Multi-room Pueblo)

When asked, “Did your people return to this place during the historic period,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A:

You know of course, the modern Hopi, probably since the time the Hopi villages started to be formed used shells, sea shells, and we still do. Of course we obtain them differently now, so I’m assuming that there probably were these trading networks, and I don’t know how much research has been done in studying how extensive these trading networks were, but one tradition has the Snake Clan again traversing back down to the ancestral areas, onto the Baja, down south again and then also coming in with shells as one tradition. So the Snake societies, the Snake dancers used those shells, so I’m just saying that I think the trade network of the Hopi villages certainly was part of it and then into the Upper Verde Valley of course I mentioned the gathering of the salt, was attractive to the Hopi clans and then the gems and turquoise, all of that were mined in the

Upper Verde so the trading and the need for certain types of minerals may have also attracted Hopi Clans coming back down into these areas.

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Hopi Person A: [And then when they would pass and trade and stuff with these former ancestral places and pray and maybe leave an offering, and talk to the place again and then move on.]

That’s what we’ve done. I mean we left our offerings up there a while ago.

Figure 6.9 A Hopi Person and Park Service Staff Looking at TONT Site 50 (The Upper Cliff Dwelling)

When asked, “Would you like to come back today,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person B (as translated by Hopi Person A):

I think so, I mean Hopi Person B is saying that I think that every place is special and if we are committed to at least, spiritually renewing it, we could go back and about it and, like we do with that shrine over there now. We work with our people at home and we make plans to visit the shrine, so they make special prayer feathers during the solstices and then we come and I guess do our modern pilgrimages down here. So that’s one way of Hopi Person B saying that the connection can be maintained and the renewal also maintained.

6.6 TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling) is a group of rooms made of tabular and block masonry which are held together by adobe mortar and plaster. Other materials such as juniper, sycamore, pine, yucca, and saguaro ribs were also used in the construction of the Lower Cliff

Dwelling. A side canyon drainage is located on the south side of the structure which feeds into

Cave Canyon below. A series of geological faults and water percolation has created a natural cave where the Dwelling was constructed. The cave ceiling and walls are smoke-blackened presenting evidence of previous fires in the cave’s interior.

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Figure 6.10 TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

Figure 6.11 Hopi People, UofA Ethnographers and Park Service Staff Directly Below TONT Site 51 (The

Lower Cliff Dwelling)

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6.6.1 Native American Comments

UofA ethnographers conducted a total of 4 interviews with Hopi people at TONT Site 51

(The Lower Cliff Dwelling) and TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex). Hopi people believed that the two sites were separate, but connected.

When asked about the geology of this area or elements that stand out, Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A:

I think for me it’s this landscape design on our ceremonial kilts. So in our, what we call our pitkuma, it talks about all the landscape, and it’s just what these people learned about themselves. The horizon out there is always circular; it follows the circle all the way. All of what we see is the horizon…people maybe relaxed like we are today. They’re looking at probably where they came from, you know, journey from that part, their journey from the south, maybe they come from the north, what do they call it.

This is where they came from and this is where they’re going to go next. Probably, if the decision was made to leave, they would have anticipated that next step and prepared for it. They would have stored their food. They would have made sure that everyone was healthy. They would have sent scouts ahead of the main group to look for water. So all of those probably were part of their stay here at the time they first started to build these villages, then also later when they were deciding to move on. A lot of anticipation, perhaps maybe some fear; you never know what’s beyond the horizon, or what you’re going to encounter. In the time, humans feel like that.

Hopi Person C:

Talking about landscapes too, they must have had scouts that were going about to actually find this location, where they could actually start building. To find the water source. To find, food source too, with the different foods out here, so that’s what was playing in my mind as I was walking up. And the amount of work that went into building this place. And I think someone was mentioning that the right side of this area’s probably the first one that they constructed, and then they eventually build on, so. You know, those things were playing in my mind.

Hopi Person A:

When they finally finished the village, I think, with the amount of effort it took, I mean just imagining... To find the rock, the size of the rock, you know they had people volunteering to be the masons. You had the guys mixing the mortar. People coming down from below with the water; I mean it’s all communal, and as I said yesterday, I said, after they finished the village, there were, a lot of, not just satisfaction, but tears of joy. They worked hard and did what they did, and there’s a lot of communal appreciation. A lot of togetherness, community.

When asked, “Why or for what purpose would Indian people have used this area,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person B (as translated by Hopi Person A):

In this, Hopi Person B said that this was not merely, I guess, for shelter, but also an anticipated place of refuge, just in case.

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Hopi Person A:

So the founders of this area and this site, I think also considered many, many things, and so but it was home to them. I can just smell the rabbit stew boiling in there now, the squirrel stew, the rodent stew.

Figure 6.12 Hopi People Looking at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

Hopi Person A:

You know we were up at Utah, as I mentioned yesterday, and that goes right through the little creek there. The times that me and Hopi Person D and Hopi

Person C were up there, man was there an infestation of mosquitoes. The petroglyph panels were right there, by the little river there. So the next day I was mentioning, “Man,

I wouldn’t be surprised if the homes were further up the canyon, the walls, just to escape, you know, the mosquitoes.” So I think, again being practical, I think even though you had the river going through here. Probably seasonally you had, again problems with things like mosquitoes. So I think, I was saying, I wouldn’t want to live right by the river. This was the problem they had a long time ago. And I would go further away, just so I wouldn’t be bothered with it. So I think part of it is just practical reasons. These were cooler, you know, like right now it’s cool, cool, and you have shade. Whereas if you lived down there, you probably were dealing with those kinds of problems, and right in the sunlight. So I think it was for these other kinds of practical reasons that, just served to… you also had the villages to use some of these little niches. And I’m curious as to whether or not they were walled in. I don’t know if they were or not, but I think there was more people to take care of the food storage, maintenance. Hopis have a word for emergency storage, storing of food, which is koyota. “Koyota” means to literally, to hoard, or to

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stock up so people and Hopis were always taught to be prepared, so we’re still sort of these, have these customary practices of preparing and storing food and I was mentioning to them. You know me and my mom are going to have an abundance of peaches this year. And boy, man, me and my mom are always busy sun drying the peaches and storing them, just for food. Just to have to eat throughout the year. So we’re going to have a lot of peaches this year. It looks like it’s going to be a lot of work, processing and you know so we can use it. And I see that as another advantage. They were, I’m sure, pretty astute with growing control. I’m sure that they had the granaries, the food was… The niches in, particularly in the interior, it was for sure a lot cooler.

During the winter, they might have gone down to the lower elevation, it’s a little warmer down there, and they had the maintenance of food in the granaries up here. And they kept checking back and forth. So this might have also been a little seasonal too, maybe.

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When asked, “Which, if any, of the following features is an important part of why this place is significant to Indian people,” Hopi people responded:

Feature Type 1= YES 2= NO List and Describe each specific feature, like Waterfall, Indian Tea Plant, Mt. Sheep

11a. Source for Water X Hopi Person A: …

People coming down from below with the water…

11b. Source for Plants

11c. Source for Animals

X

X

-

-

Hopi Person A:

But I think it’s the water.

Hopi Person A:

Not for me. <Laughter> I don’t know how to survive with this stuff. But I think it’s the water. I would think something would, several hundred some years ago, when they were surviving off the land, I suppose if I got knowledge of the food sources, I would be happy, or I would be comfortable here, but it’s like that little fruit, or nut or whatever you call it… I know nothing about that.

[The Jojoba?]

Yeah, that one… but you see for me personally, I know nothing about how these plants around here, whether or not they’re edible or not, whether they’re medicinal, you know. I’m better with the stuff out home, the greasewood is edible. You might have, so you know, I guess if I learned the environment, I guess

I would be in a position to answer your question Richard, the plants. I’m not really that familiar how to survive off of these plants.

Hopi Person A:

You know you may have the actual plant that may not be edible, but yet the roots that are edible. So that’s another way of learning about these plants too. The plants themselves may not be edible but the roots are. So for me personally, I don’t know much about these plants unless I read about them, but I don’t have any experience with it really.

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11d. Evidence of

Previous Indian Use e.g.- rock rings, historic structures, rock art

X

11e. Geological Features e.g.- mountain, spring, cave, canyon, landmarks

X -

Hopi Person A:

You know in one of those walls back here, you see all those handprints, plastered on? There’s one hand print that fit my hand perfectly. I looked at it and it was straight out like that. It fit my hand just perfectly. So you know, when I did that, and now when we’re talking and I’m just saying, ‘Man, I touched the same place that someone…” Then you follow those, some of the smaller hand prints – they had little kids building. Helping, you know talking about being practical. It’s just kind of neat to see all those little hand prints there too, little finger marks. So it was special.

Hopi Person A:

These were cooler, you know, like right now it’s cool, cool, and you have shade. Whereas if you lived down there, you probably were having to deal with those kinds of problems, and right in the sunlight. So I think it was for these other kinds of practical reasons that, just served to… you also had the villages to use some of these little niches… I’m sure that they had the granaries, the food was…The niches in, particularly in the interior, it was for sure a lot cooler.

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Figure 6.13 Hopi People by the Pigment at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

When asked, “Do you think these people were connected to the people farming around the river,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A:

They were, I’m sure, pretty astute with growing control. I’m sure that they had the granaries, the food was… The niches in, particularly in the interior, it was for sure a lot cooler. During the winter, they might have gone down to the lower elevation, it’s a little warmer down there, and they had the maintenance of food in the granaries up here. And they kept checking back and forth. So this might have also been a little seasonal too, maybe.

Hopi Person A:

Yeah, I guess it’s really hard to imagine exactly what was being done or being performed here. You know, you obviously had a people living an excellent, like a lot of evidence of human occupation, but I do think it’s pretty impressive, the amount of work they put into it seemed to indicate that it had a long term purpose, beyond you know, perhaps the farming community that uses the river there.

When asked, “Were these sites connected to the north-south trail along the valley bottom,” Hopi people responded:

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-

Hopi Person A:

They’re looking at probably where they came from, you know, journey from that part, their journey from the south, maybe they come from the north, what do they call it. This is where they came from and this is where they’re going to go next.

Probably, if the decision was made to leave, they would have anticipated that next step and prepared for it. They would have stored their food. They would have made sure that everyone was healthy. They would have sent scouts ahead of the main group to look for water. So all of those probably were part of their, stay here at the time they first started to build these villages, then also later when they were deciding to move on. A lot of anticipation, perhaps maybe some fear; you never know what’s beyond the horizon, or what you’re going to encounter, so, at the time, humans feel like that.

Hopi Person C:

Talking about landscapes too, they must have had scouts that were going about to actually find this location, where they could actually start building. To find the water source. To find, food source too, with the different foods out here, so that’s what was playing in my mind as I was walking up. And the amount of work that went into building this place. And I think someone was mentioning that the right side of this area’s probably the first one that they constructed, and then they eventually build on, so. You know, those things were playing in my mind.

Hopi Person B (as translated by Hopi Person A):

In particular with the food crops, Hopi

Person B is saying, those were really cared for. They were part of the migrations, and they prepared you know the corn, and all of your then food crops, and you carried that to the next place, and the seeds also were carried with you, again to start your new season again. So all of that was part of the movement.

Figure 6.14 UofA Ethnographers Interviewing Hopi People at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

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When asked, “Is this place connected to the other sites in the Monument,” and if yes, how, Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A:

I guess they would go back to like maybe isolation, specific certain members only, maybe utilize that as part of ceremony as well, because it’s still also within the culture we’re leading out there. The Hopi villages, there are other remote areas, similar functions happen. So even if they’re not having it placed here it’s over there, but it still is connected with the main site.

Hopi Person A:

When they finally finished the village, I think, with the amount of effort it took, I mean just imagining... To find the rock, the size of the rock, you know they had people volunteering to be the masons. You had the guys mixing the mortar. People coming down from below with the water, I mean it’s all communal, and as I said yesterday, I said, after they finished the village, there were, a lot of, not just satisfaction, but tears of joy. They worked hard and did what they did, and there’s a lot of communal appreciation. A lot of togetherness, community.

Figure 6.15 UofA Ethnographer Interviewing Hopi People at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

When asked, “Do you think your people today are connected to the people who were here in the past,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A:

I think for me it’s this landscape design on our ceremonial kilts. So in our, what we call our pitkuma it talks about all the landscape, and it’s just what these people learned about themselves.

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Hopi Person C:

And, you know, just the life, the lives that they lived in this area, and the type of you know, I guess the language that they were talking. We were talking about clans and I know that different types of clans do speak different languages, that eventually got to one, so that the toast in my mind too, the communication. Their plans, I guess, for the future. Migrating to the area.

Hopi Person A:

So I think it was for these other kinds of practical reasons that, just served to… you also had the villages to use some of these little niches. And I’m curious as to whether or not they were walled in. I don’t know if they were or not, but I think there were more people to take care of the food storage, maintenance. Hopis have a word for emergency storage, storing of food, which is koyota. “Koyota” means to literally, to hoard, or to stock up so people and Hopis were always taught to be prepared, so we’re still sort of these, have these customary practices of preparing and storing food and I was mentioning to them.

Figure 6.16 A Hopi Person at TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling)

Hopi Person B (as translated by Hopi Person A):

And he

[Hopi Person B]

also says that this is where the Hopis carried some of their knowledge that they still use at home, and how today from Hopi, we still petition the spiritual people here for, to help us as Hopi

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people, to bring I guess the pahana way, is to say a good life for everybody. Of all we talk about the cosmos and everything that’s part of Hopi, so he says he’s thankful that he visited this site today with everybody.

Hopi Person D:

I just hope to continue on having this preserved for this long. Again, the physical evidence of migration history and knowledge confirms of the travels, the footsteps, the footprints of the ancestors leading towards where we’re presently located.

I’m glad, thankful to visit this spot. And then to have a little bit more elaboration of you know, the discovery of the shrine, or that particular name. I remembered hearing that and him explaining what being here again now, clicked it a little more. Again strongly affirmed this area for still having the pilgrimage being done. Still continuing to have the connection and contacts to this place, to this spot and overall it’s really, again, fascinating, awestruck… the exhibit down there, again connected with symbols, as an artist, symbols that were utilized on the pots still are being utilized in all types of Hopi art, whether textiles, pottery.

When asked, “Would you like to come back today,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A:

It would probably have a name. It would have to have a name, for the village, as do all Hopi villages today. As a matter of fact I think we’re going to think about what we do, come back and do more work culturally here. We may come back and actually, like we did for the other one, actually find a name for the spring or for the villages.

Hopi Person A:

Well I’m glad we visited the sites. I mean, I’ve come up here before, but probably as a tourist, you know, in my cut off khaki shorts, and safari hat. But because we knew what we were going to do here, you know, I’ve been thinking about it as we planned it. And then of course the actual visit here and also having all of us together.

Hopi Person B (as translated by Hopi Person A):

Also having the four of us as Hopi

Person B said, ‘Collectively thinking about it – learning from each other.’

Hopi Person A:

That helped, so I’m glad that we visited the area with a sense of purpose.

I’m glad I saw the spring down there. It was really nice to see. That was impressive. So yeah, I’m glad I visited the area and I know I’ll be coming back again, for sure.

Hopi Person A:

It’s a special visit so I’m going to thank everybody again for your hosting and everything else, the staff, all of them. We’d like to work with you more than I have in the past.

Concerning site-specific management and access restriction recommendations, Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person D:

I just hope to continue on having this preserved for this long.

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Hopi Person A:

It’s a special visit so I’m going to thank everybody again for your hosting and everything else, the staff, all of them. We’d like to work with you more than I have in the past.

6.7 TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)

TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex) is located within an overhang slightly northeast of

TONT Site 51 (The Lower Cliff Dwelling). It contains a series of small walls constructed with adobe clay mortar, plaster, and quartzite. It also features a series of cupules (See Figure 6.18) on a flat surface in a small enclave at the northern end. The spring, Honey Butte, the Roosevelt Lake

Indian Worker Camp Site, and TONT Site 22 (Fieldhouse) are all visible from the Northern

Annex.

Figure 6.17 Hopi People at TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex) and Pigment

6.7.1 Native American Comments

UofA ethnographers conducted a total of 4 interviews with Hopi people at TONT Site 51

(The Lower Cliff Dwelling) and TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex). Hopi people believed that the two sites were separate, but connected.

When asked about the geology of this area or elements that stand out, Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person D: [I’ve got two questions, I’ve got to figure out which one to do, but the first one is trying to connect up what we were talking about earlier about the tracking of

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the sun’s pattern and seeing it from a high point. We were talking initially about this perhaps from the ridge over there. If this was also a place to track the sun, would they both track the sun as it fell off the edge of the cliff and simultaneously be watching the mountains? Would this be an appropriate spot for doing both of those things at the same place?]

Yes, it would be both horizon points and shadow, where shadow fell.

Hopi Person A:

Yeah, like I said. I don’t know where due east is, you know from here, but if this little alcove and that edge of this alcove didn’t reach far enough vision wise, then observations of the moving of the sun would certainly need to occur there because the other site, over that hill, that point. You know, so the sun watcher would maybe be, go there to that point too and help this village take a look at the movement of the stars. I don’t know how far it goes back and forth, so he said that’s what we need to find out too.

When asked, “Why or for what purpose would Indian people have used this area,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A: [You raised two or three theories about those places. Some were more domestic perhaps, activities like drilling holes in shells, but others were the possibility of an event, maybe a curing event or a healing event, that would be similar to the kinds of activities that might be in a kiva today. You raised, Hopi Person D raised the issue that maybe the light was falling on those at different times of the year, and they were somehow used as a way to tell the seasons or the time, so that the people could anticipate planting and things like that. You know, the Hopi people spend a lot of time tracking the sun and where it’s going. You’ve mentioned that a couple of times. If that area over there was used for those activities, would it be considered a separate area from this one? Would there be activities there that would be different than activities here because of those?]

Well I would think there would probably be restrictions. They would probably have only certain people be the caretakers. Especially if it was used for healing, it would carry a special segregation, respected and perhaps kept in isolation from the locals and others.

<Hopi>.

Hopi Person D:

I guess they would go back to like maybe isolation, specific certain members only, maybe utilize that as part of ceremony as well, because it’s still also within the culture we’re leading out there. The Hopi villages, there are other remote areas, similar functions happen. So even if they’re not having it placed here it’s over there, but it still is connected with the main site.

Hopi Person B (as translated by Hopi Person A):

Hopi Person B again explained where the leadership, they feel a responsibility, both men and women, and part of that was thoughtful prayer. To deliberate like Hopi Person C was saying, anticipation of where they might be going next. In fact, when it was time to move then, …<Hopi>… scouts would be sent out, and those would be specially chosen, so that would fit into to maybe some of those concepts of leadership or privacy was important because you would have to have absolute concentration of thought and prayer as you deliberated and prayed. The good will happen for us, for those people a long time ago.

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-

-

Hopi Person A:

So these thoughtful prayers, deliberations, and decisions required that kind of privacy, and so as I suggested that if it was used medicinally those would be, those cupules would be used for medicinal, herbal, concoctions for people to partake. It would be one way of looking at that too.

Hopi Person D: [I’ve got two questions, I’ve got to figure out which one to do, but the first one is trying to connect up what we were talking about earlier about the tracking of the sun’s pattern and seeing it from a high point. We were talking initially about this perhaps from the ridge over there. If this was also a place to track the sun, would they both track the sun as it fell off the edge of the cliff and simultaneously be watching the mountains? Would this be an appropriate spot for doing both of those things at the same place?]

Yes, it would be both horizon points and shadow, where shadow fell.

Figure 6.18 Cupules

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-

at the roof level they had, each one had peckings, deep peckings that represented, according to your grandfather and the other Hopi that came out, they said that these were for not only watching the sun and the moon and the stars and working on time, but also for training people who would watch the sun. That it was like a school or a college…]

University.

-

-

Hopi Person A: [Is it a jump to think about if this was a solar, stellar place of watching, that the rooms were somehow occupied by people learning?]

Novices. Well you always had anticipation of transition, you know. Particularly when the current people came of age, when they knew they had to start training – have your tutoring or your training available, for different purposes you know. Just like the prior stuff we talked about, earlier, the tsa’awq stuff, you know they would have a designated person doing that and they decided they had to be transferred, and then he would certainly have a trainee to teach.

Hopi Person D: [At Fajada Butte, the butte and those very isolated rooms were seen as needed, not only for the kind of work and prayer for the people talking about the sun and the moons movements, but the novices at that place needed quiet too. So if this is a set aside area, could it also be attractive because the novices aren’t supposed to be, while their learning. They’re supposed to be concentrating on their studies and their prayers, but how everyone would everyone would describe that activity. Does that make sense?]

That would make sense, yeah. To being away from the main site

.

Hopi Person A:

When, that occurs too at home, but you know the Taos has that Blue Lake and you know you listen to them and when they’re ready for the men, manhood initiations, they really take it to that level, where they take them up to Blue Lake and leave the trainees up there, teach them the ways of survival. And I don’t know how long they do it now, but when those young men come down they are not novices any more.

They’ve endured and survived, and it’s also impressive to listen to them, the Taos people.

It was a test of manhood, according to the Taos. So those things are done different ways, but the scouts I think had to learn the ways of desert survival. So they were taught the ways to survive and gain endurance, physical endurance, days without water and they would have to condition their bodies to do so. And once they were ready, then I’m sure those scouts were told to go, and that took another type of training. You know physical training and endurance.

Hopi Person A: [And during such a period of isolation, in a place such as this, or certainly up along the edge of Fajada Butte, they would learn a variety of things about.

They could learn a lot of different things. Is it possible it could be a place where they were taught the techniques of curing, as well as being a place for curing; it could be a place for learning how to cure. So they would be taught the medicines and the songs at that place. Is that…?]

Yeah, in Hopi it’s, you know very specialized, you had bone practitioners; you have societies that specialize today in different ailments.

<Hopi>…Women’s societies specializing in different healing, and ailments. It’s highly specialized in Hopi, so it was that specialized out here, you would have, again, different people and even maybe societies or even clans taking responsibility for training different

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things. A healer would do that to a trainee. Part of it would be also to maintain the secrecy of healing …<Hopi>…

Hopi Person A: [I mean we saw a lot of different things there. We had paint and other kinds of things and this one, is it possible that this was a place because of it’s unique location – high, isolated in these cliffs, that different kinds of learning and training could occur here, but not at the same time. So maybe at a certain time when it was right, certain kinds of people would come here and use the isolation, but then go, and then at a later time another kind of people would come and use the isolation. So part of what this place offers is isolation. Does that make sense in terms of the kinds of things we’re seeing, because we’re seeing lots of different things here?]

Yeah, I guess it’s really hard to imagine exactly what was being done or being performed here. You know, you obviously had a people living an excellent, like a lot of evidence of human occupation, but I do think it’s pretty impressive, the amount of work they put into it seemed to indicate that it had a long term purpose, beyond you know, perhaps the farming community that uses the river there. So yeah, I think privacy was important – it still is today to Hopi. Privacy is very important. The solitude, we have an airplane flying overhead, but 800 years ago you didn’t have that, so you had privacy, solitude. You had tranquility; you had…even the visitation by these vultures and buzzards because these birds are associated with different healing too, these birds. Maybe that’s why they’re here because we’re talking about healing. These are specialized birds…used for ritual purification.

Figure 6.19 Hopi People and Park Service Staff Looking at the Cupules

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When asked, “Which, if any, of the following features is an important part of why this place is significant to Indian people,” Hopi people responded:

Feature Type 1= YES 2= NO List and Describe each specific feature, like Waterfall, Indian Tea Plant, Mt. Sheep

11a. Source for Water X Hopi Person A: …

People coming down from below with the water…

11b. Source for Plants X

-

-

Hopi Person A:

But I think it’s the water.

Hopi Person A:

Not for me. <Laughter> I don’t know how to survive with this stuff. But I think it’s the water. I would think something would, several hundred some years ago, when they were surviving off the land, I suppose if I got knowledge of the food sources, I would be happy, or I would be comfortable here, but it’s like that little fruit, or nut or whatever you call it… I know nothing about that.

[The Jojoba?]

Yeah, that one… but you see for me personally, I know nothing about how these plants around here, whether or not their edible or not, whether their medicinal, you know. I’m better with the stuff at home, the greasewood is edible. You might have, so you know, I guess if I learned the environment I guess I would be in a position to answer your question Richard, the plants. I’m not really that familiar how to survive off of these plants.

11c. Source for Animals X

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11d. Evidence of Previous

Indian Use e.g.- rock rings, historic structures, rock art

11e. Geological Features e.g.- mountain, spring, cave, canyon, landmarks

X

X

Hopi Person A:

So as I suggested that if it was used medicinally those would be, those cupules would be used for medicinal, herbal, concoctions for people to partake. It would be one way of looking at that too.

-

Hopi Person D:

Yes, it would be both horizon points and shadow, where shadow fell.

Hopi Person A:

Yeah, like I said. I don’t know where due east is, you know from here, but if this little alcove and that edge of this alcove didn’t reach far enough vision wise, then observations of the moving of the sun would certainly need to occur there because the other site, over that hill, that point. You know, so the sun watcher would maybe be, go there to that point too and help this village take a look at the movement of the stars. I don’t know how far it goes back and forth, so he said that’s what we need to find out too.

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When asked, “Do you think these people were connected to the people farming around the river,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A:

They were, I’m sure, pretty astute with growing control. I’m sure that they had the granaries, the food was… The niches in, particularly in the interior, it was for sure a lot cooler. During the winter, they might have gone down to the lower elevation, it’s a little warmer down there, and they had the maintenance of food in the granaries up here. And they kept checking back and forth. So this might have also been a little seasonal too, maybe.

Hopi Person A:

Yeah, I guess it’s really hard to imagine exactly what was being done or being performed here. You know, you obviously had a people living an excellent, like a lot of evidence of human occupation, but I do think it’s pretty impressive, the amount of work they put into it seemed to indicate that it had a long term purpose, beyond you know, perhaps the farming community that uses the river there.

When asked, “Were these sites connected to the north-south trail along the valley bottom,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A:

They’re looking at probably where they came from, you know, journey from that part, their journey from the south, maybe they come from the north, what do they call it. This is where they came from and this is where they’re going to go next.

Probably, if the decision was made to leave, they would have anticipated that next step and prepared for it. They would have stored their food. They would have made sure that everyone was healthy. They would have sent scouts ahead of the main group to look for water. So all of those probably were part of their, stay here at the time they first started to build these villages, then also later when they were deciding to move on. A lot of anticipation, perhaps maybe some fear; you never know what’s beyond the horizon, or what you’re going to encounter, so. In the time, humans feel like that.

Hopi Person C:

Talking about landscapes too, they must have had scouts that were going about to actually find this location, where they could actually start building. To find the water source. To find, food source too, with the different foods out here, so that’s what was playing in my mind as I was walking up. And the amount of work that went into building this place. And I think someone was mentioning that the right side of this area’s probably the first one that they constructed, and then they eventually build on, so. You know, those things were playing in my mind.

When asked, “Is this place connected to the other sites in the Monument,” and if yes, how, Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A:

I guess they would go back to like maybe isolation, specific certain members only, maybe utilize that as part of ceremony as well, because it’s still also within the culture we’re leading out there. The Hopi villages, there are other remote areas, similar functions happen. So even if their not having it placed here it’s over there, but it still is connected with the main site.

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Hopi Person A:

When they finally finished the village, I think, with the amount of effort it took, I mean just imagining... To find the rock, the size of the rock, you know they had people volunteering to be the masons. You had the guys mixing the mortar. People coming down from below with the water; I mean it’s all communal, and as I said yesterday, I said, after they finished the village, there were, a lot of, not just satisfaction, but tears of joy. They worked hard and did what they did, and there’s a lot of communal appreciation. A lot of togetherness, community.

Figure 6.20 A Hopi Person and UofA Ethnographer at TONT Site 52 (The Northern Annex)

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When asked, “Do you think your people today are connected to the people who were here in the past,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A:

I think for me it’s this landscape design on our ceremonial kilts. So in our, what we call our pitkuma it talks about all the landscape, and it’s just what these people learned about themselves.

Hopi Person C:

And, you know, just the life, the lives that they lived in this area, and the type of you know, I guess the language that they were talking. We were talking about clans and I know that different types of clans do speak different languages, that eventually got to one, so that the toast in my mind to, the communication. Their plans, I guess, for the future. Migrating to the area.

Hopi Person A:

So I think it was for these other kinds of practical reasons that, just served to… you also had the villages to use some of these little niches. And I’m curious as to whether or not they were walled in. I don’t know if they were or not, but I think there was more people to take care of the food storage, maintenance. Hopis have a word for emergency storage, storing of food, which is koyota. “Koyota” means to literally, to hoard, or to stock up so people and Hopis were always taught to be prepared, so we’re still sort of these, have these customary practices of preparing and storing food and I was mentioning to them.

Hopi Person D:

I just hope to continue on having this preserved for this long. Again the physical evidence of migration history and knowledge confirms of the travels, the footsteps, the footprints of the ancestors leading towards where we’re presently located.

I’m glad, thankful to visit this spot. And then to have a little bit more elaboration of you know the discovery of the shrine, or that particular name. I remembered hearing that and him explaining what being here again now, clicked it a little more. Again strongly affirmed this area for still having the pilgrimage being done. Still continuing to have the connection and contacts to this place, to this spot and overall it’s really, again, fascinating, awestruck… the exhibit down there, again connected with symbols, as an artist, symbols that were utilized on the pots still are being utilized in all types of Hopi art, whether textiles, pottery.

Hopi Person B (as translated by Hopi Person A):

And he

[Hopi Person B]

also says that this is where the Hopis carried some of their knowledge that they still use at home, and how today from Hopi, we still petition the spiritual people here for, to help us as Hopi people, to bring I guess the pahana way, is to say a good life for everybody. Of all we talk about the cosmos and everything that’s part of Hopi, so he says he’s thankful that he visited this site today with everybody.

When asked, “Would you like to come back today,” Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person A:

It would probably have a name. It would have to have a name, for the village, as do all Hopi villages today. As a matter of fact I think we’re going to think about what we do, come back and do more work culturally here. We may come back and

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actually, like we did for the other one, actually find a name for the spring or for the villages.

Hopi Person A:

Well I’m glad we visited the sites. I mean, I’ve come up here before, but probably as a tourist, you know, in my cut off khaki shorts, and safari hat. But because we knew what we were going to do here, you know, I’ve been thinking about it as we planned it. And then of course the actual visit here and also having all of us together and also having the four of us as Hopi Person B said, ‘Collectively thinking about it – learning from each other.’ That helped, so I’m glad that we visited the area with a sense of purpose. I’m glad I saw the spring down there. It was really nice to see. That was impressive. So yeah, I’m glad I visited the area and I know I’ll be coming back again, for sure.

Hopi Person A:

It’s a special visit so I’m going to thank everybody again for your hosting and everything else, the staff, all of them. We’d like to work with you more than I have in the past.

Concerning site-specific management and access restriction recommendations, Hopi people responded:

Hopi Person D:

I just hope to continue on having this preserved for this long.

Hopi Person A:

It’s a special visit so I’m going to thank everybody again for your hosting and everything else, the staff, all of them. We’d like to work with you more than I have in the past.

6.8 General Native American Recommendations

The following section contains non-site specific management recommendations. The recommendations have been organized by topic and these comments have not been altered in any way by the writers of this report.

Building a Working Relationship with Monument Staff

Hopi Person A:

It’s a special visit so I’m going to thank everybody again for your hosting and everything else, the staff, all of them. We’d like to work with you more than I have in the past.

Return Visits to the Monument

Hopi Person A:

The spring would probably have a name. It would have to have a name, for the village, as do all Hopi villages today. As a matter of fact I think we’re going to think about what we do, come back and do more work culturally here. We may come back and actually, like we did for the other one, actually find a name for the spring or for the villages.

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Collaboration with NPS and Other Federal Agencies to Expand Project Footprint

Hopi Person A:

We have clan traditions, and respective clan cultures, and even in some cases clan religions. These guys carry the great winter ceremony, the solstice ceremony, the Bear Clan, and that’s something that other Hopis later learned, but that was their way, and these guys up here, the water and the corn clan also carried different ceremonies, my clan carried different ceremonies. And that’s how it is in our tradition, and we come from different places. That’s why Hopi Person C was asking about another venue we’d like to explore here, and why I wanted to go beyond these political boundaries is part of our research, is petroglyphs. And one of the basic things we look for is that, if in fact the Hopi clans were here, we would have our spiral, that’s our migration symbol Wotaveni, and we would want to look for different other symbols out there.

Constructing Shrines

Hopi representatives have asked the Monument staff for permission to construct a shrine near the spring and to be allowed to make return visits to it for prayer and monitoring.

6.9 Ethnographic Comments

Ethnographic comments are provided after the American Indian interpretation and evaluation of places at Tonto National Monument. The purpose of these comments is to contextualize certain statements made by the tribal representatives during the on-site interviews.

Each American Indian interpretation and evaluation section engages a wide range of important issues. The ethnographic comments section select one or more of these issues and provide additional insights based on extant published literature.

This ethnographic comments section is focused on the issue of Hopi as a multi-ethnic resilient society which was defined as important by the Hopi tribal representatives. The Hopi tribal representatives felt that Hopi is more a way of life than a tribe, with each of its clans forming a unique group within the whole. They feel that the Hopi tribe is connected to all of the places, including Tonto National Monument, where their clans have left “footprints”, or physical indications that they were there. The ethnographic comments are intended to further inform the reader regarding this topic, but are not to be considered as a complete analysis.

6.10 Hopi Resilience

This is an essay about Hopi as a resilient society. Resilience is a term that has emerged in common use, as well as in the biological and social sciences. Interestingly its popularity emerged just as modern society lost confidence in its ability to persist in the face of new risks. As natural and social disasters increase in frequency and intensity, the issue of lifeway survival becomes increasingly salient. Resilience is used in this analysis as a social, not an individual or small group, phenomenon. Resilience is about a social condition that occurs when people become traditional, learn about their ecosystems, and adjust their adaptive strategies to protect them from natural and social perturbations. According to Holling (1973), the Resilience Alliance (2008),

214

and Berkes, Colding, and Folke (2003: 13-16), resilience can be understood in terms of three characteristics:

The amount of change the system can undergo and still retain the same controls over its function and structure;

The degree to which the system is capable of self-organization; and

The ability to build and increase the capacity for learning and co-adaptation.

Resilience is thus concerned with the magnitude, frequency, and kinds of disturbance that can be absorbed or buffered without the society and culture undergoing fundamental changes. In human terms the simple question is “Are we still here, largely unchanged after the risk event?”

This brief analysis is focused on a massive event that occurred at Hopi and how they restored their society afterwards. It is a story of survival and must represent at some level the contemporary resilience of the Hopi people today.

6.10.1 Hopi and 1780 Drought and Smallpox

The Hopi people have lived for thousands of years on a series of isolated mesas (now northern Arizona) engaged in complex ceremonial cycles mostly focused on balancing the world, causing rain to fall in this extremely arid desert, and sustaining themselves through the dry farming of corn, beans, and squash. During most of this period they co-adapted with surrounding

American Indian ethnic groups and a fluctuating natural environment. Key in this co-adaptation was what might be called

a breathing community

that can increase or decrease the size of the local population by selectively moving some community members elsewhere (see for comparison Stoffle 2001). In times of abnormal drought, some portion of the Hopi population moved away to areas with more permanent water, like to the northeast along the Colorado River among the Havasupai people or east to the Rio Grande pueblo communities. Gaining access to other people’s natural resources in times of local drought is facilitated by social networks created by intermarriage and reciprocal exchanges. At Hopi and Havasupai, for example, these reciprocal agreements take the form of connected families and local exchange groups and clans present in each society.

By 1780, Hopi faced an unimaginable perturbation – an extensive three year long drought

(1777-1779) that was combined with a smallpox pandemic which together killed most of the population by 1790 (Upham 1986). In the Hopi Dictionary Project (1998: 378) the word for smallpox

paayawu

has two more entries “

Hisat Oravve ~y akw wùukoso’a.

(Long ago in Oraibi many people died from smallpox) and

Hópìituy amumi pitu

(This smallpox afflicted the Hopi people). So many Hopi people died at this time that the living could not properly bury the dead, who were thrown off the edge of the mesas.

This episode is well documented by the visit of the Escalante-Dominguez expedition in

1775 who conducted a census (family count) before the events (who estimated 7,494 people in

1,249 families, with an estimate of 6 people in each family) and the visit of Spanish Governor of

New Mexico, Juan Bautista de Anza, who came to Hopi to document their condition after the events in September of 1779. Anza who estimated 798 people in 133 families, with an unrealistic

215

estimate of 6 people in each family). The Hopi village of Oraibi, for example, had 800 families in 1775 and barely 40 in September of 1779, a loss of 95%. Seven Hopi villages dwindled to 5 with no more than 40 families left in any village. By most calculations the Hopi lost at least 90% of their population (John 1975: 600).

Some Hopi did move away as part of a traditional pattern of relocating to ethnically different neighbors living in wetter ecosystems like at Havasupai and other pueblos along the Rio

Grande. The former was achieved safely by the refugees, but many Hopi refugees who tried to move to the Rio Grande were killed or captured by the Navajos and never returned (John 1975:

593,597). Many Hopi simply chose to die in place – their options severely limited. The Zuni were experiencing a similar fate to the Hopi and had largely died or left that pueblo. Rio Grande pueblo people did have river water but they were already dying from smallpox (John 1975: 598).

So, a lower number of deaths than 90% may have occurred because some Hopi did leave to live with neighboring ethnic groups, but the prognosis was poor for everyone.

The Hopi population partially recovered but it never again reached the pre-1780 size.

Hopi population figures from 1890 (1,996 persons), 1900 (1,852 persons), and 1910 (2,009 persons) document a population less than a quarter of what it was in 1775 (Johansson and

Preston 1978). Still the Hopi people in the early 20 th

century appeared to be living a traditional lifeway, conducting balancing and rain ceremonies, and experiencing a daily round of life much like that observed by Escalante in 1775. So how did they restore/reconstitute their society and culture after the drought and pandemic? The most robust explanation is that people from distant communities who similarly lost much of their population were unable to sustain a traditional way of life there and subsequently moved to Hopi and joined this increasingly multi-ethnic community as new clans. Joining Hopi, however, involved accepting strict protocols where the newcomers recognized the primacy of Hopi language, culture, and political leadership model.

Newcomers were permitted unique roles in Hopi society, they could continue to practice specialized religious activities in private kivas and speak their own language away from others.

Each clan and religious society were welcome to become a part of a village only on the assurance that it would make a contribution to the common good of the community (Hieb 2002:

91). The new Hopi society was made of many peoples and cultures that today constitute

Hopitutskwa

(Hopi Land) which encompasses everywhere the Hopi people and their ancestors traveled, lived, and were buried during the long migration from the place of origin to

Tuuwanasavi

(earth center) on the Hopi Mesas (Kuwanwisiwma and Ferguson 2004).

In retrospect it appears that outwardly the Hopi language, culture, and population were resilient with respect to the 1780 smallpox pandemic and drought. Clearly some clans did not survive the perturbations and there was a different ethnic mix of peoples afterwards. Hopi has had up to sixty-four clans in the past few hundred years. Today, according to representatives participating in the Tonto cultural study, Hopi is not so much a tribe as a way of life. Among the key pillars of Hopi culture are cooperation, respect, stewardship, compassion, and humility; humility perhaps being the greatest. Hopi is a philosophy and the clans are very important. The society is now composed of thirty-two clans all sharing the overarching identity of being Hopi, but each with unique history, language, and ceremonies that derive from an ancestral home elsewhere.

216

Hopi, however, was in a sense culturally pre-adapted to the drought and pandemic that hit them by 1780 because they had a traditional pattern of receiving people from other societies and cultures as new clans. The Hopi had experienced drought, disease, and population loss and had made cultural accommodations to these. In 1715-1716, for example, drought and raids from

Utes, Navajos, and Apaches caused people from other pueblos to seek refuge at Hopi (John

1975: 238). Present then were people from Jemez, Zuni, Laguna, and Isleta pueblos. Hopi had also experienced pandemic disease events (Dobyns 1966, 1983) although Upham (1986) suggests that none of these exceeded a 30% loss of population. Ironically, had Hopi not experienced such a magnitude of depopulation in 1780, they would not have had the ability

(literally the physical and social space) to absorb so many remnant peoples from collapsed societies elsewhere in the region. The substance of the risk, 90% deaths from disease, and the substance of the solution, receiving newcomers as new clans, would greatly stress but not radically alter the broad patterns of Hopi culture and society.

A question that remains unanswerable, but nonetheless relevant, is what at Hopi did stay the same and what had to be innovated to make such a massive accommodation. It is a stretch to believe that Hopi a thousand years ago developed a multicultural society capable of absorbing dozens of migrant groups from remnant societies elsewhere. Instead a stronger argument is that

Hopi was initially a homogeneous society that when impacted by diseases emanating out of

Mexico City beginning in 1523 expanded their traditional drought adaptation procedures and began to replenish their numbers with people from other societies. The Hopi today say that they remain the same multi-cultural society they have always been – thus culturally and socially resilient.

217

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231

APPENDIX A

SURVEY INSTRUMENTS USED DURING THIS STUDY

232

NATIVE AMERICAN INTERPRETATION

Tonto National Monument

University of Arizona Indian Note Form

***NOTE: You must record a response for every question asked in order for data to be correctly coded***

Interview Number

: ______________

1.

Date:______________

2.

Ethnographer:______________________________ 2a. Respondent’s Name: ____________________________

3.

Tribe/Organization: _______________________ 3a. Ethnic Group: ________________________

4.

Gender: Male Female

5.

Date of Birth: ___/___/___ 5a. Age: _____

6.

Place of Birth (Town, Reservation): ___________________ 6a. U.S. State of Birth: ______________

7.

Study Area Site Number (ethnographer fill this in): ________________________

8.

What is the name of this place in English? 8a. What is the name of this place in your native language?

___________________________________ _________________________________

231

9.

10

.

Please describe the geography of this area or elements that stand out.

Why or for what purpose would Indian people have used this area?

1= [permanent]LIVING 2= HUNTING 3= [seasonal]CAMPING 4= CEREMONY/POWER 5= GATHERING FOOD 6= OTHER

8= Don’t Know 9= No Response

10a

. Comments on 10:

232

PLACE FEATURES (Explain - You will now begin asking questions about the physical features of the place)

Which, if any, of the following features is an important part of why this place is significant to Indian people?

Feature Type

11a. Source for Water

1= YES 2= NO List and Describe each specific feature, like Waterfall, Indian Tea Plant, Mt. Sheep

11aa.

11b. Source for Plants

11c. Source for Animals

11bb.

11cc.

11d. Evidence of Previous

Indian Use e.g.- rock rings, historic structures, rock art

11e. Geological Features e.g.- mountain, spring, cave, canyon, landmarks

11dd.

11ee.

233

12.

Do you think these people were connected to the people farming around the river?

1= YES 2= NO 3=MAYBE 8= Don’t Know 9= No Response

(IF YES OR MAYBE) How?

12a

.

13.

13a

.

Were these sites connected to the north-south trail along the valley bottom?

1= YES 2= NO 3=MAYBE 8= Don’t Know 9= No Response

(IF YES OR MAYBE) How?

234

14.

14a.

Is this place connected to the other sites in the monument?

1=YES 2= NO 3=MAYBE 8= Don’t Know 9= No Response

(IF YES OR MAYBE) How were they connected?

15

.

15a

.

Do you think your people today are connected to the people who were here in the past?

1= YES 2= NO 3=MAYBE 8= Don’t Know 9= No Response

Why or why not?

235

18.

16.

It has been documented that people left this area around 1450, did your people return to this place after this date?

1= YES 2= NO 3=MAYBE 8= Don’t Know 9= No Response

17.

Did your people return to this place during the historic period?

1= YES 2= NO 3=MAYBE 8= Don’t Know 9= No Response

Would you like to come back today?

1= YES 2= NO 3=MAYBE 8= Don’t Know 9= No Response

236

22.

MANAGEMENT AND ACCESS RECOMMENDATIONS

19

. How would you evaluate the condition of this place? 1= EXCELLENT 2= GOOD 3= FAIR 4= POOR 9= No Response

20.

Is there anything affecting the condition of this place? 1= YES 2= NO 3=MAYBE 8= Don’t Know 9= No Response

21a.

(IF YES OR MAYBE) What in your opinion is affecting the condition of this place?

What would be your recommendation for protecting this place?

23.

23a.

Do you think Indian people would want to have access to this place? 1= YES 2= NO 3=MAYBE 8= Don’t Know 9= No Response

(IF YES OR MAYBE) Why would Indian people want to come to this place?

237

24.

24a.

25.

Are there any special conditions that must be met for Indian people to use this place?

1= YES 2= NO 3=MAYBE 8= Don’t Know 9= No Response

(IF YES) What special conditions are needed for Indian people who want to come to this place?

What would you like the park to tell visitors about this place?

238

WHITE MOUNTAIN APACHE INTERPRETATION

ROOSEVELT LAKE WORKER CAMPS

Follow-up Interview

Tonto National Monument

University of Arizona Indian Note Form

1.

Date:______________

8.

Ethnographer:____________________________

2a

. Respondent’s Name: ____________________________

9.

Tribe/Organization: _______________________

10.

Gender: Male Female

11.

Date of Birth: ___/___/___

5a

. Age: _____

12.

Place of Birth (Town, Reservation): ___________________

6a

. U.S. State of Birth: ______________

8

.

What is the name of your camp in English?

8a

.

What is the name of your camp in your native language?

___________________________________ _________________________________

9.

Please describe your connection to the Roosevelt Lake worker camps:

239

CAMP LOCATION

At Tonto National Monument, there is evidence of at least 6-7 worker camps believed to be associated with the construction of the

Roosevelt Dam. All of these camps are found within 3 miles of each other. They are also roughly 3.5 miles from the dam construction site, and between .5 and 3 miles from a fresh water source.

10.

What factors were involved in choosing Apache worker camp locations?

11.

Would a death at the camp cause the camp to be moved?

YES NO MAYBE Don’t Know No Response

11a.

Comments:

12.

Would workers from different Apache tribes/clans camp separately?

YES NO MAYBE Don’t Know No Response

12a.

Why or why not?

240

CAMP LIFE

13.

Please describe the camps:

14.

Would workers’ families be at these camps?

YES NO MAYBE Don’t Know No Response

14a.

Why or why not?

14b.If yes, what was daily life like at the camps?

15.

Were local resources (plants, animals, minerals) utilized by Apache people? YES NO MAYBE Don’t Know No Response

15a.

If so, how?

241

CONNECTIONS TO HOME

16.

Would Apache people at the camps make seasonal visits home? YES NO MAYBE Don’t Know No Response

16a.

Why or why not?

17.

Did the camps come to be viewed as home or were they always seen as temporary? YES NO MAYBE Don’t Know No Response

17a

.Why or why not?

CONSTRUCTION LIFE

18.

What was the work like on the dam?

19.

How did Apache workers interact with non-Apache workers?

242

20.

Would Apaches have picked a leader to represent and translate for them?

YES NO MAYBE Don’t Know No Response

20a

. Why or why not?

21.

What types of problems would the Apache workers have faced?

REFELECTION ON CAMP EXPERIENCE

22

. Would the construction of the dam have been viewed as a positive experience?

YES NO MAYBE Don’t Know No Response

22a

. Why or why not?

23

.

What did Apache people learn from this experience?

243

24

.How did Apaches view their participation in the construction of the Roosevelt Dam?

25.

What would you like people to know about this event in Apache history?

26.

Would Apache people want these camps preserved for current and future generations?

YES NO MAYBE Don’t Know No Response

26a

. If so, how?

244

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