LOS PRIMEROS MEXICANOS: LATE PLEISTOCENE/EARLY HOLOCENE ARCHAEOLOGY OF SONORA, MEXICO by Maria Guadalupe Sanchez de Carpenter ____________________ A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the SCHOOL OF ANTHROPOLOGY In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY WITH A MAJOR IN ANTHROPOLOGY In the Graduate College THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA 2010 2 THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA GRADUATE COLLEGE As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by Maria G. Sanchez de Carpenter entitled Los Primeros Mexicanos: Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene Archaeology of Sonora, Mexico and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy ____________________________________________________________Date: 12/04/09 C. Vance Haynes Jr. ____________________________________________________________Date: 12/04/09 John W. Olsen ___________________________________________________________Date: 12/04/09 Paul R. Fish ___________________________________________________________Date: 12/04/09 Vance T. Holliday Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate's submission of the final copies of the dissertation to the Graduate College. I hereby certify that I have read this dissertation prepared under my direction and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement. ____________________________________________________________Date: 12/04/09 Dissertation Director: Paul R. Fish ____________________________________________________________Date: 12/04/09 Dissertation Director: Vance T. Holliday 3 STATEMENT BY AUTHOR This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library. Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the head of the major department of the Dean of the Graduate College when in his or her judgment the proposed use of the material is in the interests of scholarship. In all other instances, however, permission must be obtained from the author. SIGNED: Maria Guadalupe Sanchez de Carpenter 4 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Many individuals made the completion of this dissertation possible, and to all of them I will be eternally grateful. To my “gran amiga” Elisa Villalpando for her unconditional support that made the investigations in Sonora possible. To John Carpenter for listening, debating my ideas, and fixing my spanglish. My eternal gratitude to Vance Holliday for believing in me, supporting my research, his geoarchaeological expertise and arranging the processing of the samples at different University of Arizona laboratories, and for being such a good partner in the field. To Michael Collins, I owe no small debt of gratitude for all that I learned in Austin. I thank Bruce Huckell for all his assistance and encouragement over these many years. I am extremely grateful to the various organizations that provided funding for this research: Arizona Archaeological and Historical Society Research, Institute for the Study of Planet Earth, Argonaut Archaeological Research Fund (University of Arizona Foundation) established by Joe and Ruth Cramer; the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia and the special project granted by Laura Pescador. My gratitude to Mike Brack and Bill Doelle from Desert Archaeology, Inc. for making the topographic maps for Fin del Mundo. To all my professors: Paul Fish, Suzy Fish, Karen Adams, Owen Davis, Alejandro Pastrana, Gianfranco Cassiano, Jane Hill, John Olsen, Barbara Mills, Tom Sheridan, Robert Cobean, and Manuel Gándara. To the Sonorenses, Leopoldo Velez, Ing. Bustamante, Manuel and Julian Robles and Fernando Tapia for sharing information and providing assistance over the years. I am especially grateful to Don Gustavo Placencia for his hospitality and friendship. Finally, I wish to express my heartfelt thanks to the many people who have collaborated and contributed over the years with the investigations. In the 2003 field work season, Puin Morales and Natalia Martinez were my right hands, and I could not have completed that field seasons’ activities without them. INAH archaeologists, Jupiter Martinez and Cristina Garcia, also provided valuable assistance. Seven students from the Universidad de las Américas,Puebla; Carmen Caelen, Karime Castillo, José Manuel López, Melissa Santoyo, Paloma Diez, Josué Gómez and Víctor Blanco also participated in the fieldwork. I also wish to thank the workmen from the town of Carbó and the ladies of the restaurant for their aid. The 2005 season at El Aigame, with temperatures of 50 degrees centigrade, was the most difficult season of all; Alberto “Beto” Peña and Denise Carpinteyro were exceptionally good sports and made this physically taxing field season possible. Edmund Gaines collaborated with us for a couple of weeks and kindly lent us the use his truck for the first week until the Centro INAH Sonora truck became available. In the 2007 season, Edmund Gaines and Beto Peña returned to collaborate with me when we all found el Fin del Mundo site. Beto found the crucial Clovis point that revealed the affiliation and the site importance; to them I will always be grateful for their hard work and contributions to the project. My appreciation and gratitude goes with Edmund Gaines for running the field work at Fin del Mundo and all his assistance in taking several of the photographs and making the final drafts of some of the drawings that we made during the 2007 and 2008 field seasons. 5 DEDICATION A Juancho Carpintero “alma de mi alma” por caminar la vida mano a mano a través de las décadas. A Nene y Tavo quienes me hicieron como soy, me enseñaron la vida y siempre me han concedido su apoyo y confianza incondicional. Al profesor Julio Montané, Vance Haynes, y Julian Hayden; Pioneros del fascínate mundo de los primeros pobladores de América, ellos dejaron las huellas del camino que yo continuo. 6 TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………………….. 10 LIST OF TABLES……………………………….…………………………………... 15 ABSTRACT…………………………………….……………………………………. 17 CHAPTER 1. THE FIRST AMERICANS AND CLOVIS INVESTIGATION IN SONORA ……………………………………………………………………….…….. Of Paradigms and Parapets: Evidences of the First Americans ……….….……… Statement of Purpose ………………………………………………………..………. Organization of the Work …………………………………………………………… CHAPTER 2. THE LATE PLEISTOCENE/EARLY HOLOCENE PEOPLES OF MEXICO: HISTORY OF INVESTIGATIONS, THE ARCHAEOLOGY RECORD AND A CRITICAL REVIEW …………………………………………………………. Antediluvian Men in Mexico and the Nineteenth Century Finds ………………… Mammoths, Man and the Quaternary Geology of the Basin of Mexico ……….… Mammoth and Human in Tepexpan …………………………………… The Articulated Mammoths of Santa María Iztapan I and II …………. Los Reyes Acozac Mammoth …………………………………………… Mammoth of San Bartolo Atepehuacan ……………………………….. Lake Texcoco Mammoth………………………………………………… Santa Lucia I: Mammoths and Pleistocene Fauna …………………….. Tocuila Locality ………………………………………………………… Miscellaneous Archaeological Record of the First Mexicans …………..………… The Tlapacoya Site………………………………………………..……… The Valsequillo Reservoir, Puebla……………………………………….. El Cedral, San Luis Potosi …………………………………………..…… Archaeological Project “El Poblamiento de América visto desde la Isla del Espíritu Santo, Baja California Sur” …………………………………. Directly Dated Human Bones from Mexico……………………………… Early Man at the Yucatan Peninsula……………………………………… Ocozocoautla, Chiapas (Los Grifos and Santa Marta Caves)……….…… Gila Naquitz, Oaxaca……………………………………………………… Clovis, Folsom and Other Diagnostic Points of the North American Sequence in México ………………………………………………………………………………... The Clovis Presence in México …………………………………....….… Baja California ……….……………………………………… West Mexico ………….……………………………………… The Clovis Occupation in Northeast Hidalgo, Mexico ........... 18 19 24 27 28 29 33 37 39 47 50 52 54 56 57 57 60 63 63 65 66 67 69 70 70 70 72 75 7 TABLE OF CONTENTS – Continued Clovis in Oaxaca ………………………………………………………… Isolated Clovis Finds …………………………………………….……… Los Primeros Mexicanos: Of the archaeological data, and some propositions a propos of the Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene occupation of México …………… 76 78 CHAPTER 3. FRAMEWORKS FOR SONORAN EARLY PREHISTORY ….... The Sonoran Landscape ………………………………………………………..…… The Environmental Setting of the Sonoran Landscape …………………………… The Sonoran Desert Province…………………………………………… Lower Colorado River Valley Subprovince. ………………………….... The Arizona Uplands Subprovince………………………………….….. Plains of Sonora Subprovince. …………………………………………… The Central Goulf Coast Province……………………………………… The Southern Coastal Belt Province ………………………………….… Sierra Madre Occidental Province………………………………………. History of Paleo-Indian and Archaic Research in Sonora………………………… Regional Cultural-Historical Chronology of Sonora………………………………. Early Paleo-Indian Occupation of Sonora ………………………….….. Late Paleo-Indian/Archaic Occupations ……………………………….. Early Holocene Archaic Period Occupations ……………………….…. The San Dieguito/Malpais Complex. ………………………………….. Tapering Stem Point Styles ……………………………………………. Middle Holocene/Altithermal Archaic Traditions …………………….. Late Archaic/Early Agriculture Period…………………………………. Discussion ………………………………………………………………… The Clovis Record in the Regions Surrounding Sonora …………………………... Arizona …………………………………………………………………… New Mexico ……………………………………………………………… Texas ……………………………………………………………………… Summary of the Clovis Record in Arizona, New Mexico and Texas…….. 87 87 91 91 94 95 96 97 98 99 99 104 105 105 107 107 110 111 112 113 114 117 121 123 125 CHAPTER 4. GEOARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH AT PALEO-INDIAN SITES IN SONORA ………………………………………………............................ The El Bajio Site (SON K:1:3)………………………………………………………. Locus 20 (Vitrified Basalt Quarry)……………………………………….. Locus 1 …………………………………………………………………… Locus 2 …………………………………………………………………… Complex of Loci 3, 4, 5, 6 y 15 located west of Cerro Rojo……………… Locus 7……………………………………………………………………. Locus 8 …………………………………………………………………… Locus 10………………………………………………………………….. Locus 11………………………………………………………………….. 126 129 137 140 141 143 159 161 163 165 82 8 TABLE OF CONTENTS – Continued Locus 12……………………………………………………………….… Excavations at the Locus 12 Lithic workshop…………….… Locus 19 ………………………………………………………………... Locus 22………………………………………………………………… El Bajio Site: Summary and Conclusions of the Investigations………. The El Aígame Site (SON N:11:20)…………………………………………………. The Investigations……………………………………………………….. Summary of the Investigations at El Aígame…………………………… El Gramal Site (SON N:11:20-21)…………………………………………………... The Geoarcheological Investigations……………………………………. Stratigraphy and Geochronology of El Gramal…………………………… Cerro Izabal (SON J:16:8) ………………………………………………………..… The Fin del Mundo Site (SON J: 10:2)……………………………………………… The Explorations………………………………………………………….. Locus 1 (Hunting/Butchering of Pleistocene Fauna)…………………… Locus 5 (Paleo-Indian Encampments)………………………………….. Quartz Crystal Quarry…………………………………………………….. Summary………………………………………………………………….. El Aguajito (SON K:15:1)……………………………………………………………. Las Peñitas (SON O:12:1)……………………………………………………………. Rancho Bojorquez/Km17…………………………………………………………….. Cueva El Tetabejo……………………………………………………………………. Chinobampo…………………………………………………………………………... Understanding the Paleo-Indian Occupation of Sonora…………………………… 169 170 175 176 176 180 183 197 199 201 206 208 210 213 214 222 225 227 230 231 233 233 234 237 CHAPTER 5. CLOVIS LITHIC TECHNOLOGICAL ORGANIZATION AND RESOURCE PROCURMENT AT EL BAJÍO ……………………..……………… Sonoran Raw Material Sources for Tool making…………………………………... El Bajío Vitrified Basalt Quarry of Cerro La Vuelta……………………… Obsidian Sources………………………………………………………… Quartz Crystal Sources …………………………………………………… Fine Rhyolite Quarry…………………………………………………….. Quartzite Cobbles from the Arroyos………………………………….…. Chalcedony/Chert Sources……………………………………………… The Sonoran Clovis Lithic Technology: A View from El Bajío…………………… Rock Patina on El Bajío Basalt Tools…………………………………... Analytical Method and the Sample……………………………………… The Clovis Blade Technology in Sonora……………………………………………. Sonora Blade Industry……………………………………………………. Conical Cores……………………………………………………………... Core Tablet Flake…………………………………………………………. 241 242 243 245 246 246 247 247 248 249 250 254 256 257 259 9 TABLE OF CONTENTS – Continued Wedge-shaped cores………………………………………………………. Crested Blades…………………………………………………………….. Platform Preparation Flakes ……………………………………………… Blade Core Error Recovery Flake………………………………………… Primary Cortex Blades……………………………………………………. Non Cortex Blades with Prior Blade Scar………………………………… Prismatic Blades…………………………………………………………... Unifacial Retouched Tools …………………………………………………………... End scrapers ………………………………………………………………. Side scrapers………………………………………………………………. Composite Scraper………………………………………………………… Denticulate Scraper………………………………………………………... Circular scrapers…………………………………………………………... Notched tools ……………………………………………………………... Gravers ………………………………………………………………….… Bifacial Technology……………………………………………………………….….. Primary Bifaces…………………………………………………………… Secondary bifaces………………………………………………………… Clovis Points and Preforms ………………………………………………. Clovis Preforms………………………………………………. Clovis Points…………………………………………………. Square-Based Bifaces………………………………………………….….. Bifacial Drills……………………………………………………………. Overshot Flakes…………………………………………………………… Miscellaneous Cores and Core-tools………………………………………………… Hammers and Abraders……………………………………………………………… Sonoran Clovis Lithic Technological Organization ……………………………...... Site Localities and Specialized Activity Areas…………………………… Sonoran Clovis Foragers Group Interactions and Land-Use……………… Technological Inferences and Comparisons with other Clovis Industries Biface Industry ……………………………………………….. Blade Industry ………………………………………………... End Scrapers …………………………………………………. Final Considerations………………………………………………………. CHAPTER 6. REGIONAL AND PANREGIONAL INTEGRATION AND INTERACCION OF THE SONORAN CLOVIS GROUPS………………………. Land Use, Demography, Territory and Timing of the Sonoran Clovis Culture…. The Sonoran Lithic Industry in the Clovis World…………………………………. Clovis Interaction and Integration between the Regions …………………............. REFERENCE CITED ………………………………………………..……............... 261 263 263 264 265 266 268 271 272 277 279 280 281 282 282 283 284 286 289 289 293 295 299 300 301 301 303 304 308 311 311 314 316 317 318 318 323 324 327 10 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 2.1. Location of Mammoths finds in the basin of Mexico (modified form Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a, figure 84, 124) .34…………………………………… 36 Figure 2.2. Mammoth at Santa Isabel Iztapan I (from Lorenzo and Mirambell 1985, figure 8, 41)……………………………………………………………………………. 40 Figure 2.3. Photograph of the excavation of the mammoth Iztapan I (from Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a: figure 12, 44)………………………………………………….. 41 Figure 2.4. Artifacts associated with the Santa Isabel Iztapan I mammoth (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a, fig 9,42)……………………………………………………….. 41 Figure 2.5. Photograph of the excavation of Isabel II (from Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a: fig 17, 49)………………………………………………………………………. 43 Figure 2.6. Santa Isabel Iztapan II Mammoth (from Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a: fig.14, 47)……………………………………………………………………………… 44 Figure 2.7. Artifacts associated with the Santa Isabel Iztapan mammoth II ….... 45 Figure 2.8. Los Reyes Acozac Mammoth (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a: Figure 21, pag.59)…………………………………………………………………………………. 48 Figure 2.9. Photographs of mammoth of Acozac (from Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a: fig 22, 54)………………………………………………………………………. Figure 2.10. Flakes associated to the mammoth (from Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a: fig 25, 55)……………………………………………………………………………… Figure 2.11. Drawing of San Bartolo Atepehuecan mammoth with flakes (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a; figure28, pag.59)……………………………………………… Figure 2.12. Excavation of the Mammoth of San Bartolo Atepehuecan (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a; figure30, pag.60) ………………………………………………….. Figure 2.13. Excavation in process at the Lake Texcoco Mammoth (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a; figure60, pag.97)…………………………………………………… Figure 2.14. Mammoth excavated at Santa Lucia I (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a; figure 70, pag.107)……………………………………………………………………... Figure 2.15. Profile of Santa Lucia I (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a; figure 69, pag.106)…………………………………………………………………………….….. Figure 2.16. Fotograph of the El Batequi Clovis Points ……………………………… Figure 2.17. Obsidian Clovis point curated at the Museo Regional de Guadalajara...... Figure 2.18. Obsidian Clovis point curated at the Museo Regional de Guadalajara...... Figure 2.19. Oyapa Clovis points. Photograph courtesy of Gianfranco Cassiano…….. Figure 2.20. Clovis points from Oaxaca, photograph courtesy of Marcus Winter……. Figure 2.21. Illustration of the Plainview point at Cueva de los Grifos………………. Figure 2.22. Plainview base at Mesa de Las Tapias, photograph courtesy of Jose Luis Punzo…………………………………………………………………………………... Figure 3.1 The Sonoran Landscape and Sites ……………………………………… Figure 3.2. Physiographic provinces of Sonora (from Carpenter et al. 2008)………… 49 49 51 52 53 55 55 71 74 74 76 78 81 82 89 93 11 LIST OF FIGURES -- Continued Figure 3.3 Possible Dalton point from Sonora (photo by E. Gaines)………………….. Figure 3.4. Schematic x-section of the depositional history at the Malpais Locality … Figure 3.5. Tapering Steam points from SON K:O:1………………………………… Figure 4.1. Distribution of sites and localities in Sonora Sites (modified from www.hermosillohistoria.com)........................................................................................ Figure 4.2. Regional Topography surrounding the site………………………………... Figure 4.3. Topographic Location of the El Bajío Site (INEGI 1:50,00 San Jeronimo.. Figure 4.4. Location of the El Bajio Site Loci (Modified from INEGI map La Poza 1:50.000)……………………………………………………………………………….. Figure 4.5. View of Cerro de La Vuelta and Locus 20 from Locus 5…………………. Figure 4.6. El Bajío vitrified basalt raw material……………………………………… Figure 4.7. Lithic Waste Dump at Locus 20…………………………………………… Figure 4.8. Sketch Map of Locus 20…………………………………………………... Figure 4.9. Sketch Map of Locus 1……………………………………………………. Figure 4.10. Locus 2 Sketch Map……………………………………………………… Figure 4.11. Topographic Map of Loci 3-6 and 15 with the location of test trenches ... Figure 4.12. View to the northeast of Loci 3, 4, 5, 6 and 15…………………………... Figure 4.13. Clovis preform at Locus 3………………………………………………... Figure 4.14. Bifaces at Locus 3………………………………………………………... Figure 4.15. Locus 15 Sketch Map…………………………………………………….. Figure 4.16. Map of the rock feature excavated ………………………………………. Figure 4.17. Profile of Trench 6……………………………………………………….. Figure 4.18. Locus 4 Sketch Map……………………………………………………… Figura 4.19. South profiles of trench 1 in Locus 4…………………………………….. Figura 4.20. South profile of Trench 5………………………………………………… Figure 4.21. Locus 5 Sketch Map……………………………………………………… Figure 4.22. Excavated Horno 50……………………………………………………… Figure 4.23. Plan view of the feature 1 in locus 5…………………………………….. Figure 4.24. Highly eroded Proboscidian molar ………………..…………………….. Figure 4.25. Locus 6 Sketch Map……………………………………………………… Figure 4.26. Red chert end-scraper similar to one at Murray Spring site in Arizona. Figure 4.27. Profiles the trench 8 in Locus 6…………………………………………... Figure 4.28. Locus 7 Sketch Map……………………………………………………… Figura 4.29. . Generalized profile of Trench 10…………...…………………………... Figure 4.30. Locus 8 Sketch Map……………………………………………………… Figure 4.31. Clovis Preform collected at Locus 8…………………………………….. Figure 4.32. Locus 10 Sketch Map…………………………………………………….. Figure 4.33. End scrapers from Locus 10……………………………………………... Figure 4.34. Locus 11 Sketch Map…………………………………………………….. Figura 4.35.Generalized profile of trench 2……………………………….………….. Figure 4.36. East Profile of Trench 2………………………………………………….. 107 108 110 128 130 131 135 138 139 139 140 141 142 144 145 145 146 147 148 148 150 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 12 LIST OF FIGURES -- Continued 168 Figure 4.37. Generalized profile trench 4………….………………………………….. Figure 4.38. Horno 102 in locus 11, C14 date (A-15395 = 315+/-40) ……………….. Figure 4.39. View of Locus 12, southwest from Cerro la Vuelta…………………….. Figure 4.40. Topographic view of the excavation at Locus 12 ……………………….. Figure 4.41. Square-based Bifaces from the excavation of Locus 12 workshop……... Figure 4.42. Artifacts found at feature 2 in Locus 12…………………………………. Figure 4.43. Hearth in Locus 12……………………………………………………….. Figure 4.44. Locus 19 Sketch Map……………………………………………………. Figure 4.45. Locus 22 sketch map…………………………………………………….. Figure 4.46. View northeast of the site from the Cerro La Vuelta Quarry…………… Figure 4.47.View North of Locus 3 of El Gramal…………………………………….. Figure 4.48. Bustamante Mammoth Molars from El Gramal ………………………… Figure 4.49.Location of Loci and excavations ……………………………………….. Figure 4.50. Locus1 features……………………………………………….………….. Figure 4.51. Red quartzite biface……………………………………………………… Figure 4.52. Chert Biface……………………………………………………………... Figure 4.53. Abrader in quartz……………………………………………………….. Figure 4.54. Archaic bifaces in Locus 2 ….…………………………………………... Figure 4.55. Profile of the arroyo adjacent to Locus 2……………………………….. Figure 4.56. Clovis preform and point from Locus 3 (Bustamante collection)……… Figure 4.57. Red quartz Lanceolate point from Locus 3 (Bustamente collection)…… Figure 4.58. End scrapers from Locus 3 (Bustamente Collection)…………………… Figure 4.59. Clovis base at Locus 3 in El Aigame ……………..…………………… Figure 4.60. Profile of test pit 5, with location of pollen profile and C14 date……….. Figure 4.61. Profile 1 at Locus 4 …….………………………………………………... Figure 4.62. Red ochre source…………………………………………………………. Figure 4.63. Playa at El Gramal …………………………………………………….. Figure 4.64. Aerial photograph showing El Gramal site and localities ………………. Figure 4.65. Quartz crystal Clovis point from El Gramal ………………………….. Figure 4.66. Generalized x-section of trench 1 in Locus 1 ………………………….. Figure 4.67. Probably fluted biface on basalt ………………………………………. Figure 4.68. Ned Gaines and Beto Peña digging a test pit with an auger ………….. Figure 4.69. Flakes found at 3.5 meters in auger pit ………….………………….…. Figure 4.70. Generalized Stratigraphy of El Gramal (Gaines et al. 2009)………..…… Figure 4.71. Clovis point from Cerro Izabal………………………………………….. Figure 4.72. View of In-filled Basin at Cerro Izabal………………………………… Figure 4.73. View of the “Island” Locus 1…………………………………………… Figure 4.74. Artifacts found associated with Locus 1…………………………………. Figure 4.75. Generalized x-section from the Fin del Mundo site …………………… Figure 4.76. Topographic Map of Locus 1…………………………………………….. Figure 4.77. Stratigraphy of Locus 1………………………………………………….. Figure 4.78. Gonphotherium sp. I and II in upper bone bed.....…….…………..……. 169 170 172 173 174 174 175 176 178 181 183 185 187 188 189 189 190 191 192 193 193 194 195 196 197 201 202 203 203 204 205 205 207 209 210 212 213 214 215 217 220 13 LIST OF FIGURES -- Continued Figure 4.79. Artifacts with the bones in upper bone bed……………………………... Figure 4.80. Clovis points and performs ……………………………………………… Figure 4.81. Clovis end scrapers………………………………………………………. Figure 4.82. Core Rejuvenation Tablet flake…………………………………………. Figure 4.83. Blades from Locus 5 .…………………………………………………… Figure 4.84. Quartz crystal cores and flakes in Cerro del Cuarzo ……………………. Figure 4.85. Clovis point and later Paleo-Indian points from El Aguajito (Velez Collection)……………………………………………………………………... Figure 4.86. A view from El Aguajito…………………………………………………. Figure 4.87. El Aguajito profile 1 with cienega deposits and C14 dates……………… Figure 4.88. Clovis point collected at Las Peñitas…………………………………….. Figure 4.89. Fluted Points from Rancho Bojorquez (Velez Collection)………………. Figure 4.90. View of the Rancho Bojorquez site……………………………………… Figure 4.91. Clovis point from Tetabejo Cave………………………………………... Figure 5.1. Raw materials at the Study Area (geologic map modified from a map online of the Sistema Geologico Mexicano, www.coremisgm.gob.mx)........................ Figure 5.2. Location of the quarry at El Bajío ………………………………………… Figure 5.3. Lithic industry from El Bajío……………………………………………… Figure 5.4. Conical core from El Bajío at the Museo Universitario in Hermosillo……. Figure 5.5. Core Industry: Core tablet flakes in the left corner, wedge shaped core in the left lower corner, crested blades in the up right corner and blades ……………….. Figure 5.6. Core tablet flake at Fin del Mundo ……………………... ……………….. Figure 5.7. Wedge shaped core (bag no 37550)………………………………………. Figure 5.8. Prismatic Blades…………………………………………………………… Figure 5.9. Prismatic blade. …………………………………………………………… Figure 5.10. Hafted scrapers from Cuatro Cienegas, Coahuila………………………... Figure 5.11. End scrapers from El Bajío………………………………………………. Figure 5.12. Fin del Mundo end scrapers……………………………………………… Figure 5.13. End scraper in Locus 6, similar to Murray Spring Site, Arizona………… Figure 5.14. Side scraper on quartz crystal……………………………………………. Figure 5.15. Circular scraper from Locus 12………………………………………….. Figure 5.16. Graver…………………………………………………………………….. Figure 5.17. Primary Bifaces…………………………………………………………... Figure 5.18. Secondary Bifaces ………………………….……………………………. Figure 5.19. Examples of Clovis preforms with channel flute………………………… Figure 5.20. Drawings of the Clovis prefroms in above picture …………………...…. Figure 5.21. Clovis point at the Museo Municiapl de Carbó …………………………. Figure 5.22. Clovis base found in 2003 ……………………………..………………... Figure 5.23. Comparison between basal wide and maximum wide of square-based b.. Figure 5.24. Square-based bifaces excavated at Locus 12…………………………….. Figure 5.25. Drawing of the bifaces in figure 5.31……………………………………. Figure 5.26. Bifacial Drills…………………………………………………………….. Figure 5.27. Overshot Flakes………………………………………………………….. 221 224 224 225 225 226 228 229 231 232 233 234 235 243 245 253 258 260 261 262 269 269 273 274 274 275 278 281 283 286 288 291 292 294 294 297 298 299 300 300 14 LIST OF FIGURES – Continued Figure 5.28. Hammers…………………………………………………………………. Figure 5.29 Distribution of Clovis tools at the sites (Locus in red).………………..… Figure 5.30. Non local raw materials vs El Bajío basalt………………………………. Figure 5.31.Tools from El Bajio and Fin del Mundo, made with the same chert/chalcedony……………………………………………………………………….. Figure 5.32. Primary bifaces, secondary bifaces (in red) and Clovis performs wides ... Figure 5.33. Comparison of basal outline of the Bifaces…………..…………………. Figure 5.34. Blades lengths….………………………………………………………... Figure 5.35. Blades widths …………………………………………………………… 303 306 308 310 312 313 314 315 15 LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1. Selected Radiocarbon dates reported by Jarumi Fujita (2007; 2008)……… Table 2.2. Radiocarbon Dates reported in Gonzalez et al. 2006………………………. Table 2.3. Radiocarbon dates from Santa Marta and Los grifos Caves ………………. Table 3.1. The Clovis archaeological record of the San Pedro Valley………………… Tabla 4.1. Cultural Affiliation of the Loci at El Bajío………………………………... Table 4.2. Radiocarbon dates from El Bajío…………………………………………... Table 4.3. Cultural Affiliation of the Loci identified at El Aigame…………………… Table 4.4. Radiocarbon Dates from El Aigame……………………………………….. Table 4.5. Lithic classes in locus 1, feature at El Aigame .……………………………. Table 4.6. Artifacts from Locus 2 at El Aigame………………………………………. Table 4.7. Radiocarbon dates from Locus 1 at Fin del Mundo……………………….. Table 5.1. The patina at El Bajío Stone Tools………………………………………… Table 5.2. Lithic Industry from El Bajío………………………………………………. Table 5.3. Clovis Blade Industry Artifacts from El Bajío…………………………….. Table 5.4. Conical Cores from El Bajío……………………………………………….. Table 5.5. Core tablet Flakes…………………………………………………………... Table 5.6. Wedge-shape cores…………………………………………………………. Table 5.7. Crested Blades……………………………………………………………… Table 5.8. Platform Preparation Flakes………………………………………………... Table 5.9. Blade Core Error Recovery Flakes…………………………………………. Table 5.10. Primary cortex blades……………………………………………………... Table 5.11. Non Cortex Blades………………………………………………………... Table 5.12. Prismatic Blades from El Bajío…………………………………………… Table 5.13. Unifacial tools…………………………………………………………….. Table 5.14. End scrapers Attributes…………………………………………………… Table 5.15. Backed side scrapers…………………………………………………….... Table 5.16. Composite scraper………………………………………………………… Table 5.17. Denticulated Scraper……………………………………………………… Table 5.18. Circular Scrapers. ………………………………………………………… Table 5.19. Notched tools……………………………………………………………… Table 5.20. Gravers……………………………………………………………………. Table 5.21. Bifacial Industry………………………………………………………….. Table 5.22. Primary Bifaces…………………………………………………………… Table 5.23. Secondary Bifaces………………………………………………………… Table 5.24. Clovis Preforms attributes………………………………………………… Table 5.25. Clovis Points………………………………………………………………. Table 5.26. Square-based points and knives from El Bajío…………………………… Table 5.27. Overshot flakes……………………………………………………………. 65 66 68 119 134 136 184 184 188 190 216 250 253 257 258 259 262 263 264 265 266 267 270 272 275 278 280 280 281 282 283 284 285 287 290 293 296 301 16 LIST OF TABLES --Continued Table 5.28. Miscellaneous nuclei………………………………………..……………. Table 5.29. Hammers and Abraders…………………………………………………… Table 5.30. Spatial Distribution of the El Bajio Lithic Technology…………………... Table 5.31. Distribution of the Lithic Industries by artifact classes at the site loci….... 302 302 305 307 17 ABSTRACT The archaeological record of the first Americans in Mexico is poorly known and somewhat confusing. However, the state of Sonora presents a remarkably pristine setting for studying the late Pleistocene occupation of North America. The early archaeological record in Sonora is stunning in terms of its relative abundance and only within the past ten years has this fact become evident. The Paleo-Indian sites are concentrated in north-central Sonora on and surrounding, the Llanos de Hermosillo. The settlement pattern appears to indicate that Clovis groups were generalized hunter and gatherers that exploited a wide range of environments, and their diet was based upon a wide variety of foodstuffs. The Clovis groups of Sonora developed a sophisticated settlement pattern and land use determined by the location of lithic sources for tool making, water sources, large prey animals and a mosaic of edible plants and small animals. Exploiting an extensive territory probably permitted them to remain in the same region for longer periods of time. The presence of only few late Paleo-Indian diagnostic points could represent the decrease of population density in Sonora, but most likely it is an indication that after Clovis a regionalization of the hunter and gather groups took place in Sonora. The Sonoran Clovis occupation is a testimony that multiple regional Clovis adaptations emerged each with specific responses of plants, animals and resources. 18 CHAPTER 1 THE FIRST AMERICANS AND CLOVIS INVESTIGATION IN SONORA No se puede escapar de ser juzgado por hombre temerario y muy arrojado el que se atreva a prometer lo cierto del primer origen de los indios, y de los primeros hombres que poblaron las indias (José de Acosta 1592: chapter XXIV) The Jesuit priest, Jose de Acosta wrote in his 1592 chronicles about his puzzlement over man’s origin in to the New World. One the one hand, it was clear that the Native Americans shared the same human origin as people in the Old World. On the other hand, how and when people inhabited the Americas and developed complex societies, such as the Incas and the Aztecs, were unknown. To begin to answer these questions, Acosta, proposed a land bridge connecting Asia with the New World must have existed, making it possible for humans to cross and inhabit the New World (Acosta 1592, book 1, Chapter XX). Four hundred years later, the peopling of the Americas is one of the more fascinating themes in the archaeology of the American Continent (Stanford 1991; Tankersley 2000). However the archaeological community is still highly divided with respect to the antiquity of many proclaimed early sites and the timing of the entry of humans into the New World (Dillehay 1989, 1997; Dillehay et al. 1999; Frison 2000; Fiedel 1999b, 2000b; Haynes 1999; Kelly and Todd 1988; Meltzer 1989, 1995; Owen 1984; Stanford 1991; Waters 2000). Presently, the only universal consensus is that the first Americans were definitely Homo sapiens and they were present in the Americas by at least 11,500 radiocarbon years ago (Meltzer 1995:1). 19 Of Paradigms and Parapets: Evidences of the First Americans In 1927 near the town of Folsom, New Mexico; a spectacular discovery forever altered the history of the American Continent. Karl Schwachheim working for paleontologists Harold Cook and Jesse Figgings were excavating a complete specimen of Bison antiquus of late Pleistocene age when, wedged between two ribs of the specimen, they discovered a stunning lanceolate, fluted projectile point (Cook 1927, 1928; Figgins 1927), and providing forceful evidence that humans were on the American continent during ice age times, together with extinct animals. In 1933, Eduard B. Howard (1935) began excavations near Clovis, New Mexico in a locality with extinct fauna with fluted points, near Clovis, New Mexico, later on several localities of bison and mammoth with associated fluted points were found. Following the invention of radiocarbon dating, the fluted points found at Clovis resulted to be about 500 years earlier than the Folsom points (Haynes 1964; Damon et al. 1964; Holliday 2005:264). Once it was established that humans arrived in the Americas during the Pleistocene, sites containing megafauna with associated artifacts begin to appear everywhere (Holliday 2005; Meltzer 1989:477). During the next 70 years that followed the discovery of Folsom, sites analogous to Folsom and Clovis were found all over North America in areas where the ice sheet was not present (Collins 1999a: 35; Faught 1996; Anderson et al. 1998). At the same time, over 100 localities have been proclaimed to be sites of great antiquity, much older that the Clovis occupation (Taylor 2009:183). Each of these sites has eventually been discounted as reflecting early sites as they do not present the minimum requirements suggested for determining early sites: 1) Sites with diagnostic 20 projectile point types that can be correlated with the North American Paleo-Indian sequence; 2) sites where stone tools have been found in association with extinct Pleistocene fauna; 3) human bones directly dated; and 4) the few sites where the relationship between the artifacts and the stratigraphy can be clearly demonstrated. (Haynes 1969:714; Dincauze 1984; Waters 1985:125). Ever since the discovery of Folsom and Clovis, interest in the peopling of the American continent by the scientific community has not waned, and continues to be one of the most popular topics for a wide range of sciences and researchers. Archaeologists, anthropologists, biologists, linguists, paleontologists, and researchers from all branches of the geosciences, have been involve in exploring and studying artifacts, genes, bones, soils, feces, languages, foot prints, nanodiamonds, and all kind of biological remains. Many diverse and sometimes contradictory models and theories concerning the First Americans have been developed. These include meteorites, transatlantic travels, chasing mammoth and climatic changes, among others. The time proposed for the arrival of the first Americans is extremely variable, ranging from 200,000, 40,000, 25,000, 20,000, 14,000 and 11,500 years ago. Yearly, abundant information regarding the first Americans is produced and reported; open the cover of the last number of any academic journal related to anthropology and quaternary science, you will find one or two articles concerning the peopling of the Americas. Although, a profuse body of information exists, the scientist are far from reaching a scientific consensus in the principal inquiries; when, how and who were the First Americans (Barton et al. 2004; Dillehay 2000. 2008; Fiedel 2000a; Kelley 2003; Meltzer 21 1989, 1995, 2005; Taylor 2009; Waguespack 2007; Yesner et al. 2004). The narrative of the First Americans is still in a very speculative stage, although some narratives are more testable than others; the paucity of the archaeological data that finally has to be use to tell the story of the First Americans make this mission even harder, in the last 20 years, very few sites have been found that can help out to prove or disprove any of the tentative models. While there are a myriad of models based on all kinds of evidence, some are more plausible than others. An almost universal consensus among scholars is that the progenitors of the American societies came to the American continent from northern Asia, crossing Beringia (Barton et al. 2004; Elias 2000; Fiedel 2004; Hoffecker et al. 1993; Kelley 2003; Meltzer 1993; Schoeder et al. 2009). The Beringia land bridge now appears to have been exposed until ca. 10,000 ryBP (Elias 2000). Recent genetic studies appear to indicate that the different groups of American Indians are descended from the same Beringia population (Schoeder et al. 2009). Similarly, the observable linguistic diversity in the New World must have been developed from the radiation of only a few founder languages (Greenberg 1987; Hill 2004; Nichols1990). However, there is no consensus with respect to how the first Americans moved to the interior of the continent and to the south. There are currently two principal proposals: 1) crossing through the corridor without ice that existed between the Laurentide and Cordilleran ice sheets (Rutter 1980; Hoffecker et al 1993; West 1996); or 2) navigating the Pacific coast utilizing boats (Bryan and Guhn 2003; Fladmark 1978; Surovell 2003). Within the supposed ice-free corridor, the existence of sites older than 10,000 years has 22 proved difficult to demonstrate, although, as yet, this appears to be the more logical hypothesis (Fiedel 2000:57; Wasguespak 2007; but see West 1996:380). The navigation of the Pacific route with boats has not been investigated in detail, but it remains a logical possibility, as humans arrived in Australia by boat approximately 38,000 years ago (or earlier) (Mulvaney and Kamminga 1999). A recent study in Eliza Cave on Vancouver Island provided a stratigraphic record of the maximum glacial, and indicates that tundra with few trees and small animals were present by around 16,000 cyBP; by circa 13,000 cyBP the de-glaciation had begun, and foodstuffs for the early sailors was probably available by then (Al-Suwaidi et al. 2006). However, no archaeological sites from this time period has been reported at the island, and on the coast of California and Oregon, no sites earlier than 11,000 cyBP have been found (Yesner et al. 2004:197). Advocates of this hypothesis assume that the sites are below the current sea level and this is the only reason such early remains have not been found (Bryan and Gruhn 2003; Fedje 1999; Dixon 1999; Punke and Davis 2006). Although, archaeological data has yet to be found to confirm each of the models, the two hypotheses are both plausible and there is hope that supporting archaeological evidence will we found in the near future. Up to the present, it has not been possible to unequivocally demonstrate that humans existed in North America before 12,000 cyBP. Today, the site with the greatest potential for an occupation prior to 12,000 cyBP is Cactus Hill, in Virginia. Occupation represented by flakes and triangular points has been reported stratigraphically beneath a Clovis horizon and may have an antiquity of 16,000 cyBP (McAvoy and McAvoy 1997; McAvoy 2000). However, geoarchaeological and stratigraphic studies still are in process 23 and until they are fully report, Cactus Hill remains a tantalizing hint (Feathers et al. 2006). Elsewhere in the Americas, a few sites suggest great antiquity. One of these is Monte Verde, in the southern tip of Chile. One occupation (Monte Verde II) at this multicomponent, stratified site has more that eleven dates averaging 12,500 cyBP, 1000 years earlier than Clovis. The site contained a sophisticated array of artifacts for an early site; textiles, seeds, wood, charcoal, bone and lithic tools. The lithic industry present at Monte Verde, is not related to the Clovis industry of North America (Dillehay 1989, 1997; Dinacuze 1991; Meltzer 1993; Meltzer et al. 1997; Taylor 2009). Although the antiquity of Monte Verde was corroborated by a dozen researchers as the earliest site in the America continent in a review sponsored by the Wenner Gren Conference (Meltzer et al. 1997), some researchers have continued to express doubt about the site’s antiquity (Fiedel 1999b; Haynes 1999; Roosevelt 2000). The Clovis industry is the oldest universally acknowledged unequivocal cultural horizon in the Americas, with a time span from 11,500 to 10,800 bp (Batt and Pollard 1996; Fiedel 1999a; Haynes 1980, 1993, 2000a; Taylor et al. 1996). Several artifacts have been identified as affiliated with the Clovis tool tradition, but the principal diagnostic artifact is the lanceolate, fluted Clovis point (Haynes 1964; Krieger 1950a; Sellards 1952; Wormington 1957). Specimens of this unique Clovis point have been found on the surface of virtually the entire North American continent except in those areas where the late Wisconsian ice sheet was present (Collins 1999a: 35; Faught 1996; Anderson et al. 1998). However, the vast majority of Clovis materials are limited to small surface scatters 24 and isolated finds of projectile points; Clovis sites with stratified sedimentary deposits are extremely rare (Meltzer 1993). The paucity of buried deposits has made our knowledge of the Clovis people very limited; less than a dozen sites have been radiocarbon dated, and we know very little of Clovis subsistence, diet, mobility, land-use, territoriality and social organization. The central subject matter of this work is not directly related to the arrival of the first populations to the America. However, indirectly the information obtained from our investigations in Sonora will enlighten some aspects of the first human groups of North America. The variability, settlement pattern, interaction and demography of the Sonora Clovis groups reveals that about 11,000 years ago they had conquered the Sonoran landscape, they had land use practices based upon the environmental conditions, food acquisition, water resources and the sources for acquirement tool making lithic material were fundamental in their residential mobility. This category of hunter and gather adaptation cannot even be approximately duplicated in the current ethnographic record (Kelley 1995). This fact implies that the Paleo-Indian groups were in the continent some years before Clovis became evident in the archaeological record. Statement of Purpose The international border between Mexico and the U.S. is commonly used to define the southern limits of the Clovis complex. The Clovis occupation south of the border in Mexico is virtually unknown, with published reports limited to a few isolated finds of projectile points ranging from Sonora to Chiapas (Aschmann 1952; Cassiano and 25 Vásquez 1990; Di Peso 1965; García Bárcena 1979; García Cook 1973; Guevara 1989; Gutierrez and Hyland 1994; Lorenzo 1953, 1964; Robles and Manzo Taylor 1972; Robles 1974). However, several well-known Clovis sites (including Naco, Lehner, and Murray Springs) with an unusually complete record of late quaternary depositional, pedological and erosional events, along with a comprehensive series of radiocarbon dates, are located along the San Pedro River Valley, in southern Arizona just few kilometers north of the international border (Haury et al. 1953, 1959; Haynes 1976, 1982, 1987, 1991; Haynes and Huckell 2008; Hemmings 1970). Although little known, the state of Sonora exhibits a wide distribution of Clovis points. Almost 30 years ago, Robles and Manzo (1972) and Robles (1974) reported 11 localities with a total of 25 Clovis points. For the last 10 years the project Geoarqueología y Tecnología Lítica de los Sitios Paleoindios de Sonora has been examining a wide range of evidence for the Paleo-Indian Clovis presence in Sonora. Models of Clovis subsistence and social organization have traditionally utilized such attributes as kill sites, the small size of campsites, the low densities and apparent homogeneity of the Clovis lithic assemblage, and their utilization of exotic fine-grained cherts and other crypto-crystaline raw materials often obtained from quarries located at great distances from the sites, in characterizing Clovis groups as small bands of hunters whose diet consisted almost entirely of megafauna. These models suggest that such an adaptive strategy would have required high logistical, residential and territorial mobility (Haynes 1966, 1980; Jelinek 1967; Kelly 1995; Kelly and Todd 1988; Martin 1967, 1973; Saunders 1980; Surovell 2000). 26 Recently, this portrayal of Clovis groups as restless hunters in the single-minded quest for big-game has been questioned; alternative models suggesting that Clovis social and economic organization likely reflected a broad spectrum of diverse adaptations and behaviors have been proposed (Collins 1999a; Hofman 2000; Meltzer 1993, 1995; Stanford 1991). Clovis sites have been documented in diverse ecological settings that would seem to indicate the utilization and exploitation of a wide variety of ecological niches, ranging from the western mountains, Great Basin, desert southwest, Great Plains, and eastern woodlands. This wide ranging geographical diversity coupled with a period of rapid climatic and environmental changes evident during the Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene (Haynes 1980, 1991, 1993, 2000a, 2000b; Holliday 1997; Meltzer 1993, 1995; Stanford 1991; Waters 2000b), suggests that Clovis groups were more likely generalist foragers than specialized hunters (Collins 1999a:39; Hofman 2000:43; Meltzer 1993:303; Stanford 1991:5). Based upon the suggestion that Clovis groups were generalist foragers, this research seeks to understand some aspects of the human adaptations of the Sonoran Clovis hunter and gatherer groups. This investigation acknowledges the observed geographical and technological diversity, and considers it likely that Clovis groups do not represent a single homogeneous adaptation, but are more likely reflective of diverse economic strategies and varied mobility patterns related to the specific regional environments that were occupied and exploited. To examine the variability of the Sonora Clovis group, this investigation will consider the settlement patterns reflected by the sites, 27 the reconstruction of the local stratigraphic sequences, lithic analyses and the Sonoran landscape. Organization of the Work The record of the first people of Mexico is scarce and confusing, and Chapter 2 presents a synopsis and critical review of current data. This unique summary provides an important set of data for those scholars interested in the peopling of Mexico, and contains a wealth of obscure data that is difficult to find in Spanish, and not available in English. Chapter 3 contains the essential framework for the early Sonora prehistory, including the Sonora landscape, the biotic communities, the history of investigations, regional culturalhistorical chronology of Sonora, and the Clovis record in the area surrounding Sonora. In Chapter 4, the geoarchaeological study of the Sonoran Paleo-Indian sites is presented with information regarding the settlement pattern of the Sonora sites. Chapter 5 presents an analytical study of the Clovis lithic technological organization of Sonora base upon the lithic collection from El Bajio site. Finally, in Chapter 6, a summary of the state of our current knowledge of the Paleo-Indian Archaeology of Sonora, the regional relationships between the sites, and the future for the investigations of the first people of Sonora in particular and Mexico in general are considered. 28 CHAPTER 2 THE LATE PLEISTOCENE/EARLY HOLOCENE PEOPLES OF MEXICO: HISTORY OF INVESTIGATIONS, THE ARCHAEOLOGY RECORD AND A CRITICAL REVIEW This chapter is a synthesis of current knowledge about the first Mexicans. Despite several significant discoveries documenting the presence of early man with extinct Pleistocene fauna during the first half of the 20th century in North America (in Mexico or all of North America), the Paleo-Indian period in Mexico remains little studied and poorly known. The geographical location occupied by Mexico in the Americas identifies it a significant region among the paradigms that try to explain how the first Americans reached the tip of South America so early in the New World sequence (Aveleyra 1967; Frison 2000; Faught 1996; Hayden 1987; Haynes 1969; Meltzer 1989, 1995; Owen 1984; Sellars 1952, Stanford 1991; Waters 1985; Wormington 1957). Within the past five years, much new data on the initial occupations in Me xico has accumulated. In order to evaluate the reported archaeological contexts of late Pleistocene/early Holocene occupations of Mexico it is use to apply the minimum requirements suggested by Haynes (1969) and Waters (1985:125) for determining early sites: 1) Presence of previously documented diagnostic projectile point types or styles; 2) Stone tools in clear association with extinct Pleistocene fauna; 3) directly dated human bones; and 4) A demonstrated relationship between the artifacts and a well-documented stratigraphic sequence. These criteria for evaluation are employed in evaluating information in each of the four sections of this chapter: 1) the nineteenth century finds; 2) 29 mammoths and humans in the Basin of México; 3) miscellaneous sites; 4) Clovis and Folsom occupations of Mexico; and 5) a critical review of the data. Antediluvian Men in Mexico and the Nineteenth Century Finds The first accounts of the existence of Pleistocene man in Mexico were reported by members of the Commission Scientifique du Mexique; a group of French antiquarians and naturalists that were commissioned to Mexico from 1864-1867 during the years of French intervention. Their mission was to gather information about the antique cultures of Mexico. Eugéne Boban, Guillermin- Tarayre, and Cornel Doutrelaine were devoted to collecting exotic archaeological and ethnographic artifacts that they later sold to European museums. They became interested in discovering the remains of antediluvian man in Mexico, influenced, in part, by Boucher de Perthes’ proclamation to have found fossilized human bones with artifacts in the Pleistocene gravels of Mechecourt (Aveleyra 1964:384-385; Gullermin- Tarayre 1867; Hamy 1878; Lorenzo 1988:30; Riviale 2001). The commission reported three possible finds of “early man” in Mexico. A crude lanceolate biface was collected from a Quaternary fossil deposit in the locality of Cañada de Marfil, Guanajuato; a uniface chert tool that allegedly was found in a unaltered deposit eight meters form the actual surface in a locality famous for the abundance of fossils at Cerro de las Palmas, in Tacubaya, in Mexico City; and an axe, that resemble the Achuelean bifaces of the European early Paleolithic found in an alluvial deposits at the Juchipila river in Zacatecas (Aveleyra 1964). 30 Although none of the reports made by the French commission were proven to be valid, they did succeed in opening a new door for the study of the first Mexicans, and by the end of the nineteenth century, Mexican geologists, paleonto logists, naturalists and archaeologists were becoming increasingly interested in artifacts that appeared to be of great antiquity, in paleontology, and in the discovery of human bones claimed to be associated with Pleistocene deposits in the vicinity of Me xico City. Mariano Barcenas and Manuel del Castillo--known as the fathers of quaternary geology and paleontology of Mexico--were the first to study early sites and finds (Aveleyra 1964:387; Gio-Argaez y Yunuen 2003). In 1870, a laborer digging a well at Tequixquiac found the “modified” sacrum of a fossilized camel in a Pleistocene deposit 12 meters beneath the surface. This deposit had a high concentration of fossil material in a stratum known as the El Tajo Formation. The engineer in charge of the drainage operation first gave the camelid bone to Alfredo Chaveiro in 1880, and to Orozco y Berra in 1881, and finally, in 1882, to Mariano Barcena. After studying the bone and the provenience, the three researchers believe that the fossilized sacrum was an ornament carved into an animal face before the bone was fossilized, which made it extremely old (Chaveiro 1881; Orozco y Berra 1880; Bárcena 1882; Aveleyra 1965). The geologist, Mariano Becerra, reported the important find at the International Congress of Americanists celebrated in Mexico City in 1897, and was met with much skepticism; his unexpected death shortly after the meetings and the misplacing of this putative artifact for nearly 60 years, added drama to the story. 31 In 1951, Luis Aveleyra reanalyzed the sacrum and agreed with Barcena´s initial determination that it was indeed a modified bone that had been carved before it was fossilized (Barcena 1882). Using the drainage system map, he relocated the exact location of the find and conducted surveys in the arroyos of Tequixquiac and collected approximately 20 artifacts that he observed at some gravel that appear to be of the Becerra Formation associated with the Pleistocene fossils (Aveleyra 1965, 1967). The famous camel sacrum now is keep at the Laboratorio de Arqueozoologia at the Subdirección de Laboratorios y Apoyo Académico and has been studied recently by Lorena Mirambel and Oscar Polaco looking for use wear, concluding that the bone does not reveal any indications that it was modified by human agency (Lorena Mirambell, personal communication 2007). Peñon de los Baños is a rocky hill located in close proximity to the Mexico City International Airport. This locale was named “de los Baños” due to the hot springs that emerge there. When the Spanish arrived at Tenochtitlan in 1521, the Peñon de los Baños was then an island in lake Texcoco. As an isolated rocky hill in more or less flat terrain, el Peñon de los Baños is a unique feature in the landscape. At least three human remains have been recovered; all of them appear to be from late Pleistocene deposits at the site. In 1884, human remains were found incrusted in an imbedded, well-developed deposit during an excavation using dynamite that was carried out at the locality. Mariano Bárcenas and Manuel Del Castillo examined the skull and carried out a detail geological study at the locality, locating the rest of the skeleton in situ. Bárcenas and Del Castillo (1885) reported on the geological data and affirmed that the human remains were 32 imbedded in a travertine calcareous deposit that was formed a long time ago and have a great antiquity. The naturalist John Newberry (1885) was very skeptical about the Peñon de los Baños discoveries and affirmed that the travertine that seals the deposits could ha ve been formed in more recent times. In 1958, more human bones were found at Peñon de los Baños when constructing a road. Luis Aveleyra went to the site and found that the deposits were completely destroyed by the road construction (Aveleyra 1967:14). Later that same year, a new report of the discovery of human remains while excavating a well was reported (Peñon III). This find was reported to the newly formed Departamento de Prehistoria of INAH. Arturo Romano and Francisco Gonzalez Rull were able to reco ver a mostly complete human skeleton at the site. Romano y Gonzalez Rull, along with Aveleyra, carried out a detailed study of the area, including the geomorphology, stratigraphic relationships, and the paleo- vegetation. The skeleton was located three meters from the surface in a dark stratum sealed by a travertine deposit. Aveleyra proposed that the skeleton was of late Pleistocene age (Aveleyra 1964, 1967; Bopp 1961). Recently, researchers of the Dirección de Antropología Física of INAH, in collaboration with the Liverpool John Moore University, have studied the Peñon III skeleton found in 1958. They identified the skeleton as a 25-29 years old, long headed women; a fragment of the humerus was directly dated, producing a radiocarbon age of 10,755+/-75 (OXA-10112) (Gonzalez et al. 2003:381; Gonzalez et al. 2006). 33 Mammoths, Man and the Quaternary Geology of the Basin of Mexico The first written report of giants bones observed in central Mexico was recorded in Bernal Diaz del Castillo’s chronicles (1939: 268-269). He reports the story that the Tlaxcaltecas showed Hernan Cortes a giant femur that appears to have been buried in the ground and served as testimony that giant people and animals existed in this land. Cortes was so impressed with the giant bone that he sent the sample to Spain with the first lot of goods offered to the King of Spain. Presently, 150 mammoth finds have been reported from within the Basin of Mexico, and at least 40 have been completely excavated (Arroyo-Cabrales et al. 2003, 2006, 2007; Carballal 1996; Garcia Barcena 1989; Johnson et al. 2006; Lorenzo and Mirambell 1989). Only a handful of these finds show a possible evidence of association with humans. In February of 1952, the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia established the Departamento de Prehistoria, under the direction of Pablo Martinez del Río. This department consisted of Manuel Maldonado Kroeber (paleontologist), A. R. V. Arellano (consultant stratigrapher), Jose Luis Aveleyra (archaeologist), Jose Luis Lorenzo (archaeologist), and Arturo Romano (physical anthropologist). This departamento had been explicitly created to investigate the earliest archaeological components of Mexico, and was the first organization specializing in the study of the first Amer icans in North America (Kreiger 1952b). The first investigation carried out by the Departamento de Prehistoria was the excavations of the mammoths of Santa Isabel Iztapan under the 34 direction of Jose Luis Aveleyra (Aveleyra 1955, 1961, 1962, 1964, 1967; Ave leyra and Maldonado-Kroeber 1953). Jose Luis Aveleyra was instrumental in the impetus that the early man of Mexico had during the decade of the 1950 and 1960 and the establishment of the Departamento de Prehistoria, and served as the director from 1954-1956. Aveleyra received his bachelor’s degree in anthropology with area of expertise in archaeology at the Escuela Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, and a graduate degree in anthropological sciences, and received additional paleontological training in Europe. He began his education with Helmut de Terra, Kirk Brian and Alberto Arellano, and who were responsible for the first coordinated scientific effort to study the early inhabitant of Mexico and reconstruct the stratigraphic sequence of Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene age at the Basin of Mexico using volcanology and glacier advances (Arellano 1946, 1951; Bryan 1946, 1948; De Terra 1947a, 1947b and 1957). In the 1960s, Jose Luis Lorenzo became a significant figure in the investigation of early humans in Mexico. He was named the director of the Departamento de Prehistoria in 1961, shortly after returning from a two years stay at the University of London studying under the direction of Frederick Zeuner and Vere Gordon Childe, pioneers of environmental archaeology and interdisciplinary methods. With this perspective, he began forming the laboratories of paleozoology, paleobotany, geology, and soils and sediments. Several interdisciplinary studies were carried out under Jose Luis Lorenzo and systematic investigations were carried out at the Departamento de Prehistoria for many years and he developed the glacial chronology of the volcanoes in central Mexico 35 (Lorenzo 1958; 1969). Unfortunately, Lorenzo´s refusal to correlate the Mexican data with the archaeological paradigms from North America had very negative consequences for the investigations of the first Americans in Mexico and which have remained relatively unchanged over four decades. By 1950, the population of Mexico City had begun its meteoric growth, which continued to double at intervals of 20 years, the urban center then expanded to the periphery and a great deal of construction was carried out in the surrounding Estado de Mexico, prompting an increase in the discovery of megafauna, mostly in lacustrine deposits. The Basin of Mexico was formed by tectonic activities and fractures, then the basin start to be filled with material derived from the mountains and redeposited by the rivers, until, by the end of the Pleistocene, the basin had become a closed basin supporting a system of lakes. Unquestionably, the lakes provided an oasis- like setting for many animals, including herds of mammoths, as well as for the first human groups that arrived in the Basin of Mexico during the late Pleistocene (Carballal 1997; Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a:20) (see Figure 2.1.). 36 Figure 2.1. Location of Mammoth finds in the Basin of Mexico (modified form Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a, figure 84, 124) The northeast and eastern sectors of the Lake Texcoco shore provide the setting for numerous finds of late Pleistocene fauna, especially mammoth, both with and without associated human artifacts, although the biggest concentration of mammoth bones are in 37 the north, proboscidian bones particularly mammoths have been found all o ver the basin. The Departamento de Prehistoria (1952) was instrumental for the excavation of mammoths found from 1952-1980. According to Jose Luis Lorenzo and Lorena Mirambell (1986a), in their publication “Mamutes excavados en la en la Cuenca de Mexico (1952-1980),” the remains of 15 mammoths were excavated in the Basin of Mexico up to 1980. Seven of these paleontological finds show probable associations with artifacts; however, after a careful analysis of the archaeological data, only three of these paleo ntological finds appear to present archaeological contexts. Margarita Carballal Staedtler (1997) published a detailed compilation of the mammoths and Pleistocene fauna found by the Department of Salvage Archaeology of INAH from 1980 to 1997. None of the 20 mammoths reported by Carballal (1997) had been found associated with humans many of these finds were recovered in very deep excavations (10 meters beneath the actual surface) when subway lines and underpasses were constructed in the city. Very few mammoth finds in the Basin of Mexico are more than 35,000 years old and the majority appears to be between 1210,000 years old, however, only three had probable associations with humans. Mammoth and Human in Tepexpan In December of 1945, workers digging a trench at the Tepexpan Hospital in the Basin of Mexico found the skeleton of a mammoth (Arellano 1945:2). The mammoth was almost complete, and showed evidence of butchering. The skull was overturned and the base damaged, probably in order to extract the brain (Arellano 1946). One of the iliac bones 38 was missing and the remaining one was overturned with the femoral cavity facing up; The right foreleg was completely articulated and in an upright vertical position, suggesting that the animal became trapped and died in the swamp and was then butchered (Arellano 1946; Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a:116). A small flake (3 cm long) made of a white chert was found between the skull and the head of the humerus. The stratigraphic unit where the mammoth was deposited is a gray-green lacustrine lime deposit sealed by caliche, which apparently corresponded to a desiccation period of Lake Texcoco (Arellano 1945). A short time later, another less complete mammoth was found in this same ditch. During the same year, at least five mammoths were found over a 2 km area (De Terra et al. 1949). According to De Terra, all the fossils were found at the Becerra formation, defined by Bryan and Arellano as an alluvial deposit with numerous fossils from the late Pleistocene, this formation was thought to have a regional distribution (Arellano 1946; Aveleyra 1967; De Terra et al. 1949). At the end of 1945, Helmut de Terra arrived in Mexico City and began to coordinate the geological investigations at Tepexpan. Two years later, and after a deta iled survey of the Tepexpan area, he found a human burial eroding out from a wall profile that appeared to be “in situ” within a stratigraphic unit that he called the formación Risco, representing the younger, sandy face of the formación Becerra of the Late Pleistocene (De Terra et al. 1949:26). De Terra also defined a lithic industry in Tepexpan that he called the San Juan Industry, represented by coarse unifacially flaked choppers and other simple unifacial tools. A handful of researchers was very critical of the De Terra 39 conclusions at Tepexpan; these critics did not approve of the existence of the lithic complex, questioned the provenience of the burial, and criticized the excavation technique utilize and the methods used for dating the archaeological context (Avelyra 1950; Black 1949; Krieger 1950; Lorenzo 1967). Alex Krieger (1950) visited the site and affirmed that the skull originated from an Archaic period occupation that was very well represented at Tepexpan. The controversy surrounding the antiquity of the man of Tepexpan continued until 1989, when Tom Stafford directly dated some fragments of long bones. The bone was pretreated by T. Stafford and dated at the University of Arizona, obtaining a date 1980+/330 (AA-2667); at the same time the skeleton was examine by a physical anthropologist and was identified as being a woman (Lorenzo 1989). Silvia González and colleagues (2003:385, 2006) attempted to date the Tepexpan skeleton, but the considerable chemical contamination with preservatives made it impossible. Although highly controversial, the Tepexpan site still is a very important site and it will be valuable to continue investigations at the site. The Articulated Mammoths of Santa María Iztapan I and II Santa María Iztapan was the first archaeological investigation by the Departamento de Prehistoria carried out. In July of 1950, while digging an irrigation ditch in the town of Santa Maria Iztapan located at the northeast edge of Lake Texcoco, workers found fragments of mammoth bones and tusk (Iztapan 1). In July of 1952, Luis Aveleyra and Arturo Romano began excavations at the locality, with Manuel Maldonado-Koerdell 40 responsible for the geo-stratigraphy. After four days of work a projectile point was found lodged between two mammoth ribs. Further work revealed the presence of five more artifacts associated with the remains. Eighty percent of the skeleton was recovered. One femur lay more than six feet away from the rest of the skeleton, suggesting that it was moved during the butchering process (Aveleyra and Maldonado-Koerdell 1953; Wormington 1957:92-93). The projectile point associated with the mammoth bears a general resemblance to the Scottsbluff type; the maximum chronological range for this type is 9,900 to 8,300 BP. (Figure 2.2 and Figure 2.3). Figure 2.2. Mammoth at Santa Isabel Iztapan I (taken from Lorenzo and Mirambell 1985, figure 8, 41). 41 Figure 2.3. Photograph of the excavation of the mammoth Iztapan I (from Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a: figure 12, 44) Figure 2.4. Artifacts associated with the Santa Isabel Iztapan I mammoth (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a, fig 9,42) 42 In June 1954, Arturo Romano, under the direction of Luis Aveleyra, excavated a second mammoth (Iztapan 2) located approximately one kilometer from the previous mammoth, and apparently within the same stratigraphic horizon. The second skeleton was complete and showed clear evidence of butchering (Figure 2.5 and 2.6). Again, the skull was overturned and the basicraneum smashed. Many other bones showed cut- marks made by stone tools. Three artifacts were found in direct association with the bones (Figure 2.7). One of these is a projectile point of lanceolate form with a straight base. It has a broad overall flaking on both faces and an extremely fine marginal retouch. This point somewhat resembles an Angostura point, as well as some of the Great Basin lanceolate Paleo-Indian points but, cannot be directly correlated. A second projectile point is laurelleaf-shaped, pointed at both proximal and distal ends (Aveleyra 1955; Aveleyra and Maldonado-Koerdell 1953), the point is similar to the Lerma type defined by MacNeish (1950), but which remains poorly dated (Figure 2.7). 43 Figure 2.5. Photograph of the excavation of Isabel II (from Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a: fig 17, 49). 44 Figure 2.6. Santa Isabel Iztapan II Mammoth (from Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a: fig.14, 47). 45 Figure 2.7. Artifacts associated with the Santa Isabel Iztapan II mammoth. The Iztapan mammoths were found within the same gray-green lacustrine lime deposit associated with the Tepexpan mammoth (Aveleyra 1955; Aveleyra and Maldonado-Koerdell 1953), a radiocarbon age obtained from the organic fraction of the sediments associated with mammoth kill at Locus 1 yielded a date circa 9,000 BP. Lawrence Kulp, who processed the sample at Columbia University, does not believe this date to be very reliable as only a single organic remnant was obtained during the pretreatment, but suggests that this date may represent the minimal reliable age (personal letter from Kulp to Aveleyra, cited in Aveleyra 1964:402). Garcia Bárcena (1975:30) obtained relative dating by obsidian hydration technique of three obsidian artifacts found 46 associated with the first Tepexpan mammoth. The results that he obtained are not very precise and are somewhat confusing, with three different hydration rim widths equivalent to 8100, 6200 and 7000 years; he noted that the soil alkalinity of the area could be affecting the reading (Garcia Bárcena 1975:30-31). There is not doubt that the mammoths of Santa Maria Iztapan I and II are the best examples of mammoths associated with humans in the Basin of Mexico. When Maldonado Koerdell realized the importance of the find, he sent telegrams to H. M. Warmington, of the Denver Museum of Natural History, Alex D. Krieger from the University of Texas, and E. H. Sellards, of the Texas Memorial Museum, and on March 20th , they witnessed the removal of the artifacts from the bones, along with many other Mexican researchers. Although rumors still exist that the artifacts found associated with the mammoths of Santa Isabel Ixtapan were a hoax orchestrated for several political reasons, to obtain funding for future investigations, and to demonstrate the importance of the Departamento de Prehistoria (Gianfranco Cassiano, personal communication, 2008; Fernando Lopez Aguilar, personal communication, 2001). Dr. Beatriz Brannif, a professor emeritus at INAH, was an ENAH student in 1952 and was a part of the excavation crew at site. She was present when the first stone tool was found at Santa Isabel I and denied that it was a hoax; however she remembers that plastic bags, among other modern materials, were found under and above the bones during the excavation, an indication that it was not a sealed context (Beatriz Braniff, personal communication 2002). Dr. Jane Kelley from the University of Calgary, then a student, accompanied H. M. Wormington to Mexico City to 47 see the site, and she also agrees that it was not a hoax (Jane Kelley, personal communication, 2008). Roberto Garcia Moll, former director of INAH and president of the Consejo de Arqueología (from 2006 to 2009), worked with Luis Avelyra and Maldonado Koerdell on several investigations; he describes them as very professional and superior researchers, and also denied the hoax theory (Roberto García Moll, personal communication, 2007). Los Reyes Acozac Mammoth In 1956, Arturo Romano and Jose Luis Lorenzo carried out a meticulous and systematic excavation of a mammoth locality located in the northern section of the Basin of Mexico, at Los Reyes Acozac. An excavation area of at least 12x12 meters was opened and three mostly disarticulated mammoths were exposed (Figure 2.8 and 2.9); two flakes, one of basalt and other of obsidian, were found in the excavation area but not directly associated to the bones (Figure 2.10). The stratum of the bone bed was defined as a silty, lacustrine deposit located at approximately two meters below the surface; the bones were sparse all over the strata 1.20 meters thick, a possible indication that the bones are not in a primary sealed context (Lorenzo y Mirambell 1989:45,51). An obsidian flake from the excavation was dated by obsidian hydration, a date of 10,000 years BP was obtained (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a:51; García Barcenas 1975). 48 Figure 2.8. Los Reyes Acozac Mammoth (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a: Figure 21, pag.59). 49 Figure 2.9. Photographs of mammoth of Acozac (from Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a: fig 22, 54). Figure 2.10. Flakes associated to the mammoth (from Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a: fig 25, 55). 50 Mammoth of San Bartolo Atepehuacan In 1957, when digging a drainage ditch At San Bartolo Atepehuacan, Colonia Vallejo, northern Basin of Mexico, workers found the remains of a semi-complete mammoth. Arturo Romano was in charge of the excavation, the mammoth was found between 3.203.70 meters under the ground surface in a sandy stratum with charcoal flecks, the sandy strata was deposited under a caliche- like horizon. The mammoth was semi-articulated showing several articulated vertebra, many ribs were present in anatomical position, pelvis and articulated long bones, the cranium was destroyed by the workers who found the mammoth (Figure 2.11 and 2.12). Associated with the mammoth skeleton and in the south section of the excavation area near of the articulated vertebra, a concentration of 59 flakes and chips of obsidian and fine- grained basalt were found, at least one flake was utilized (Figure 2.11). Pleistocene hunters apparently resharpened their tools while butchering the animal (Aveleyra 1962:42-43; 1964; 1967:45-46; Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a:57). Also between the bones numerous dispersed charcoal flecks were found, a radiocarbon age obtained from a combine sample of several charcoal flecks gave a date of 9670±400 BP (M-776). An obsidian flake found in the concentration of tools was also dated by the obsidian hydration method and produced a result of approximately 9,400 BP (Garcia Barcenas 1975; Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a). 51 Figure 2.11. Plan of San Bartolo Atepehuecan mammoth with flakes (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a; figure28, pag.59). 52 Figure 2.12. Excavation of the Mammoth of San Bartolo Atepehuecan (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a; figure30, pag.60) Lake Texcoco Mammoth A mammoth eroding out on the surface in the southeast sector in a remnant of Lake Texcoco mud deposits was found in 1972. Lorena Mirambell, with a team of archaeologists from the Departamento de Prehistoria excavated the mammoth in 1972. The skeleton was exposed to the surface recently and it was semi- articulated and semicomplete, only the skull and the lower extremities were missing. A total of 31 square meters was excavated and the skeleton was located in the first 40 cm from the surface in a pyroclastic deposit composed of more than one volcanic events (Figure 2.13). Three flakes (two obsidian and one basalt) were found associated with the bones (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986aa:91; Mirambell 1972); however because the mammoth was found on the surface it is impossible to know if the spatial association between the bones and the artifacts are part of the same event. 53 In order to determine if there was a late Pleistocene hunters encampment surrounding the mammoth, Mirambell (1972) tested an extensive area of about 400 square meters for phosphates, and found an area with a high concentration that could be interpret as an area of high human activity, however no artifact cluster suggesting a camp area was found; it is important to point out that lake Texcoco has been heavily populated since 4,000 B.P. Joaquin Garcia Bárcena (1975:37) obtained an obsidian hydration date for one of the obsidian flakes of about 12,600 years BP, however he notes that because the flake is very close to the surface the margin of error is unknown and the date is not reliable. Figure 2.13. Excavation in process at the Lake Texcoco Mammoth (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a; figure60, pag.97). 54 Santa Lucia I: Mammoths and Pleistocene Fauna In 1976, a Pleistocene fauna find was reported when a platform was being constructed at the Air Force base No. 1 in Santa Lucia, Estado de Mexico. Jesus Mora and Oscar Rodriguez excavated the site (the original report of the excavations, Mora and Rodriguez 1979, somehow is misplaced and was not found at INAH archives). Two semi articulated mammoths, a semi-articulated camelid, and some isolated bones of a saber tooth tiger were found at about two meters below the surface in a lacustrian-alluvial deposits. In the same stratum where the second mammoth was found, one obsidian flake and two andesite flakes were found (Mora and Rodriguez 1979 cited in Mirambell and Lorenzo 1986:99). Two dates from the fossil-bearing strata were obtained, from the upper stratum a radiocarbon date on soil gave a radiocarbon date of 23,900+/-600 (I-10.427) and the lower stratum gave a date of 26,300+/-880 (GX-6,628) was obtained. A pollen column obtained from the excavation profile (Gonzalez Quintero and Sanchez 1980) revealed that the plant community associated with the mammoths of Santa Lucia I was represented by pine, oaks, cypress and elms, corresponding to a cool but dry weather (Gonzalez Quintero and Sanchez 1980:200). 55 Figure 2.14. Mammoth excavated at Santa Lucia I (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a; figure 70, pag.107). Figure 2.15. Profile of Santa Lucia I (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a; figure 69, pag.106). 56 Tocuila Locality In July of 1996, a mammoth skull was found about three meters below the surface during the excavation of a water cistern at Santa Miguel Tocuila, in Texcoco, Estado de Mexico. Luis Morett and Joaquin Arroyo Cabrales begin investigating the paleontological find and over the next three months five disarticulated mammoths we re excavated. Horses, camels, bison and rabbits from Pleistocene age were also found in the same bone-bearing stratum. The Pleistocene fauna is in a 1.5 meter depth mudflow channel, the bones were transported in the channel after they were deposited in a primary context (Arroyo Cabrales et al. 2001; Morett et al. 1998; Gonzalez et al. 2001). Some bones were found articulated but most Mammoth bones were not articulated, this appears to indicate that they were not transported very far but the skeleton was piled within a 10x10 meter area, however, the Tocuila channel does not represent a primary archaeological context. Several 14C dates have been obtained from combine wood charcoal and seeds, soil samples and mammoth bone. The set of dates average an age of 11,100 years for the deposit (Table 1) (Gonzalez et al. 2001; Morett et al. 1998, 2003). According to Clauss Siebe and colleagues (1999:1550), the mammoths are deposited on a 14,000 year old volcanic eruption. Which appear to indicate that they were redeposited in an older stratigraphic unit. Arroyo-Cabrales and colleagues (2001) argued human presence at the Toculila paleontological locality, base on the presence of one mammoth tusk flake from which two secondary flakes were detached. The “core” was found together with the pile of bones. However ,the secondary nature of the bone-bearing stratum and the fact that the bones are 57 embedded in a Pleistocene Lahar appear to indicate that other non-human factors caused the fracturing of the mammoth bones (G. Haynes 2002:135). The Tocuila locality, none the less, represent an important region for future investigations. According to Luis Morett and Joaquin Arroyo Cabrales (personal communication, 2009), near the Tocuila site in the more intact lake deposits at least three mammoths are known and have not been excavated; the prospect for a human association is feasible. Table 1. Radicocarbon dates from Tocuila (modified from table 1 in Morett et al. 2003) Sample No. INAH-1658 INAH-1659 INAH-1660 INAH-1661 INAH-1662 AA23161 (AMS) AA23162 (AMS) OXA-7746 (AMS) Depth 170-173 cm 170-205 cm 205-230 cm 230-270 cm 270-300 cm 204 cm 305-306 cm Material Wood charcoal Wood charcoal Seeds and charcoal Seeds Seeds Soil Soil Mammoth skull bone C14 Age 11277±139 11274±116 11541±196 11296±270 10553±188 10220±75 12615±95 11100±80 Miscellaneous Archaeological Record of the First Mexicans Beside mammoth finds, an eclectic array of sites of the First Americans has been reported in different regions of Mexico, some of them have been proclaimed to be more than 20,000 years old. Also human skeletons from excavations and in the bodegas of INAH have been recently dated. 58 The Tlapacoya Site In 1965, Jose Luis Lorenzo observed on a recently exposed large profile wall in the lower bajada of the andesitic Cerro Tlapacoya, stratified deposits showing several lake shorelines, lahars, peats and paleosols, together with burned red deposits with Pleistocene bones associated that appear to represent fire features (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986b:3). Tlapacoya hill is located along the margins of ancient Lake Chalco, in the southeastern corner of the Basin of Mexico. Eight field seasons were carried out at the site between 1965 and 1973. The research strategy consisted of the excavation of a series of trenches from the Tlapacoya hill to the old lake shore (Tlapacoya 1-XVIII). Tlapacoya represents one of the few localities in the Basin of Mexico that has a complete stratigraphic record for the last 40,000 years. The high volcanic activity characteristic of the late Pleistocene times in the Basin has destroyed much of the stratigraphic record (Huddart and Gonzalez 2006; Lozano et al. 1993). The reconstruction of the stratigraphic sequence, geochronology, geomorphology and the environment were carried out at the site, until today the results remain the most important information to understanding the Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene environment of the Basin of Mexico. Jose Luis Lorenzo (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986b:10, 31; Mirambell 1994:194) argued for a very early human occupation of Tlapacoya in two loci. At Tlapacoya I (trenches alfa and beta) the very early evidence is characterized by three cleared circles, each measuring 1.15 meters in diameter with burned soil, charcoal flakes and very rough artifacts made of the andesitic rocks of Cerro Tlapacoya. A radiocarbon age of 24,000+/- 59 4000 BP (A-794b) was obtained from a sample composed of very fine charcoal flecks inside the feature. The other archaeological context reported by Lorenzo to have great antiquity was found at Tlapacoya II. A burned log of Taxodium mucronatum (cypress) was found at the trench and prismatic blade was found laying under the log, the log was radiocarbon dated to 23950+/-950 BP; Lorenzo proposed that the minimal age for the blade must be 23,000 years, however, they could not find evidence for an archaeological feature (encampment, kill site, etc,) (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986b). C. Vance Haynes Jr. visited the site twice during the excavations and collected and processed several charcoal samples for obtaining the radiocarbon dates, and also examined the stratigraphic profiles at Tlapacoya I and II (Haynes 1967). According to Haynes, both loci are problematic; the cleared circular feature associated with the first locus may likely represent bear “beds” (C. Vance Haynes Jr., persona l communication, 1997) or may be the result of tree rooting in the sediment (Waters 1985). Huddart and Gonzalez (2006:98) reopened the old Tlapacoya I alfa trench and they affirmed that there is no evidence of human occupation between 24,000-10,000 years BP. With regard to the second locus at Tlapacoya II, the prismatic obsidian blade is clearly an intrusive artifact associated to the overlying archaic and ceramic period occupations present at the site, perhaps the position of the blade in the trench is the result of a large fissure which was clearly visible in the profile (C. Vance Haynes Jr., personal communication, 1997). It is very possible that the volcanic activity between 24,000-9,000 years BP could altered the 60 formation process of the archaeological record and some of the artifacts from more latter occupations slipped down to the earlier deposits. The archaeological record of a 23,000 years old human occupation at Tlapacoya is highly controversial. However the 10,000-7,000 year old one is much more substantial and more widely accepted. The best archaeological component of Late Pleistocene /Early Holocene was found at Tlapacoya XVIII, located 25 meters south of the Trench Beta in Tlapacoya. The excavations here were carried out in 1970 and 1971 field seasons; here a feature represented by a high density concentration of lithic artifacts were found near the slope of the Tlapacoya hill, the feature has at least one 14C age of 7000 years before the present. From the underlying unit (1V), an extended human burial with the face down was excavated, the horizon was dated by radiocarbon at 9920+/-250 (I-6897) (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a:84; Nárez 1990:30). Aside from the burial, layer IV had very few lithic artifacts, two cores, 12 flakes all from the local quarry and one obsidian flake (Nárez 1990:142). Recently, Gonzalez and colleagues (2003, 2006:69) directly dated a human cranium housed in the INAH Physical Anthropology Department. This skull had been found in the late 1960s at Tlapacoya by workmen while constructing a road. The radiocarbon age obtained is 10200+/-65 (OxA-10225). It is important to note that the bifacial lithic industry found at Tlapacoya XVIII was very poorly analyzed by Jesus Narez (1990) and was published as a part of his archaeological thesis work at the ENAH. The drawings in his thesis, show at least six bifacial artifact fragments that could be affiliated to a Paleo-Indian lithic industry; two of 61 them present overshot flaking and probable fluting comparable with Clovis lithic technology. Although these observations are very preliminary, an extensive reanalysis of the Tlapacoya lithic assemblage is necessary. The Valsequillo Reservoir, Puebla Southeast of the Basin of Mexico, at Vasequillo Reservoir, in the state of Puebla, Juan Armenta Camacho, an enthusiast antiquarian, spent many weekends during the decade of the 50s looking for sites with Pleistocene fauna. Over 20 years he documented at least 100 localities some of them with bones and artifacts associated; most of the sites were located at the eroded walls of the arroyos that e mptied at the reservoir (Armenta 1957, 1958). The Hueyatlaco locality was the most important site documented by Armenta and apparently contains various deposits with Pleistocene fauna and artifacts associated. In 1962, and 1964, Cynthia Irwin-Williams conducted excavations in two outcrops with exposed profiles containing a series of fine alluvial deposits with Pleistocene fauna and artifacts (Irwin-Williams 1967:338). According to Irwin-Williams (1976), the early man evidence is represented in several strata: Unit C contained large quantities of horse and camel remains and five stone tools, none of which can be considered diagnostic; Unit E1 contained abundant fossil remains of horse and camel, along with a few horned antelope and mammoths, a Lermalike point and a bifacial tip were found between the ribs and vertebrae of a semiarticulated horse skeleton; Unit E2 contains a concentration of mastodon bones representing a single individual, the mandible was split and a chopping tool was 62 discovered inside the fragmented mandible near the tooth row, and a burin- like tool was recovered from inside the tooth cavity; Unit G had abundant fossil remains with inclusions of a distinctive volcanic ash, a unifacial pointed tool was recovered from under a large ungulate rib (Irwin-Williams 1967). Although the Huayatlaco locality appears to be an extraordinary site with Pleistocene fauna in direct association with artifacts, the deposits were dated at that time using uranium series ages of more than 200,000 years very controversial dates (Steen-McIntyre et al. 1981; Irwin-Williams 1981). Recently, new research investigations have been carried out at the locality of Huayatlaco. In 2001, a group of investigators (Ochoa Castillo et al. 2003; Hardaker 2007; Malde et al. 2007) cleaned and reopened some of the Irwin-Williams´ excavations of the 1960s. In 2004, Waters and colleagues (Renne 2005; Waters 2008) opened several test pits and found the walls of the old excavations made by Irwin-Williams with the purpose of studying the stratigraphic sequence, reconstructing the geochronology and assessing the relationship between the artifacts, the fossils and the deposits. Silvia Gonzalez and Collages did some geological work in 2003 near the Huayatlaco locality with the purpose of reconstruct the quaternary geological sequence in the valley. They claim to have human footprints in a volcanic ash locality alleging dates earlier than 40,000 years ago (Gonzalez and Huddart 2007, Gonzalez et al. 2006a, 2006b). Michael Waters and colleagues’ main concern is to understand the formation process of the archaeological record at Huayatlaco (Waters et al. 2008). Although their investigations are still in process, they reviewed the established stratigraphic sequence and propose a new geochronological sequence. The Huayatlaco ash dates to 450,000 63 years ago, the dating was obtained using different methods and all produce similar dates. Waters and colleagues’ investigations have also shown that the artifacts recovered from Irwin-Williams’ excavations are not a hoax, as Lorenzo claimed (1978) and they are located at an unconformity in the stratigraphic sequence. An uranium-series determination in bone from the so called “bifacial level” gave a date of 245,000 + 40,000 BP; however, due to the unconformity, this bone bed date does not reflect the age of the artifacts that most like are of Holocene age (Waters et al. 2008). In order to understand the geochronology of the Valsequillo Valley, Waters and colleagues also dated volcanic episodes present at different profiles using diverse dating techniques -fisson-track, tephrahydration, U/TH(he), Ar-Ar- normal and reverse polarity. The dating of the Xalnene Tuff deposit where Gonzalez and colleagues (2006a, 2006b) claim to have a site composed by human and other animals foot prints, gave a date of 1,300,000 years BP (Ar-Ar and reverse polarity) (Renne et al. 2005; Waters et al. 2008). After almost 50 years of speculation; Waters and colleagues are beginning to resolve the many Valsequillo site questions. El Cedral, San Luis Potosi Seven radiocarbon dates ranging between approximately 38,000-21,000 BP have been reported from the Rancho La Amapola Site, at El Cedral, San Luis Potosi (Lorenzo and Mirambell 1985; Mirambell 1994; Lorenzo and Mirambell 1999). These radiocarbon ages were obtained from several lenses composed of ash and charcoal that were interpreted as “hearths,” These “hearths” were found dispersed among the remains of mammoth, camel, 64 horse, and tapir were (Mirambell 1994:192-193). A possible side scraper represents the sole artifact reportedly associated with these features. The El Cedral site lacks a clear stratigraphic relationship between the layers and the associations between the archaeological contexts of the site and the post-depositional alterations caused by mixed travertine spring sediments (Garcia Barcena, personal communication 2008; Fernando Sanchez, personal communication 2002). Archaeological Project “El Poblamiento de América visto desde la Isla del Espíritu Santo, Baja California Sur” In 1996, Harumi Fujita an archaeologist from the Centro INAH Baja California Sur discovered the “Covacha Babisuri” cave site on the Isla Espíritu Santo located 30 km from the mainland in the Sea of Cortes. She argues for a 40,000 year old human occupation at the cave. At the stratum III, the lowest stratigraphic unit, above the bedrock of the cave; the occupation is represented by basalt and rhyolite flakes and scrapers, ground stone and many shells that have been transformed into artifacts (Fujita 2002, 2007, 2008). The antiquity of the occupation was obtained by radiocarbon dating the shell artifacts at 40,000 years old. The stratum II, above the stratum III, is desc ribe as an occupation very similar than the one in stratum III but with a 10,000 year old occupation (Table 2.1). According to Fujita, the transition between layer II and III is continuous and there are very few distinctions between the two layers, both deposits are silty sand, loose deposits (Fujita 2007, 2008). 65 At least 88 radiocarbon dates have been obtained from La Covacha shelter. Twenty two of the radiocarbon dates on bulk shells (Glycymeris sp., Dosinia sp., and Leavicardium sp.) are at least 35,000 years old (Fujita 2008). Seven charcoal samples have been radiocarbon dated, all the charcoal dates are of late Archaic age (1800 to 1300 cy AP, see table 2.1); At least two of the charcoal samples dated were recove red in stratum III (the 40,000 years old unit). Fujita have in his report a radiocarbon date of 8280±40 from a fish bone in stratum V (Fujita 2007 and 2008). In summary the Babisuri site appears to represent a late Archaic occupation of the island. The similarities of the three occupations of the cave describe by Fujita are comparable with the Archaic occupations of Sonora, with the presence of ground stone and fire-cracked rock. The early dates obtained from the shell artifacts surely represent the use of fossil shells by the inhabitants of La Covacha Babisuri obtained from a natural relic shell deposit of Pleistocene age, and certainly the shell dates do not represent the age of the occupation of the shelter. Table 2.1. Selected Radiocarbon dates reported by Jarumi Fujita (2007; 2008). Sample No. B159190 B159188 B211114 INAH-2266 B159194 B211120 B159189 B159191 B159193 Stratum B3 V a inferior B2IV a inferior E3 III g inferior G4 II c superior B4 H2 IIIj inferior B2 V a inferior B4-V B3 Material Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal Charcoal human bones Charcoal Charcoal small charcoal fish bone C14 Age 1860±40 1550±40 1400±40 1356±22 800±40 1270±40 450±40 480±60 8280±40 66 Directly Dated Human Bones from Mexico. With a grant of the Natural Environment Research Council, UK, the geologist Silvia Gonzalez (John Moors Liverpool University) and the physical anthropologist Jose Concepcion Jimenez (INAH) developed a program for directly radiocarbon dating eleven bone samples from human skeletons presumed to be obtained from old contexts, all of them curated at the Physical Anthropology Department of INAH. Only four samples contained enough carbon after the bone was purified to obtained collagen; of these only two gave dates of Paleo-Indian age. From the Peñon III skeleton found in 1957 a radiocarbon age of 10,755 +/-75 (OxA-10112) was obtained (Gonzalez et al. 2003:381; 2006:69). A cranium found by workmen making a road at Tlapacoya in the early 1960s resulted in an age of 10,200 +/-65 (Gonzalez et al. 2003:381; 2006:69). Early Man at the Yucatan Peninsula Several caves were recorded from the Project Atlas de Sitios Arqueológicos de Quintana Roo. Although these caves are underwater today, at the end of the Pleistocene, when the water of the Caribbean Sea was much lower, the caves were unquestionably dry. The cave deposits have suffered some mixing due to the sea currents; however, some archaeological contexts and paleontological specimens have been found (Gonzalez et al. 2006). In three caves, charcoal flakes presumably from a human occupation, and at least three human burials were dated by radiocarbon, the dates obtained are about 8,000 years old (Table 2.2) (Gonzalez at al. 2006:87). 67 More studies need to be performed at the caves in order to understand the nature of the archaeological elements and the integrity of the samples and the stratigraphic contexts. The Naharon I dated bone, contained less than 0.1% of the residual organic carbon found in bones and did not exhibit a collagen like profile and should be regard as problematic (Taylor 2009:184). Table 2.2. Radiocarbon Dates reported in Gonzalez et al. 2006 Sample No. c14 Age Material Cave INAH-2123 6941+/-39 Charcoal Las Palmas, Qu intana Roo B-1666199 INAH-2009 9180 +/-60 9318 +/-37 Charcoal Charcoal Aktun Ha, Quintana Roo Aktun Ha, Quintana Roo INAH-2011 9139 +/-23 Charcoal Aktun Ha, Quintana Roo UGA-6637 9524 +/-84 Charcoal Aktun Ha, Quintana Roo UCR-4000/ CAMS-87301 UGA-6828 11670 +/-60 Hu man bone Naharon, Qu intana Roo 8050 +/-130 Hu man bone Las Palmas, Qu intana Roo Ocozocoautla, Chiapas (Los Grifos and Santa Marta Caves) Joaquin Garcia Barcena excavated two caves between 1974 and 1977 at Ocozocoautla, Chiapas . Cueva de los Grifos is a moderately sized cave measuring 24 meters wide and 8 meters deep, and is one of three continuous caves located at Ocozocoautla, Chiapas, the cave contained stratigraphic deposits of no more than 1.5 meters in depth. (Santa Maria and Garcia Barcena 1984:7). An unfluted, lanceolate, chert projectile point was found together with denticulate tools, scrapers and bifacial thinning flakes, as well as bone fragments were recovered from among the earliest stratigraphic deposits (Santa Maria and Garcia Barcena 1984, 1989). Although identified as a Clovis point (Garcia Barcena 1979; Santa Maria and Garcia Barcena 1989:76), the point is not fluted, and the fine collateral 68 pressure flaking and basal thinning present in this specimen is unlike Clovis-type points, and, alternatively, appears to be most similar to Plainview or Milnesand-type points (Sellards 1955; Holliday 1997:141). Two radiocarbon ages were obtained from combined charcoal flecks; a radiocarbon age of 8930±150 BP (I-10760) was obtained for the lower stratum containing the point, whereas an age of 9460±150 BP (I-10761) is associated with the unit lying immediately above (Santa Maria and Garcia Bárcena 1984:13; 1989:99100). Santa Marta Cave is located at the northeast margin of the valley; the cave is 24 meters wide and 8 meters deep and contains 2.5 meters of sediment. MacNeish and Peterson (1962) conducted test excavations at Santa Marta Ca ve between 1958 and 1959; Garcia Bárcena and Santamaría of INAH opened an area of 58 square meters in three different units (Garcia Bárcena and Santamaría 1982).They found a chronological stratigraphic sequence of at least 15 different well define units, from the lowest units two dates of about 9000 years old were obtained (see Table 2.3). Table 2.3. Radiocarbon dates from Santa Marta and Los grifos Caves Laboratory No. I-9260 Provenience C14 age Cave Reported by Capa XVI 9330 ±290 I-9259 Capa XVI 9,280 ±290 I-10760 Unit 15, above Plainview point Unit 16, below Plainview point Capa XVI nivel 7 8930±150 Santa Marta Santa Marta Los Grifos Los Grifos Santa Marta Garcia Bárcena and Santamaria (1982) Garcia Bárcena and Santamaria (1982) Santamaria and Garcia Bárcena (1974) Santamaria and Garcia Bárcena (1974) Acosta (2008) I-10761 UNAM 07-22 9460±150 10055±90 69 In 2005, Guillermo Acosta from the Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas at the UNAM carried out new investigations at Cueva Santa Marta for his doctoral dissertation. Acosta reported the presence of corn pollen, proto- metates and some flakes at unit XVI that he dated at about 10,000 AP using very fine fleks sparce in the unit (see Table 2.4) (Acosta 2008a; 2008b). Acosta (2008b) also claims to have the presence of two tomato seeds and pollen of Zea mays. Wild tropical seeds as nanche (Byrsonima crassifolia) and zapote (Lucuma mammosa) seeds were observed on the 10,000 year old unit. No diagnostic lithic tools were found at the unit although expedient flakes and tools are present along with ground stone artifacts. More laboratory and field investigations need to be carried out in the cave to understand the relationship between the archaeological record and the depositional units, before we can accept a 10,000 tropical environment and domestication. Gila Naquitz, Oaxaca Guilá Naquitz is a small shelter at the base of a large ignimbrite canyon wall located high above the Tlacolula branch of the Valley of Oaxaca. During 1966 and 1967, excavations were conducted by Kent V. Flannery (1986) in two caves, Guilá Naquitz and Peña Blanca. The earliest Naquitz phase (6900-4700 cy BP) was attributed to the early Archaic Period (Flannery 1986:32). Recent direct AMS dating of a seed and peduncles of Cucurbita pepo with morphological indications of domestication from the lower levels of Guilá Naquitz, however, provided dates of 8990±60 BP (-100766) and 8910±50 BP (100764) (Smith 1997:933). One projectile point found in zone E of Guila Naquitz (Hole 70 1986:116) could be assigned to the Paeloindian complex. The point is laurel leaf in outline, diamond shaped in cross section, pointed end, and was identified as a Lerma; it appears to be similar to the specimens found in association with extinct Pleistocene fauna at Santa Isabel Iztapan, Estado de Mexico and Hueyatlaco, Puebla. Marcus Winter (personal communication, 2008) affirmed that two Clovis point bases were recovered from an open site at about 500 meters from Gila Naquitz Cave, the Clovis occupation of Oaxaca will be discussed later in this chapter. Clovis, Folsom and Other Diagnostic Points of the North Ame rican Sequence in Mexico The Clovis industry is the oldest universally acknowledged unequivocal cultural horizon in the Americas, radiocarbon dated at approximately 11,500 years ago (Fiedel 1999a; Haynes 1993, 2000a; Taylor et al. 1996; Water and Stafford 2007). Several artifacts have been identified as affiliated with the Clovis tool tradition, but the principal diagnostic artifact is the lanceolate, fluted Clovis point (Krieger 1950; Sellards 1952; Wormington 1957). Specimens of this rare Clovis point have been found on the surface of virtually the entire North American continent except in those areas where the late Wisconsian ice sheet was present (Collins 1999a; Faught 1996; Anderson et al. 1998). Following the Clovis complex, the Paleo-Indian chronological framework is difficult to discern due to a wide variety of regional flaking traditions. The most widespread projectile point traditions in the Great Plains of North America are: Goshen-Plainview, Folsom, Agate Basin, Cody 71 Complex and Dalton (Frison 1974, 1991, 1996; Gramly 1990; Haynes 1964; Waldorf 1987; Wheat 1972; Wilmsen and Roberts 1978). The Clovis Presence in Mexico The Clovis tradition in Sonora is very well represented and it is the central topic of this investigation and will be discussed in the next chapter. Here, the Clovis presence in all the other regions of Mexico is summarized. Baja California. At least four Clovis points have been reported from the Baja California Peninsula.; two from the midsection of the Baja California peninsula. In 1949, Homer Aschmann found a complete Clovis point of fine basalt at the Rancho San Joaquin locality (Aschmann 1952). In 1993, the Proyecto Arte Rupestre found a basal fragment of a Clovis point in the vicinity of Rancho El Batequi (Gutierrez and Hyland 1994) (Figure 2.16). X-ray florescence source analysis of this point fragment, manufactured from obsidian, indicates that it was derived from the Valle de Azufre quarry, located 43 kilometers to the northeast (Gutierrez and Hyland 1994, 1998). Lucero Gutierrez also found another Clovis point from survey work carried out in the middle portion of the state (Lucero Gutierrez, personal communication, 2007). 72 Figure 2.16. Photograph of the El Batequi Clovis Points (Figure XX tomada de Gutierrez and Hyland). Pleistocene fauna have also been reported from the same general area of the surface Clovis finds. Mammoth remains have been reported at Rancho El Mezquital, located one kilometer to the southwest of San Joaquin (Gutierrez and Hyland 1994). Gutierrez and Hyland (2002:329) reported for the Cueva Pintada in Baja California Sur a radiocarbon date of 10860±90 from charcoal collected from an archaeological surface found at about 30-40 cm below the surface. In 1981, at the El Canal community in Baja California Sur, a mammoth was excavated by the local sheriff. Following its excavation, Sheldon Applegate, a paleontologist with the Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico (UNAM), found 73 chert flakes while removing sediment from the bones, prompting him to visit the locale, where he recovered additional chert flakes and bifaces from the excavated back dirt (Sheldon Applegate, personal communication, 2001). In 2005, Mathew Des Lauriers and his team found a surface Clovis base at the Isla Cedros located in the Pacific Ocean in the midsection of Baja California; the Clovis fragment is heavily patinated dark brown cryptocrystalline raw material (Des Lauries 2008). West Mexico. At least four Clovis points have been collected from the surface in the Zacoalco-Sayula Basin of Jalisco, forming the Great Central Lakes of the Mexican Plateau, in the vicinity of Guadalajara. The lake deposits of this basin are rich in fossils of extinct Rancholabrean fauna recovered from the Pleistocene gravels (Alip hat 1988:147). Stone tools associated with extinct fauna have been reported near Atotonilco, located in the vicinity of the Lake Zacoalco. In 1957, Federico Solorzano found an obsidian flake with extensive retouch associated with the remains of a semi-articulated mammoth found on the surface (Aveleyra 1962, 1964:405). In 1983, during the survey phase of the Proyecto Zacoalco-Sayula, some much deteriorated large animal bones, together with a fragment of a “lermoide” or "laurel- leaf" point, were found on the surface in the same locality described by Solorzano (Aliphat 1988:161). In 1963, Howard Smith, George Mitchell and Jose Toscano located two fluted projectile points made of obsidian on the surface of Cerro del Tecolote, a volcanic hill that separates Zacoa lo Lake from San Marcos Lake; both projectile points are each five centimetres long, with a flute on one 74 side and basal thinning on the other. Basal and lateral grinding indicates that they represent finished tools. The two points were described and illustrated by Lorenzo in 1964. The points are exhibited at the Museo Regional de Guadalajara (see Figures 2.17 and 2.18). Otto Schondube reported a brown chert fluted biface fragment found during a visit to Cerro del Tecolote in 1983 in Zacoalco (Aliphat 1988:161; 2008; Otto Schondube, personal communication, 2008). Bruce Benz (2002; 2006) described a complete Clovis point made on brown chert, found during his regional surface reconnaissance of the Zacualco-Sayula Basin while searching for evidence of early agriculture. Although we do not know much about the nature of the early Paleo-Indian occupation of the Zacualco-Sayula, it is clear that an archaeological investigation of this area should be carried out in the future. Figure 2.17. Obsidian Clovis point curated at the Museo Regional de Guadalajara 75 Figure 2.18. Obsidian Clovis point curated at the Museo Regional de Guadalajara El Platanillo Cave is located west of Penjamillo, on the alluvial plain of the Lerma River, in northern Guanajuato. Here, Brigitte Faugere (1996; 2006) found two PaleoIndian points that were recovered from a classic period archaeological context; one is a Clovis point 7 cm long and the other an Eden/Yuma point 10 cm long (Faugere 1996:126). Faugure excavated several caves in the immediate area looking for early occupations and could not find any archaeological occupations younger than 6,000 BP (Brigitte Faugere, personal communication, 2007). The Clovis Occupation in Northeast Hidalgo, Mexico. The region of Meztitlan and Metzquititlan in the state of Hidalgo in central Mexico comprises the southernmost end of the Sierra Madre Occidental and has yielded a total of 12 sites, including both 76 open and cave sites, associated with Paleo-Indian occupations (Cassiano 1998). At least four basal fragments of Clovis points fabricated on a white chert from a nearby source, have been recovered from a low terrace at the Oyapa site (figure 2.19), together with Clovis end scrapers and blades (Cassiano and Vasquez 1990:26; Cassiano 2008). Several additional points and bifaces with a possible Paleo-Indian affiliation were reported from the other locales (Cassiano 1998; 2008). Some of the projectile points resemble styles of the Cody complex and Plainview series, Golondrina, Angostura and Lerma projectile point styles, which remain poorly known with respect to chronology and affiliation (Faught and Freeman 1998:48; Hester 1977; Hesse et al. 2000; Holliday 1997:154; MacNeish 1950). Excavations at these localities have not yet been carried out, and it is unknown if the Opaya site or any of the other localities contain stratified deposits. Figure 2.19. Oyapa Clovis points. Photograph courtesy of Gianfranco Cassiano 77 Clovis in Oaxaca. At least three Clovis points have been collected from the surface in the state of Oaxaca (Figure 2.20). In the Municipality of San Juan Guelavia in the Tlacolula Valley, a Clovis base made on a brown chert was found by Richard Orlandini (Winter et al. 2008) and is exhibited at the Museo de Santo Domingo (MarcusWinter, personal communication, 2008). In an open site west of Mitla and 500 meters from the site of Gila Naquitz, located on the lower bajada about a 100 meters from the Río Mitla, two Clovis bases have been found; one by Richard Orlandi in 2006 and the other one by Winter and colleagues in 2007. One point was manufactured on a brown chert and the other displays a very heavy white patina (Winter et al 2008); the site appear to be a late Pleistocene/Early Holocene knapping station with several bifaces and bifacial thinning flakes. No excavations have been undertaken at the site and it is possible that more early sites could be found at the lower bajada (Winter et al. 2008). Another Clovis point base was found at the site Guhdz Bedkol east of Mitla (Marcus Winter, personal communication 2008). Extinct fauna with a possible association with humans have been also found in Oaxaca. In 2006, during the Salvamento Arqueológico Carretera Oaxaca-Istmo a poorly articulated Gomphoterium sp. was found and was excavated at the El Pocito site located about 6 km to the east of Mitla. While this find was very close to the surface, a denticulate scraper and a multiplatform core made on a reddish chert was found near the Pleistocene bones (Winter et al. 2008). 78 Figure 2.20. Clovis points from Oaxaca, photograph courtesy of Marcus Winter Isolated Clovis Finds. Isolated surface finds of Clovis-type points diminish considerably to the south of Sonora. A total of five isolated Clovis points have been reported from the states of Sinaloa (Guevara 1989), Chihuahua (Di Peso 1965), Durango (Lorenzo 1953) and Tlaxcala (Garcia Cook 1973). All of these are either surface finds or points from private collections with unknown proveniences. Folsom and Plainview Presence in Mexico There are very few Folsom points known from Mexico, all have been found in the northeastern states of Chihuahua and Nuevo Leon. Presently, no Folsom-style projectile points have been found west of the Sierra Madre Occidental. However, several Plainview styles or unfluted lanceolate bifaces with a Paleo-Indian affiliation have been reported from several localities in Mexico. Plainview points appear to be present on both sides of the Sierra Madre range. 79 Jeremiah Epstein (1961) carried out a reconnaissance survey at San Isidro and Puntita Negra sites in Nuevo Leon. The San Isidro Site is situated in a lower bajada and several thermal features are exposed on the surface. The most abundant tool type at the site are choppers made by a crude bifacial flaking technique; a small polyhedral core, and nine projectile points made of chert were also found. The projectile points consist of four Plainview- like points, two Tortuga points, one Langtry- like point, one point of lanceolate form, and a nondescript type. A heavy patina covers each of the artifacts. The described Plainview points are similar to classic Plainview type, except that the basal concavity is slightly deeper (Epstein 1961). Epstein recovered a fluted point tip from the Puntita Negra Site; the fluting carries through to the tip of the point, prompting its identification as a Folsom point (Epstein 1961). Aveleyra (1961) reported the surface find of a classic Folsom point base from the Salmalayuca Basin, near Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua. Several bones of extinct animals have also been found within the vicinity, but no associated artifacts have been reported. During the 2002 field season of the catalogo de sitios de Nuevo Leon project, Moises Valadez from the Centro INAH Nuevo Leon, found La Morita rock shelter, located at Villadama about a 100 km west of Monterrey, Nuevo Leon. The cave has two chambers; the main chamber has an irregular shape and measures 18x7 meters. During 2003 and 2004, explorations of the principal chamber were carried out, a total of 50 square meters were excavated showing an stratified deposit. The lowest stratum is about 3 to 4 meters from the actual cave floor (capa IV-V). This stratum is composed of very compacted silts; with retouched flakes, polished bones and burned molars of Equus sp. 80 associated with the stratum. At least four Folsom projectile point fragments were recovered from this unit. Two C-14 ages have been obtained from charcoal one has a 9230 ± 45 BP age (OxA-17377) and the other date is 8,935+ 66 year old (UofA) (Valadez Moreno 2006; 2008; Moises Valadez personal communication 2008). There is no doubt, that the ongoing investigations at La Morita will provide essential information of the Folsom occupation in Nuevo Leon. During the project La Ocupación de Agricultura Temprana en el Sur de Chihuahua, Art Mac Williams and colleagues found a Plainview point fragment at a cave site ( C75-01 site) located on the highway between Cuauhtemoc and Chihuahua, and apparently was associated with an occupational surface with disperse charcoal. The charcoal was dated by radiocarbon at 9120±50 AP (b185635) (MacWilliam et al. 2006:10). Unfortunately, the contexts at the cave are very disturbed and no primary contexts remained of the Plainview occupation (Art MacWilliams, personal communication, 2007). A burned complete Plainview point made on chert (Figure 2.21) was found among the earliest stratigraphic deposits at Cueva de los Grifos, Chiapas (Santa Maria and Garcia Barcena 1984, 1989). Two radiocarbon ages were obtained from combined charcoal flecks; a radiocarbon age of 8930±150 BP (I-10760) is given for the lower stratum containing the point, whereas an age of 9460±150 BP (I-10761) is associated with the unit lying immediately above the point (Santa Maria and Garcia Barcena 1984:13; 1989:99-100). 81 Figure 2.21. Ilustration of the Plainview point from Cueva de los Grifos. In 2004, Jose Luis Punzo and Bridget Zavala reported that a Plainview base of chert (Figure 2.22), was collected from a later prehistoric context from the Mesa de Las Tapias site in the Guadiana Valley, Durango (Punzo and Zavala 2007:190). In 1953 J. Charles Kelley found a Clovis Point at the Weicker site also in the Guadiana Valley (Lorenzo 1953; Punzo and Zavala 2007:190). Figure 2.22. Plainview base at Mesa de las Tapias, photograph courtesy of Jose Luis Punzo. 82 Los Prime ros Mexicanos:On the archaeological data, and some propositions a propos of the Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene occupation of Mexico After an extensive search of the existing archaeological data for the First Americans of Mexico we can say with confidence that there is no convincing evidence that Mexico was inhabited before 12,000 years ago. The four sites known in Mexico proclaimed to have great antiquity: Tlapacoya, Mexico City; Hueyatlaco, Puebla, El Cedral, San Luis Potosi and Babisuri, Baja California do not pass scientific scrutiny and they cannot be considered as very early sites associated with the glacial maximum. There is no doubt that the archaeological record of mammoths and humans in the Basin of Mexico is somewhat enigmatic. Artifacts have been found with at least six mammoths, however, only three mammoths; Santa Marta Iztapan I and II and San Bartolo Atepehuacan, have demonstrated a secure association between mammoth and artifacts, all of them were excavated before 1960. It is indisputable that before 9000 years ago Columbian Mammoth (Mammuthus columbi) were ordinary inhabitants of the basin of Mexico, 150 mammoths have been reported and many investigated (Arroyo et al. 2003, 2006; Garcia Barcenas 1975; Carballal 1997; Gonzalez et al. 2006; Lorenzo and Mirambell 1986a). The recent directly radiocarbon dated human bones from El Peñon and Tlapacoya offer proof that humans were present in the Basin of Mexico at least 10,500 cy BP. The possibility of finding in the future an early site in the Basin of Mexico that will modify what we known of the first colonists of the Basin is at best very slim. The Center of Mexico is one of the most studied regions in the American Continent. 300 of the 400 INAH archaeologists work in central Mexico, however adjacent areas such as the state of Tlaxcala have been very little study. For example, several mammoth finds 83 have been reported in Tlaxcala that have not been attended (Linda Manzanilla, personal communication 2009). A research program focusing in this finds and other similar sites should be implemented as a priority on the research. The cultural affiliation of the first people in the Basin of Mexico is unknown; the diagnostic projectile points found in association with the mammoths at Santa Iztapan it is somewhat confusing. One of the points resembles an Angostura point, as well as some of the Great Basin lanceolate Paleo-Indian points, but cannot be directly correlated. A second projectile point is laurel- leaf-shaped, pointed at both proximal and distal ends (Aveleyra 1955; Aveleyra and Maldonado-Koerdell 1953), this point is similar to the Lerma type defined by MacNeish (1950), but which remains poorly dated. Unquestionably, the Paleo-Indian sequence established for North America can be traced southward into northern Mexico. The Clovis tradition is very well represented in Sonora but, proceeding farther to the south, artifacts become scarce, although isolated points have been reported as far south as Costa Rica. The apparent well- represented Clovis occupation in northeast Hidalgo is puzzling. However, the geographic location of the sites in the three corners where the states of Tamaulipas, Veracruz and Hidalgo meet, could be perfectly explained if we assume that Clovis groups are moving south from the Southwest region of the United States. Much more systematic work needs to be carried out at this area. The North American Paleo-Indian traditions following Clovis appear to have a regional distribution and only a very few examples of Fo lsom and Plainview points are found to extend into the eastern Mexican borderland states. Mexican collections reveal 84 only a very few examples of the numerous varieties of late Paleo-Indian projectile point types affiliated with the Great Plains tradition. On the other hand, the Mexican collections reflect projectile point types apparently related to the late Paleo-Indian complexes of western North America, and for which, unfortunately, the cultural affiliations and chronology are not well understood. Projectile points such as the lanceolate forms, including unstemmed and stemmed/shouldered types of the Great Basin and Southwest (Beck and Jones 1997:187; Fa ught and Freeman 1998:46; Willig 1990, 1991:101), Angostura points (similar to Agate Basin and Hell Gap points) that have been found in the Great Plains, especially in Texas (Faught and Freeman 1998:48; Holliday 1997:156), and Golondrina points from Texas (Holliday 1997:154) are present in many of the Mexican sites. Unfortunately, the lack of chronological a nd stratigraphic association prohibits a discussion of possible correlations. Lerma points, bifaces with a lanceolate shape and concave bases, have been identified in several sites throughout eastern and central Mexico. MacNeish (1950:72) assigned the name of Lerma presumably because the point was found in association with his Lerma Horizon (dated to approximately 9,200 BP) at a cave in southern Tamaulipas, Mexico. The points, however, were not found in dated contexts, but were derived from undated deposits from another cave presumed to be associated with the Lerma Horizon (Wormington 1957:202). Alternatively, I suspect that the Lerma bifaces do not represent a chronologically diagnostic type, but likely reflect a general biface form exhibiting varying degrees of technological skill with a widespread chronological and spatial range. 85 The archaeological record of the first Americans in Mexico appears to indicate that, north of Mexico City, the early sites are associated with the Paleo-Indian sites of Northern North America. The Clovis presence of Mexico can be placed mainly to the west of the Sierra Madre, from Baja California to Jalisco; it is, as yet, difficult to explain the Hidalgo sites. Folsom is observed exclusively east of the Sierra Madre in Nuevo Leon and Chihuahua. However, Plainview-like projectile points have been reported in both sides of the sierra. South of Mexico City, archaeological data appear to represent two different traditions. The Paleo-Indian tradition of North America observed in Oaxaca and Chiapas is represented by Clovis and Plainview projectile points. However, late Pleistocene/early Holocene point traditions from central and South America appear to be also represented south of Mexico City. Recent investigations in the Ocozocoautla caves in Chiapas by Guillermo Acosta (2008a and 2008b) appear to indicate that humans were present in Chiapas since at least 11,000-10,000 years ago. An occupation surface investigated by Guillermo Acosta at Santa Marta Cave suggests that, by 10,500 years ago, people with an economy based on wild tropical plants and small animals processed food with insipient ground stone tools. This subsistence practice appears to be more related to tropical hunters and gathers (Acosta 2008). Also, fishtail fluted points affiliated with Central and South American sites have been found in Chiapas (Santa Maria and Bárcenas 1989) and probably at the Hidalgo sites (Cassiano 2008). In a recent study Pearson (2004) suggests that the fishtail fluted points are derived from the Clovis tradition and they are a technological invention of South America. 86 In conclusion, the scarce and confusing records of the human groups of the late Pleistocene/Early Holocene available for Mexico appear to approximately correlate with those complexes established for the Great Plains and Great Basin United States. The presence of domesticated Cucurbita during the late Paleo-Indian period 8,500 B.P. and the presence of corn pollen appear to indicate that decreasing mobility commenced very early in the cultural history of the human occupation of Mexico. I recommend following the research strategy undertaken in the 1970s by C. Vance Haynes Jr. in evaluating PaleoIndian contexts in the United States, implementing an active program of radiocarbon dating and stratigraphic trench exploration in the potentially significant sites excavated before 1980, as well as in those localities that are only known through their surface material. Additionally, a geoarchaeological research program investigating the peopling of Mexico should be developed following the methodology of the well-established research on early man within the United States. Only then we will truly be able to discuss the chronological and cultural sequences for the first Mexicans. 87 CHAPTER 3 FRAMEWORKS FOR SONORAN EARLY PREHISTORY This chapter presents the environmental and archaeological background pertinent to the current research and includes descriptions of the modern natural environment, the history of previous archaeological investigations relevant to the Paleo-Indian occupation in Sonora and vicinity regions, as well as the regional cultural-historical chronology. The Sonoran Landscape The state of Sonora encompasses 184,934 square kilometers, or slightly more than nine percent of the Republic of Mexico. The landscape of the region is part of the Basin and Range physiographic province; virtually all the state of Sonora is situated in this province that continues to the south to at least central México (McDowell 1997:1349). This landscape resulted from fracturing of the Earth’s crust and formation of block-faulted basins and mountain ranges along with volcanic intrusions. In eastern Sonora, near the foothills of the Sierra Madre Occidental, the fault-block ranges are subjected to extensive erosion, forming deep, rugged canyons. The debris from this erosion filled the intervening basins. A few of these basins have drainages such as the Rio Sonora and the Rio Mátape (Figure 1). In the northwest section of the state, the same geologic structures are also found, but they are deeply buried beneath debris from their own erosion along with the broad alluvial plain formed by sediment eroded from the foothills (McDowell et al. 1997), giving rise to the description “Buried Ranges” for this part of Sonora (de Cserna 1975). This block-faulted area dropped down as the Gulf of California opened, beginning 88 over 5 million years ago (Bailey 2002; McDowell et al. 1997). West and southwest of Santa Ana (Fig. 1) the mountain ranges are only partially buried. Northwest, west, and southwest of Hermosillo, however, the ranges are more deeply buried, underlying a flat open alluvial plain, here informally called the “Llanos de Hermosillo” (Figure 1) (Gaines et al. 2009a). This plain terrain begins in the foothills of the Sierra Madre Occidental east and northeast of Hermosillo, and slopes gently down to the west-southwest into the Gulf of California. It is likely composed of deltaic deposits of the Rio Sonora and alluvial fan sediments off of the partially buried ranges to the north. The Llanos de Hermosillo is dotted with low hills rising abruptly above the level landscape. These hills include Tertiary volcanic intrusions and isolated, unburied remnants of the “buried ranges.” The majority of the sites of the project are in The Llanos de Hermosillo, the llanos have a very poorly developed drainage, probably because of its relative youthfulness and very low gradient. As a result, topographic lows locally form lakes in dry years, or playas. Sand dunes are also locally common across the surface of the plain, some derived from the coast of the Gulf and others probably derived from sand in the alluvium. Some dunes are associated with the playas, but whether they formed as a result of wind erosion of the playa basin (lunettes) or if they are dune ridges that helped contain the playas is unclear (Gaines et al. 2009a). 89 Figure 3.1 The Sonoran Landscape and Sites (from Gaines et al. 2009) 90 The hydrology of the northern section of Sonora is composed of perennial surface arroyos with underground aquifers that are the principal sources of water, at present times these aquifers are over exploited and they have been contaminated with salt water from the sea. The study area is located in three hydrological basins; Rio Sonora, Rio Bacoachi and Río Matape (Vega Granillo 1992). The Rio Sonora basin is the largest of the three and begins in the vicinity of Cananea, and is composed of three rivers; the Rio Sonora, Rio San Miguel and Rio Zanjon (INEGI). The three rivers merge together at about Hermosillo and then they form a delta until they emptied to the sea. Dry washes or zanjones drain off of the foothills into the river or out across the alluvial plain. Arroyos drain into the washes and discontinuous gullies formed on the surface of the plain. The basin of the Rio Mátape begins at about the town of Mazatán and goes in a north-south direction and then turning to the southwest until empties into the Sea of Cortes at about Guaymas. Today, the underground fresh water aquifers of the Río Matape are contaminated in the middle of the basin by an older highly mineralized aquifer composed of Calcium-Magnesium-Chloride and at the southwest end of the basin are contaminated with salt water (Vega Granillo 1992). The basin of the Río Bacoachi has a perennial flow with many underwater aquifers that reach the surface in small springs in the central segment of the area. It has been known for 40 years that the sea level fluctuated enormously between the glacial and interglacial cycles and during the glacial maximum, about 20,000 years ago, the greatest fluctuation has been documented at 120 meters lower than at the present (Flemming et al. 2003; Muhs et al. 2004). During the terminal Wisconsin, the Sea of 91 Cortez would have been at least 40 meters lower than it is today, with vast expanses of dry land exposed in the upper gulf from the midriff islands to the present Colorado River delta. Based on bathymetric data (Lohman 1967; Lavín and Marinone 2003), and assuming no subsequent tectonic activity, it is possible to estimate northern gulf lateglacial shore levels (Figure 3.1). Horizontal shoreline location differences would have been much greater on the gently sloping Sonoran side of the gulf than on the steep Baja coastline, and the northern Sonoran coast would have been on average roughly 60-70 kilometers west of its current location. Most of the upper gulf would have been dry land, with a 20-40 km wide channel extending from Isla de la Guardia to the mouth of the Colorado River. Isla Tiburon would have been connected with the Sonoran mainland, and the associated landmass would have been separated from the Baja peninsula by less than 20 km of water (Figure 3.1). The Environmental Setting of the Sonoran Landscape The Sonoran Desert Biome The Sonoran Desert is a unique tropical desert with a relatively high biodiversity (Nabhan and Holdworth 1998); considered to represent a relatively young component, with respect to its characteristic vegetation, having developed following the end of the Pleistocene. Within Sonora, this province extends along the Arizona border from the Colorado River east to Nogales, and south to a point approximately halfway between Guaymas and the Rio Yaqui. 92 Although northwestern Sonora lies entirely within the Sonoran Desert, this region presents a mosaic of several biotic communities (Brown et al. 1994). The Lower Colorado River Valley subdivision predominates in the northwest and extends south along the coast approximately to Puerto Lobos, where it is replaced by the Central Gulf Coast subdivision. The Arizona Uplands subdivision is predominant to the north of Highway 2 between Sonoyta and Santa Ana. The Plains of Sonora subdivision extends along the interior approximately from Santa Ana south to Guaymas (Figure 3.2). Adjacent to the Sonoran Desert Province we found the Southern Coastal Belt Province and the Sierra Madre Occidental. 93 Figure 3.2. Physiographic provinces of Sonora (from Carpenter et al. 2008). 94 Lower Colorado River Valley Subprovince The extreme northwest corner, from the Colorado River east to the Río Sonoyta, is known as the Gran Desierto de Altar and is marked by extreme aridity—median annual precipitation is a mere 89.8 mm, and temperatures often reach 45°C (113°F) or more (Pérez Bedolla 1996:142). The Colorado River and the ephemeral Río Sonoyta, which define the eastern and western boundaries of the Gran Desierto de Altar, are the only significant drainages within the region. Large expanses of sand dunes and desert pavement are common. Vegetation is generally limited to creosotebush (Larrea tridentata) and white bursage (Ambrosia dumosa). Sonoran pronghorn (Antilocapra americana sonoriensis), desert cottontail (Sylvilagus audubonii), and antelope jackrabbit (Lepus alleni) are the principal mammalian species. The volcanic disconformity represented by the Sierra Pinacate is an isolated subprovince surrounded entirely by the Gran Desierto de Altar. This region, encompassing approximately 1,500 km2, is characterized by dozens of volcanic cones and craters of varying sizes, along with extensive basalt lava flows reflecting the accumulation of 2 million years of activity ending in the lower Pleistocene (Hayden 1998:14). Natural bedrock basins, or tinajas, provide the only source of water in this region. Historically, desert bighorn sheep (Ovis canadensis) and Mexican wolf (Canis lupus baileyi) inhabited the Pinacate region. 95 The Arizona Uplands Subprovince To the east of the Río Sonoyta, the landscape belongs to the Arizona Uplands subdivision. In this region elevations are generally above 500 m (1,650 feet); temperatures here are even more extreme, occasionally dropping below 0°C (32°F) during the winter months and soaring to 47°C (117°F) in the summer. The annual precipitation ranges between 200 and 300 mm; characteristic of the Sonoran Desert region, the distribution is bimodal— slightly more rain falls during the summer chubascos than in the winter equipatas. Compared with that of the Lower Colorado River Valley subdivision, the vegetation is both more dense and more varied; it includes creosotebush, ocotillo (Fouquieria splendens), ironwood (Olneya tesota), velvet mesquite (Prosopis velutina), littleleaf palo verde (Parkinsonia [Cercidium] microphylla), organ pipe cactus (Stenocereus thurberi), senita (Pachycereus [Lophocereus] schottii), saguaro (Carnegiea gigantea), numerous species of prickly pear and cholla (Opuntia spp.), and barrel cactus (Ferocactus spp.). The fauna is also more abundant and varied here; it includes desert bighorn (found within the isolated mountain ranges), mule deer (Odocoileus hemionus), javelina (Pecari tajacu), coyote (Canis latrans), American badger (Taxidea taxus), the ubiquitous complement of lagomorphs, and a host of rodent, reptilian, and avian species. The Río Magdalena/Río Concepción forms the principal drainage basin in this region, with several major tributaries, such as the Río Boquillas and the Río Altar, rising among the uplands along the international border between Sasabe and Nogales. To the south of the Baboquivari Mountains, where elevations generally exceed 900 m (2,970 feet), semidesert and plains grasslands predominate. True Madrean 96 evergreen woodland is restricted to two small mountain ranges (the Sierra de Humo and the Sierra del Mezquital) found between Altar and Sasabe, and to the Sierra Cibuta to the southwest of Nogales (Brown et al. 1994). White-tailed deer (Odocoileus virginianus) are generally restricted to these upland areas. Plains of Sonora Subprovince The Plains of Sonora subprovince extends along the interior from a few kilometers south of Santa Ana to just north of Guaymas, with elevations generally less than 500 meters amsl. Here, desert grasslands intermixed with creosote (Larrea tridentada) predominate, along with several short tree species, including ironwood (Olneya tesota), mesquite (Prosopis sp.), palo verde (Cercideum microphylum), and tree morning glory (Ipomeoea arborescens). Organ pipe (Stenoocereus thurberi), senita (Lophocereus schotti), and several species of prickly pear and cholla (Opuntia spp.), and barrel cactus (Ferrocactus spp.) interspersed throughout this subprovince (Perez Bedolla 1996:124-125; Turner 1994:218-220). Within this region of the Sonoran Desert, elevations generally exceed 500 meters. Temperatures may occasionally dip below 0° C. (32° F.) during the winter months and typically reach 47° C. (117° F.) in the summer; annual precipitation ranges between 200300 mm. The Río Sonora and its tributary Río San Miguel provide the most significant drainage systems within the Plains of Sonora subdivision. 97 The Central Gulf Coast Subprovince This subprovince incorporates the Sonoran coast between Puerto Lobos and Guaymas. Here, red mangroves of Rhizophora mangle, along with black mangrove (Avicennia germinans), white mangrove (Laguncalaria racemosa), and sweet mangrove (Maytenus phyllanthoides) are found in brackish estuary environments. Species more often associated with the Baja peninsula such as the boojum (Fouquieria columnaris) and elephant/torchwood (Bursera microphylla and B. hindsiana) trees (Perez Bedolla 1996:146; Rzedowski 1981:342; Turner and Brown 1994:212-214). Columnar Cardón cactus (Pachycereus pringlei), a variety of prickly pear, cholla and barrel cactus species, along with ocotillo (Fouqueria splendens) are also common. Precipitation along the central coast averages less than 200 mm, and there is a general absence of shrub cover common elsewhere in the Sonoran Desert (Turner and Brown 1994:212). In addition to the usual complement of desert mammals, the coastal waters are home to sea lions (Zalophus californiacus), porpoise (Delphinis delphis), and whales (Balaenoptera spp., various species, but especially B. physallus), along with the green sea turtle (Chelonia mydas), various species of mollusks and crustaceans, and a host of fish species, including totoaba (Cynoscion macdonaldi), mojarra (Diapterus peruvianus.), mullet (Mugil cephalus and M. curema), spotted sand bass (Paralabrax maculatofasciatus), grouper (Mycteroperca jordani), snapper (Lutjanus sp.), mackerel (Scomberomorus sp.), along with several species of sharks. In terms of protein per square meter, the Sea of Cortez ranks among the very richest marine environments anywhere in the world. However, no significant stream systems are 98 to be found between the Río Concepción and the Río Sonora, and the availability of fresh water is limited to only a few widely dispersed springs and tinajas, or bedrock catchment basins. The Southern Coastal Belt Province The Southern Coastal Belt comprises the southern limits of the coastal plain, which becomes a narrow band extending south into Sinaloa, and is dominated by the broad alluvial deposits of the Yaqui, and Mayo rivers. In this region, the Sonoran desert vegetation blends with Sinaloan Thornscrub. From just north of the Río Mayo, the mesophyllic Sinaloan Thornscrub becomes predominant (Rzedowski 1981:209). Acacia (A. cymbispina) predominates the coastal plain (Shreve 1937), forming both open and dense woodlands. Other plants associated with the acacia woodland include tree morning glory, pitahaya (Stenoocereus thurberi), senita (Lophocereus schotti), echo (Pachycereus pecten-aborignum), agaves (Agave schotti and A. ocahui), ironwood (Olneya tesota), torote (Bursera sp.), cassias (Cassia atomaria and C. emarginata), greythorn (Ziziphus sonorensis), Sonoran ebony (Pithecellobium sonorae), palo colorado (Caesalpinia platyloba), Lonchocarpus megalanthus, copalillo (Jatropha cordata), palo verde (Cercidium torreyanum), mesquite (Prosopis sp.), mauto (Lysiloma divaricata) and palo blanco (Piscidia mollis) (Brown 1994:101-104; Rzedowski 1981:210). 99 Sierra Madre Occidental Province Lastly, the extreme eastern margins of Sonora are defined by the massive blocks of rhyolite that form the Sierra Madre Occidental. Within the lower mountain ranges comprising the foothills above 1000 meters, oak woodlands are endemic. The uppermost reaches of the Sierra, at elevations of between 2000 and 3000 meters, are populated by conifers, with Douglas-fir (Pseudotsuga menziesii), and various species of pines, including Pinus ponderosa, P. arizonica, P. engelmannii, and P. chihuahuana (Rzedowski 1981:297). History of Paleo-Indian and Archaic Research in Sonora The first discovery suggesting the possible existence of early man in Sonora was made in January of 1937 at the Chinobampo Ranch, 20 miles southeast of Navajoa. Here, Howard Scott Gentry and John C. Blick discovered a human skull imbedded in a caliche-like deposit of probable Pleistocene age. This stratum also contained the remains of camel, horse and wolf. The skull, along with a 50-pound stratigraphic block, was removed and transported back to New York during a second visit to the locality in March of the same year (Blick 1937). The Chinobampo locale was revisited the following year by Gordon Ekholm and Carl Sauer, who affirmed that there was indeed a plausible possibility of this find being a genuinely ancient deposit, and concluded that, if the skull exhibited evidence of having been within a lime deposit, it is probably legitimate (Ekholm 1938:46). Ekholm (1940, n.d.) also reported slab metates, cobble manos, and projectile points observed at several 100 locations near the Rio Mayo, and at a large shell-midden site at Topolobampo in northernmost Sinaloa, suggesting that these assemblages were comparable to the (as yet unpublished) Cochise tradition that had only just recently been defined by Sayles and Antevs (1941). Malcolm Rogers, recognized today as the “father of desert archaeology”, believed that coastal Sonora had served as a corridor for “early man” (Hayden 1956:19). In the early 1940s, he urged Julian Hayden to explore this region further; Hayden subsequently recorded a large Archaic shell midden located on an ancient, relic estuary at Estero Tastiota, along with several Archaic period sites in the Sierra Pinacate; the region to which he would devote his attentions over most of the ensuing five decades (1956, 1965, 1967, 1969, 1976; personal communication, 1997). With the principal objective of defining the southern extent of the Cochise Archaic tradition, Donald Lehmer and Bryant Bannister undertook an extensive jeep survey of Sonora in 1949 (Lehmer 1949a:4). Several sites that they compared to “later Cochise horizons” were recorded in the Rio Sonora, Zanjón, Estero Tastiota and Arroyo Cuchujaqui areas (Lehmer 1949a:5). Lehmer and Bannister also reexamined the Arroyo Chinobampo locale, but were unable to locate any bones or artifacts (Lehmer 1949b). During the 1950s, George Fay (1955, 1967) defined the “Peralta Complex” on the basis of 17 Archaic sites he recorded to the west of Hermosillo. Paul Ezell (1954) collected several archaic projectile points, including Pinto in his survey of the Papaguería Borderlands, which incorporated extreme north-western Sonora. Thomas Hinton (1955) reported three San Pedro points as the only archaic artifacts observed during his survey of 101 the Altar Valley. This same year, Charles Di Peso reported on two fluted Clovis points that were found by a collector in an old estuary 30 miles to the north of Guaymas (Di Peso 1955). Frank Holzkamper (1956) collected several projectile points at Estero Tastiota that were subsequently identified by Rogers (Hayden 1956:22) as San Dieguito II through Amargosa I types. Eduardo Noguera (1958) carried out a brief, but extensive reconnaissance, and described several sites in the vicinity of Guaymas and Bahía Kino as being affiliated with the Cochise Archaic. Throughout the following decade, Ronald Ives (1963) observed the association of cultural materials and shell middens associated with a fossil Chione shell shoreline in the region extending between Estero Tastiota and Bahía Adair, while noting that another, earlier Turitella shoreline presumably associated with the late Pleistocene lacked cultural materials. And, in 1968, Walter W. Taylor and Jose Luis Lorenzo carried out excavations at the Tetabejo Cave (SON O:5:6) located to the south of Hermosillo in the Sierra Libre (Julio Montané, personal communication 2007 and Richard Pailes, personal communication 2007). In the years prior to the establishment of the Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH) in Hermosillo (in 1973), the late Manuel Robles, Director of the Museo de la Universidad de Sonora in Hermosillo and an amateur archaeologist, undertook the responsibility of documenting the cultural resources reported. He also spent countless weekends, along with a group of local amateur archaeologists, prospecting for archaeological sites, and Clovis sites in particular. Robles also had Vance Haynes, University of Arizona and James Ayers, Arizona State Museum going to visit sites. In 102 1972, Robles and Manzo (1972; Robles 1974) reported 11 localities with a total of 25 Clovis points located at the northern half of the state of Sonora. Six localities are near the Gulf of California, with others distributed in the basin and range province and on the llanos de Sonora. Although we have not yet found all the localities reported by Robles and Manzo our knowledge of the sites that we have visited and the evaluation of the collections deposited at both the Centro INAH Sonora and the Museo Regional de la Universidad de Sonora are beginning to provide an indication of the Paleo-Indian occupation of Sonora. Julian Hayden who visited and studied the Estero Tastiota site with Manuel Robles assured us that the Clovis occupation was associated with the shell middens on the coast (Julian Hayden, personal communication 1994). Unfortunately, the ground at estero Tastiota has been completely modified by shrimp ranches that completely destroyed the landscape and the archaeological sites. Among the sites reported by Robles, El Bajío (SON K:1:3) is clearly the most significant and extraordinary Clovis site in Mexico, and may very likely represent the largest Clovis period site in western North America. In the summer of 1975, Kenneth and Marian McIntyre, schoolteachers from Vancouver, Canada, conducted surveys and carried out surface collections and limited test excavations and identified on the surface 600 roasting pits or hearths (McIntyre and McIntyre 1976). Between 1977 and 1981, Julio Montané Martí (1985; 1988), from the Centro-INAH-Sonora and the archaeologist who had previously excavated the well-known early Chilean site of Taima-taima; carried out a series of trench excavations in 10 different localities within the site and collected many artifacts from the surface. Unfortunately, neither of these studies was completed, and 103 neither field notes nor reports are known to exist. However, ten boxes containing an estimated 300,000 artifacts (tools and debitage) recovered during these two projects are currently curated in the Centro INAH Sonora, but with very little information as to their contexts, etc. The collection of artifacts from both projects housed at the Centro INAH Sonora show a clear affiliation with the early Paleo-Indian period and suggests a dense occupation of the site. The Centro de Estudios Mexicanos y Centroamericanos (CEMCA) carried out several field seasons during the 1980s with the goal of defining a cultural sequence from the Pleistocene to the Hiaced Oódham (Piman hunter-gatherer bands who persisted in this region until the late 19th century). The archaeological evidence from Quitovac, sacred site of the Tohono O’odham situated near the international border, has been the source of considerable controversy regarding the association of Pleistocene fauna and Paleo-Indian hunters. In their report of the 1986 excavations, Rodriguez and Silva (1986) note the association of stone tools with the remains of a mammoth in what is described as a paleolake at Quitovac. However, the description of these materials is extremely vague within the ensuing informe and no clear evidence is presented to substantiate their claim of association between the tools and the faunal remains. In a text published subsequently (Rodriguez et al. 1993: 212), the authors report that the faunal remains were almost completely deteriorated, thus prohibiting them from establishing a positive association with the lithic artifacts and that the poor state of bone preservation equally prevented the identification of cut-marks or butchering scars or “fractures that could be attributed to human origin” (Rodríguez et al. 1993: 212, translation by the authors). Rodriguez and 104 colleagues (1993:262) indicate only that the stone tools and faunal remains were in the same stratigraphic association as a means of substantiating a human presence in the area during the Pleistocene. As the focus of his masters thesis, Edmund P. Gaines (2006) carried out a geoarchaeological study at the Upper San Pedro Valley, Sonora on weekends during 2004-2005. The principal goal of this study was to know if the same stratigraphic deposition present at in the Upper San Pedro Valley, where the stratified Clovis sites of Naco, Navarrete, Lehner, Murray Spring and Escapule could be observed south of the border in Sonora and determine if intact Clovis sites could be documented. After several months of geoarchaeological investigations, Quaternary alluvial reconstructions and paleontological sites registrations, only one archaeological site affiliated to Clovis was registered and no buried deposits of late Pleistocene age were observed (Gaines 2006). Gaines (2006) also documented three different areas with raw material (chert, petrified wood and quartz crystal) suitable for manufacturing Clovis points. Regional Cultural-Historical Chronology of Sonora Excluding the La Playa site (SON F:10:3), few radiocarbon age determinations have been reported for Sonora. In constructing a provisional cultural sequence for the earliest periods of human occupation in northwestern Mexico, we have had to rely almost entirely upon diagnostic projectile point types that can be correlated with established North American Paleo-Indian and Archaic sequences. 105 Early Paleo-Indian Occupation of Sonora The early Paleo-Indian occupation of Sonora is the principal focus of the present work and will be discussed over the next chapters, here I will only point out that this period is very well represented in Sonora. The outstanding amount of early Paleo-Indian sites, many is providing us with a corpus of data that is changing and improving our understanding of the early Paleo-Indian occupation of western north America. Late Paleo-Indian/Archaic Occupations At El Gramal, El Bajío and some other Clovis localities in Sonora a variety of unfluted lanceolate points that appear to be similar to Golondrina and Plainview specimens known from the U.S. Southern High Plains (Holliday 1997) have been registered. Perhaps significantly, many of the unfluted specimens possibly resemble projectile points from the late Paleo-Indian site of Badger Springs in neighboring Arizona (Hesse et al. 1998; 2000). The unfluted varieties of points may represent previously undocumented late Paleo-Indian horizons in Sonora. At least four of the projectile points reported (two of the specimens from SON N:11:20-21, one from SON:K:15:1, and from an unknown locality) are definitely not of the Clovis variety. In terms of both morphology and technology, these are most similar to Dalton projectile points (Figure 3.3), a transitional late Paleo-Indian/early Archaic horizon known from the southeastern United States (Bradley 1997; Goodyear 1982; Morse 1997). One striking aspect of the Sonora collection is the absence of Folsom artifacts. Of the various post-Clovis Paleo-Indian traditions in the U.S., Folsom is by far the best known and best documented. Folsom is also classically a Great Plains tradition 106 (Hofman and Graham 1998), though significant Folsom occupations and collections are documented in the central Rio Grande valley and in adjacent basins (Judge 1973; Amick 1996; Holliday 2005). The frequency of Folsom finds drops significantly farther west, especially to the southwest in southern Arizona. The absence of Folsom materials from west of the Sierra Madre Occidental, therefore, is in keeping with the larger pattern of Folsom distribution (Gaines et al. 2009). In contrast, Folsom artifacts are reported from northern Mexico east of the Sierra Madre Occidental, but Clovis materials are extremely rare (Sanchez 2001). The presence of Plainview, Golondrina and the unfluted lanceolate projectile point at the Clovis sites of Sonora appear to suggest that late Paleo-Indian traditions most reminiscent of the southern Plains region continued to persist within the central Sonora region. The continuity of occupation at the Clovis sites, frequently persisting through the Archaic, suggests that groups of hunter-gatherers returned to the same territories over countless centuries. Understanding the stratigraphic position, association, and chronology of these unfluted lanceolate points, Plainview, and Dalton is a major focus of our ongoing research. 107 Figure 3.3 Possible Dalton point from Sonora (photo by E. Gaines). Early Holocene Archaic Period Occupations Unfortunately, stratified deposits with artifacts of possible early Holocene contexts have yet to be reported. The following discussion draws upon artifacts from surface collections at the La Playa site and from four sites with a documented Clovis component (SON K:15:1, SON K:1:3, SON N:11:20 and SON O:3:1). The San Dieguito/Malpais Complex Julian Hayden (1967, 1976, 1987) long argued that the Malpais complex, represented by heavily patinated chopping and scraping tools from the Sierra Pinacate, reflects a preprojectile point lithic industry associated with small bands of foragers. The dating of Malpais/San Dieguito assemblages (characterized by thickly patinated crude cobble choppers and scraper-planes, and large flake side scrapers and knives) remains 108 problematic, with age estimates ranging from approximately 37,000 b.p. (Hayden 1974, 1976) to 4000 b.p. (Rogers 1939, 1958). A Malpais/San Dieguito lithic complex locality was recognized at the La Playa site (Martinez et al. 2002). The local stratigraphy in this area of the site is comprised by a late Pleistocene basin fill with a well-expressed red soil (“Big Red” with Bt-Bk horizonation) locally buried by a gravel stratum probably representing an inverted Pleistocene stream channel. The Malpais/San Dieguito I lithic assemblage is located atop the inverted channel. The location of the Malpais tools indicates that the archaeological component was deposited sometime after the channel was abandoned. Thus, the archaeological feature cannot be older than The early Holocene. Figure 3.4. Schematic x-section of the depositional events at the Malpais Locality. García Moreno (2005:194-195) carried out a technological and morphological analysis based upon the degree of patination present on more than 1000 artifacts, she concluded that at least 50% of the assemblage is representative of the San Dieguito Phases I or II (with a wide range of probably chronology from 9,000 to 5,000 BP). At least 29% of the artifacts are representative of the Phase III or later (Garcia Moreno 109 2005:195). However, a heavily patinated grooved axe fragment, and thus dating to no earlier that AD 1000, was also identified within the La Playa Malpais assemblage, contributing to doubts regarding the presumed correlation between the formation processes of desert varnish and the purported antiquity of artifacts. Tapering Stem Point Styles Within the Southwestern U.S., tapering stem projectiles have been known with the name of Jay, Lake Mojave, Silver Lake and Ventana Amargosa (Lorentzen 1998:142), however they share morphological, technological, geographical and chronological attributes, and that they can be described in the same group. These points have a long contracted stem that is frequently edge ground, a trait likely correlated with the shaft technology (Lorentzen 1998:142). Jay points have gentle shoulder and a lightly contracting stem; the Lake Mojave point have pointed contracting stem, the longitude of the steam is bigger than the body and is shoulder less (Sliva 1997:49); the Silver Lake point is smaller with a wide contracting stem and light shoulders (Justice 2002:107). Lake Mojave and Silver Lake projectile points are generally placed between approximately 6,000 B.C in the Great Basin, and may possibly represent types associated with the San Dieguito complex. The Jay points are thought to date to between 6,0004,800 B.C. (Sliva 1997:49). The Lake Mojave and Silver Lake point types have been found within the southern Basin and Range Province and the lower valley of the Colorado river, in regions to the west and south of the Colorado Plateau (Lorentzen 1998:142; Mabry 1998:57), and have also been reported from sites in southern California (Justice 110 2002b:108). In contrast, the Jay point type is restricted to the Colorado Plateau, Rio Grande valley and Chihuahua desert regions (Huckell 1996:360). The La Playa projectile point assemblage includes nine tapering-stem points. Of these, five are identified as Lake Mohave, three designated as Silver Lake, and a single Jay point. All of these tapering stem points were manufactured from local or regionally available raw materials (basalt, schist, and chert) (Ochoa 2004:79). Along with the San Dieguito I and II artifacts from the Malpais these point types appear to indicate that the La Playa site was occupied during the early archaic period. At the site SON K:O:1 in the valley of the Río Matape, as well as at SON K:1:3 near Carbó and SON N:11:20 on the Central Coast tapering stem points are also present, suggesting that during early Archaic times, hunter and gather groups were spread all over Sonora inhabiting various landscapes; from the playas and estuaries near the coast to the heart of the Sonoran Desert, and in the Basin and Range Province. Figure 3.5. Tappering Steam points from SON K:O:1. 111 Middle Holocene/Altithermal Archaic Traditions The Middle Holocene, or Altithermal period, was initially defined by Antevs (1955) as a shift to higher temperatures and decreased precipitation, the severity of which is still contested. While Middle Archaic points account for 15 percent of the total assemblage, only seven of the 254 projectile points (2.7 percent) are identified as Pinto/San Jose types at La Playa. We suspect that La Playa, along with much of the lowland desert Borderlands, was likely abandoned during at least a portion of the Altithermal, supporting models previously proposed by Berry and Berry (1986), Hayden (1976), Mabry (1998d), and others. Altithermal period projectile points, such as the Pinto and San Jose types, probably reflect brief incursions by northern groups from the Great Basin and/or Colorado Plateau into the Sonoran Desert during sporadic periods of more ameliorative climatic conditions (Carpenter et al. 2001). Increased utilization of the Boquillas Valley coincides with a return to more amenable climatic conditions with the onset of the Late Holocene around 3500 B.C. Extensive buried cienega deposits recently identified in the Rio Matape Valley at site SON O:3:1 provide additional indications for a post-Altithermal increase in effective moisture. Four test units excavated in different areas over an area of two square kilometers uniformly revealed the same dark clay cienega deposits; the C-14 ages obtained from these stratums produced a range between 6,000 and 4,000 B.P. At La Playa, thirteen percent of the Middle Archaic projectile points may best be associated with the early portion of the late Holocene--immediately prior to the Early 112 Agricultural period--and include four Chiricahua points (4800-2500 B.P.), 27 Cortaro points (4300-2300 B.P.), and two Gypsum points (4500-1500 B.P.) (Lorenzten 1998:144147). Several archaeologists have noted the apparent discontinuity in the Middle Archaic associated with the beginning of the Late Holocene (Berry and Berry 1986; Huckell 1996; Mabry 1998a, 1998b). The appearance of contracting-stem points, including a number of regional variants considered under the general rubric of “Gypsum Cave” points, coincides with the beginning of the Late Holocene. This point style co-occurs with maize in the Coxcatlan phase in the Tehuacan Valley, and represents a new technology utilizing adhesives to attach the dart point to the foreshaft, suggesting the possibility that both reflect independent technologies that diffused together (Carpenter et al. 1997, 2002, Mabry et al. 2008) Late Archaic/Early Agriculture Period Initial cultivation of maize begins around approximately 2000 BC. The La Playa site represents the single largest Early Agriculture period site yet known within the Northwest Mexico/Southwest U.S. region. The La Playa artifact assemblage is equivalent to those known from sites in southeastern Arizona, and can be directly associated with the San Pedro phase circa 1500/1200 to 800 B.C. and Cienega phase 800 B.C. to circa A.D. 150; one hundred twelve Empire, San Pedro, and Cienega projectile points (61 percent of the identified points) can be assigned to the Early Agricultural period. This relationship is further supported by strong biogenetic characteristics shared with populations in southeastern Arizona. Of the 250 inhumations recovered up to the present, 207 (83%) are 113 assigned to the Early Agriculture period, providing by far the largest burial sample for this period. Analysis of the horno contents reveals that, although maize is ubiquitous, wild resources, such as amaranth, chenopodium, mesquite and other legumes, and cactus continued to be extremely important, along with the hunting of deer, antelope, rabbit and hare, tortoise, and desert bighorn; marine resources, including fish and crab, were transported approximately 100 kilometers from the Sea of Cortez (Martínez 2006). These data indicate a mixed foraging and farming strategy with intensive maize cultivation combined with an equally extensive utilization of wild plants and animals that we have termed the Sonoran Agricultural Complex (Carpenter et al. 2002). Maize undoubtedly provided a critical, storable food source for the winter and early spring months. Yet, even in light of intensification strategies and radically altered settlement patterns, maize likely contributed a relatively small percentage of the total calories consumed. Both the low incidence of caries and the ground stone assemblage lend support to this inference (Barnes 2003). Discussion Despite the relatively few investigations conducted to date, Sonora seemingly presents an extraordinarily high density of Clovis sites and isolated finds, especially in comparison with the adjacent regions of Arizona, and the remarkable paucity of evidence from Chihuahua, and Sinaloa. Malcolm Rogers’ conviction that Sonora served as a corridor for the first Americans appears increasingly likely. 114 The notable Clovis presence on the Llanos de Sonora and in the central river valley systems suggests that this region of Sonora seemingly supported a long term residential settlement pattern for both Paleo-Indian and Archaic hunter-gatherer groups. Binford (1980) and Kelly (1992, 1995) agree that the single most important condition determining mobility strategies of hunter and gather groups is the natural environment in the form of food distribution. The nascent Sonoran Desert flora and fauna provide a relatively high biomass for human exploitation, with many of the desert plants expending their energies in the production of seeds and fruits high in nutrients throughout various seasons of the year (Nabhan 1985, 1989). Accessibility to edible resources is the key variable determining mobility and the number of residential campsites occupied during the yearly round of hunter-gatherers The Clovis Record in the Regions Surrounding Sonora With the objective of placing the state of Sonora within a framework of late Pleistocene human occupation, an overview of the Paleo-Indian record of the regions surrounding Sonora is presented here. Currently, the existence of a pre-Clovis or pre-terminal Pleistocene occupation has not been confirmed within Arizona, New Mexico and Texas; the few sites that have been proposed are problematic and remain equivocal (Faught and Freeman 1998; Haynes 2002; Huckell 2004; Mabry 1998b). The Clovis occupation represents the oldest universally acknowledged unequivocal cultural horizon in the Americas, with a time span from 11,500 to 10,800 cyBP (Batt and Pollard 1996; Fiedel 1999; Haynes 1980, 1993, 2000a; Taylor et al. 1996; 115 Waters and Staford 2007). Several artifacts have been identified as affiliated with the Clovis tool tradition, but the principal diagnostic artifact is the lanceolate, fluted Clovis point (Haynes 1964; Krieger 1950; Sellards 1952; Wormington 1957). Specimens of this unique Clovis point have been found on the surface of virtually the entire North American continent, except in those areas where the late Wisconsian ice sheet was present (Anderson et al. 1998; Collins 1999a: 35; Faught 1996). However, the vast majority of Clovis materials are limited to small surface scatters and isolated finds of projectile points; Clovis sites with stratified sedimentary deposits are extremely rare (Meltzer 1993). The paucity of buried deposits has made our knowledge of the Clovis people very limited; a dozen sites have been radiocarbon dated, and we know very little of Clovis subsistence, diet, mobility, territoriality and social organization. The high archaeological visibility and the spectacular nature of the megafauna kill sites have served to establish Clovis subsistence strategies based on big-game hunting models (Meltzer 1993:301). Models of Clovis subsistence and social organization have traditionally utilized such attributes as kill sites, the small size of campsites, the low densities and apparent homogeneity of the Clovis lithic assemblage, and their utilization of exotic fine-grained cherts and other crypto-crystalline raw materials, often obtained from quarries located at great distances from the sites, in characterizing Clovis groups as small bands of hunters whose diet consisted almost entirely of megafauna. These models suggest that such an adaptive strategy would have required high logistical, residential and territorial mobility (Haynes 1966, 1980; Jelinek 1967; Kelly 1995; Kelly and Todd 1988; Martin 1967, 1973; Saunders 1980; Surovell 2000). 116 Recently, this portrayal of the Clovis groups as restless hunters in the singleminded quest for big-game has been questioned; alternative models suggesting that Clovis social and economic organization likely reflected a broad spectrum of diverse adaptations and behaviors have been proposed (Collins 1999a; Hofman 2000; Meltzer 1993, 1995; Stanford 1991). Clovis sites have been documented in diverse ecological settings that would seem to indicate the utilization and exploitation of a wide variety of ecological niches, ranging from the western mountains, Great Basin, desert southwest, Great Plains, and eastern woodlands. This wide ranging geographical diversity coupled with a period of rapid climatic and environmental changes evident during the late Pleistocene/early Holocene (Haynes 1980, 1991, 1993, 2000a, 2000b; Holliday 1997; Meltzer 1993, 1995; Stanford 1991; Waters 2000b), suggests that Clovis groups were more likely generalist hunters and gatherers than specialized hunters (Collins 1999a:39; Hofman 2000:43; Meltzer 1993:303; Stanford 1991:5). The great diversity of stone tools (bifaces, unifaces, knives, blades, various forms of scrapers, gravers, utilized flakes) that comprise the Clovis toolkit seemingly indicates an equally varied range of activities (Collins 1999a; Hofman 2000; Stanford 1991). Moreover, use-wear analysis of Clovis points suggests that they were utilized for a range of tasks, and not merely as projectiles (Hofman 2000; Collins 1999a). Additionally, large habitation sites, such as the Gault and Aubry sites, have recently been documented (Collins 2002). These sites contain significant buried deposits extending over a square kilometer, and are situated in close proximity to permanent water sources, and indicate that at least some Clovis campsites were more extensively occupied than previously 117 thought. In Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas the Clovis occupation is well represented, and constitute the region with more stratified sites and intact buried deposits. Arizona The state of Sonora has many similarities with the state of Arizona. They share the same desert, and the human adaptations to this environment are very similar during the entire history of the region (Mabry 2007). The Clovis sites on the San Pedro River, in southeast Arizona, are among the best understood (including mammoth and bison kill sites, and camp sites), with an unusually complete record of late quaternary depositional, pedological and erosional events, and complete series of radiocarbon dates (Haynes 1991, 1993, 2000a, 2000b, 2007; Huckell 2004, 2007; Taylor et al. 1996). These San Pedro River sites are located but a few kilometres north of the international border between Arizona and Sonora, Mexico. Two sites located outside the San Pedro River valley have been reported in Arizona (Huckell 1978, 1982, 2004). In 1976 and 1981, Bruce Huckell carried out limited excavations at the Silktassel site, north of Phoenix; the Clovis occupation is represented by a Clovis point, two end scrapers, one blade, one graver, and debitage (Huckell 1978, 1982:3). Recently, Huckell returned to the site and found one more blade. According to Huckell the site has suffered much erosion and the land has been burned at least onces (Bruce Huckell, personal communication 2009). At the multicomponent site AZ Y:8:100, located northwest of Ajo, SWCA crew members found a Clovis occupation at the site, and more work needs to be done to determine the nature of the Clovis occupation (Huckell 2004:94). Beside these sites, there are 150 solitary Clovis points reported in the 118 state; all are isolated finds from the surface and are distributed in the Sonoran desert area, and on the Colorado Plateau (Agenbroad 1967; Huckell 1982, 2004; North et al. 2005). The San Pedro River Valley in southeast Arizona is a unique place with unique preservation. Here, in an area of 31 km along the valley floor, different activities carried out by Clovis groups were preserved. The site consist of mammoth, horse and bison kill sites, butchering areas for processing meat, and areas for knapping stone tools; in some areas the different activities overlapped (Haynes 2007; Huckell 2007). Fortunately, the San Pedro sites are preserved in a complex stratigraphic framework, with deposit that preserved events and archaeological contexts which were preserved intact and buried for 13,000 years. The archaeological record of the San Pedro Valley sites is summarized in the table below. The sites, all located within a 31 km stretch, were excavated by various people between 1957and 1973. However, C. Vance Haynes Jr. was most instrumental for the superb geoarchaeological work carried out at the sites. The Clovis group activities represented at the sites are: hunting and butchering of megafauna; tool making activities related to the manufacturing of tools for butchering; as well as curating/resharping tools during activities. The knapping stations are well defined and concentrated in discrete features, although they are at close proximity to the Pleistocene animal bones (Huckell 2007). The researchers deduce that the events represented at the San Pedro River sites appear to be of short duration, and it is possible that they represented the activities of only one group (Haynes and Huckell 2007). 119 Table 3.1. The Clovis archaeological record of the San Pedro Valley Site Name Site Type Artifacts Pleistocene Fauna Naco Kill site 8 complete Clovis points Single mammoth Lehner Kill site, processing 13 Clovis points; flakes, unifacial tools, two hearths; one shallow roasting pit 9 mammoths, 3 mammoths, bisonte, camello, oso y conejo asociados a un canal. In the roasting pit bones of bears and rabbit Escapule Kill site 2 Clovis points Partial mammoth Luis Escapule 1960? Leikem Kill site 1 Clovis point Two mammoths Navarrete Hunting Two mammoths, 50 meters upstream from Naco Murray Spring area 1, 2 and 3 Mammoth kill, butchering Murray Spring, area 3 Kill site, knapping areas Murray Spring, area 3 and 4 Multiple bison kill site, knapping area, processing area Murray Spring, area 5 Clovis camp an horse butchering 1 point proximal fragment, 1 possible bone tool 1 Clovis point, tip of two others, several stone tools, 66 thinning flakes and possible bone artifacts 1 unifacial cutting tool, used flakes, cobble hammers, 9467 lithic debris, mammoth bone shaft 9 Clovis points, 3 bifaces, 2 unifacial retouch flakes, 4 utilize blade and flakes, 2 cobble hammers, 1560 lithic debitage, three hearths 2 Clovis bases, 2 bifaces, one preform, unifacial retouch blade , pebble hammers, 1030 debitage Slim Leiken 1964 Marc Navarrete 1973 Two disarticulated mammoths, mammoth tracks, horse, 2 bison and canids C-14 Time of Discovery Navarrete family 1951 11,160 from a hearth, and 12 from a Clovis stratum 10,949+/40 E. Lehner 1955 Charcoal date of 11,150 BP nearly a complete mammoth, 2 bison, canids, rodents Multiple bison, peccary and horse Horse 10,760 +/100 Bibliograph y Haury et al. 1953; Haynes 2007:1. Haury at al. 1959; Meringher and Haynes 1965; Haynes 1982c; Haynes 2007 Hemmings and Haynes 1969; Haynes 2007 Haynes 2007 Huckell 1981; Haynes 2007 Murray Spring project 1966-1972 Hemmings 1970; Hemmings 2007; Haynes 2007 Murray Spring Project 1971 Hemmings 1970; Hemmings 2007; Haynes 1974, 2007; Huckell 2007 Hemmings 1970; Hemmings 2007; Haynes 2007; Huckell 2007 Murray Spring Project 1968-1969 Murray Spring Project 1967 Hemmings 1970; Hemmings 2007; Haynes 2007 Huckell 2007 120 In Arizona, Clovis is followed by the Folsom complex of Late Paleo-Indian age; however the two complexes do not share the same spatial distribution. Folsom is well represented on the Colorado Plateau in Arizona and New Mexico and the Rio Grande Valley in New Mexico (Faught and Freeman 1998). However, this complex is absent within the Sonoran Desert. Huckell (1982) has reported 20 Folsom points for the state of Arizona, with twelve located in the St. Johns area on the Colorado Plateau. One unique late Paleo-Indian site reported in Arizona is the Badger Springs site, on the Colorado Plateau and dated to 9,000 cyBP. Here, a child cremation and several Badger Spring unfluted lanceolate points, clearly related to Angostura, Agate Basin and Foothill Mountain types were documented (Hesse et al. 2000). At Ventana Cave, Huckell and Haynes (2003) reported a Sulphur Spring component containing contracting steam projectile points, fire cracked rocks and informal ground stone, and dating to about 8700 B.P. The Sulphur Spring complex was considered as part of the Cochise culture previously defined by Sales and Antevs (1941). At Whitewater Draw at the San Pedro Valley, the Sulphur Spring lithic assemblage is represented by informal ground stone and fire crack rock. In 1985, Michael Water (1986) came back to the sites described by Sales and Antevs and obtained 10 radiocarbon dates from different features, all between 8100 and 9000 cyBP. Based upon the increase manipulations of plants, represented by ground stone and roasting pits, the Sulphur Spring complex could represent an adaptation of the Paleo-Indian hunters to a more archaic subsistence pattern characteristic of the nascent Sonoran Desert (Huckell 1996). 121 New Mexico Clovis and Folsom sites, the landmark of Paleo-Indian archaeology, are located on the Southern Great Plains of eastern New Mexico. Nonetheless, several sites in New Mexico contained a complete array of Paleo-Indian and Early Archaic occupation (Holliday 1997, 2005). Black Water Draw, Mockingbird Gap Sites are the important Clovis sites in New Mexio; approximately 350 Clovis points have been register in the state, the majority of them are from Socorro County (Hamilton 2008, http://pidba.org). In 1927, Karl Schwachheim working for paleontologists Harold Cook and Jesse Figgings were excavating a complete specimen of a Bison antiquus of late Pleistocene age, they discovered a beautiful lanceolate fluted projectile point (Folsom style) between two ribs of the animal (Cook 1927, 1928; Figgins 1927). In 1933, Edgar B. Howard was show the Clovis site, when he was looking for early sites in the area; the site is located between the town of Clovis and Portales, New Mexico (Cotter 1937; Howard 1935). Folsom and Clovis sites are fundamental for the establishment of the geochronology of the first Americans. The Clovis site was investigated for 30 years following its discovery (Holliday 2005; Sellards 1952; Warnica 1966). The investigations at this locality represent the first multidisciplinary archaeological research and made it possible to establish a geological framework for the archaeological record of the first Americans (Antevs 1935, 1949; Clarke 1938; Patrick 1938; Stock and Bode 1936). At Black Water Draw locality 1 (the Clovis site), the remains of Clovis occupations are located at the margins of a paleo-lake that measures 300x300 meters and 122 fed by springs. The site was exposed on the surface by mining of gravel. The archaeological remains are represented by eight mammoths, and several bison bone beds (Sellards and Evans 1960). One of the bison beds, two camp sites, and two bison with associated artifacts, are each dated at 10,800 cyBP (Holliday 2005; Meltzer 1983). Warnica (1966) reported that approximately 500 artifacts were collected from different localities. At least 12 Clovis points were collected, together with, end scrapers, blades, lateral scrapers, including debitage from the bone beds and the encampments. Another important Clovis site of New Mexico is the Mockingbird Gap Site. It is located forty kilometers southeast of Socorro, New Mexico and it is one of the largest Clovis sites in western North America, the site consisting of a Clovis Lithic scatter in an area of 800 m by 80-150 m on a northeast-southwest trending ridge composed of sand and gravel, capped by s strongly developed gypsite/calcrete, and bordering the floor of Chupadera Wash. Projectile point bases, fluted point preforms, end scrapers, gravers, and other flake tools represent the principal artifacts. No bones were present at the site which appears to be a camp site located very close to the surface. The site has not been dated (Holliday et al. 2009; www.argonaut.arizona.edu/projects/mockingbirdgap). Texas Clovis points are very common and are distributed all over Texas. Llano Estacado has the highest density of Clovis artifacts, but they are also present in the panhandle, Daton County, Edwards Plateau, and the Lubbock area. Here we will discuss only three sites: Aubrey, Gault, and Pavo Real, although many important Clovis sites have been found in Texas, including the Kincaid and Montell rock shelters. 123 The Aubrey Clovis site is located on a lag of a late Pleistocene channel at 7.9-9 meters below the modern floodplain of the Elm Fork of the Trinity River, which began aggrading during the Clovis period. The site is located at North Central Texas between the rolling Plains and the Gulf Coastal Plain (Ferring 2001; Haynes 2002). This site represents the oldest Pleistocene Clovis site on record in North America dated to ~11,550 B.P. (Ferring 2001). Approximately 170 1x1 m units have been excavated. The site is composed by seven localities with a wide range of lithic artifacts, numerous hearths, bison kill site and at least 12,000 fragments of bones have been collected (Ferring 2001, Haynes 2002). At least one bison kill locus with a blade and re-sharpening flakes was excavated. Two distinct camp areas are present at the site with over 6000 lithic artifacts, including Clovis points, blades, end scrapers and bifaces (Ferring 2001). Two knapping activity areas appear to be present; one specialized in bifacial reduction and the other in unifacial reduction (Ferring 2001). Apparently, the Clovis occupations of the site were short (Ferring 2001; Witt 2005). Gault is a site located midway between Georgetown and Ft. Hood, Texas, in a constricted head of a small valley. The site extends over 800 by 200 meters and it is a stratified site with an important Clovis occupation, although the early and late Holocene occupations of the site are well represented. Clovis people were attracted to the site, surely for the several springs present, and a quarry of the fine chert for tool knapping. The artifacts occur in primary contexts within pond clays and in overlying floodplain deposits. Localities at the site are composed of Clovis knapping stations, often in association with Pleistocene animal remains. It is believed that a total of 600,000 lithic 124 artifacts have been excavated. Clovis artifacts included fluted projectile points, bifaces in all stages of reduction, blade cores, blades, core tablets, end scrapers, drills, knifes and debitage among other artifacts (Collins 1997, 2002). At the Lindsay Pit locality, excavated by the Center for the Study of the First Americans, Texas A&M University (Waters 2007), a knapping station was found for manufacturing blades and Clovis bifaces using the same technological process (Dickens 2007). Blades and bi-products of the Clovis blade technology are used to manufacture Clovis performs, suggesting that blade technology and fluting were Clovis innovations (Dickens 2007). From the point of view of the lithic technology, the Gault site is one the most important sites in North America. The Pavo Real site is located at the east side of the Leon Creek Valley, North of San Antonio, Texas. The site was quickly excavated in 1979 as part of a TxDOT project (Hester 2003). The geochronology, analysis and interpretation were not completed until 2000 (Collins and Hudler 2003). The site measures 150x100 meters, and consists of lithic artifacts scatter and fire crack rock distributed in five areas. It is a multi-component site with Clovis, Folsom, early Archaic and late archaic occupations. The fire-cracked rock features dated to 3600-2000 cyBP. In the central section of the site, area 3 and 4, and overlapping Clovis, Folsom and Archaic occupations appear to indicate that the deposition at the site was very slow during early Holocene times with very little soil formation; there is no bone present at the site (Collins 2003). The Clovis artifact assemblage at the site appears to indicate that many knapping activities were present; the manufacture of blades appears to be an important activity along with bifaces and Clovis points. Area 5 contained 14 conical cores, together with core tables, rejuvenation of the 125 core platform flakes (Collins 2003). Summarizing the lithic complex at Pavo Real, at least 5000 lithic debitage were recovered, together with Clovis bifaces, Clovis point preforms, Clovis points, Folsom bifaces, Folsom point preforms, Folsom points, channel flakes for both Clovis and Folsom, conical and wedge-shaped cores, blades, end scrapers, gravers and a variety of unifacial tools (Collins 2003). The Pavo Real site appears to comprise a lithic quarry, lithic manufacture and encampment located near to the river. Summary of the Clovis Record in Arizona, New Mexico and Texas The early Paleo-Indian archeological record in the Southwest and Texas is somewhat patchy and dispersed. It is apparent that south-central Texas was an important territory for Paleo-Indian groups. The availability of water, fine raw materials to manufacture tools and pray animals probably were the most important commodities of the area. The southern High Plains was another territory well known and exploited by the late Pleistocene inhabitants. In Arizona, Clovis sites diminish greatly, and only in the southeast corner of the state in the San Pedro River valley there is an archaeological record with excellent preservation. The major difference between the regions is the diminishing of conical blades cores and blades in Arizona, compared to the central region of Texas. From the archaeological record it is fair to say that good lithics, water and megafauna are important commodities of the Paleo-Indian life style. 126 CHAPTER 4 GEOARCHAEOLOGICAL RESEARCH AT PALEO-INDIAN SITES IN SONORA Dated at 11,500 radiocarbon years ago, the Clovis industry represents the oldest cultural horizon in the Americas. Several well-known Clovis sites, including Naco, Lehner, and Murray Springs, are located along the San Pedro River Valley in southeastern Arizona (Haury et al. 1953, 1959; Haynes 1966, 1969, 1976, 1982, 1987, 2007; Hemmings 1970). These sites are among the best understood (including mammoth and bison kill sites, and camp sites), with an unusually complete record of late Quaternary depositional, pedological and erosional events, and complete series of radiocarbon dates (Haynes 1991, 1993, 2000a, 2000b; Huckell 2007; Taylor et al. 1996). These San Pedro River sites are located but a few kilometers north of the international border between Arizona and Sonora, Mexico. Relatively few systematic archaeological investigations have been carried out within the state of Sonora, a region where even the ceramic period traditions remain vaguely defined. My interests in the Paleo-Indian and Archaic occupations of Sonora were kindled over a decade ago, when doing research at the predominantly Early Agriculture period/Trincheras tradition site of La Playa (SON F:10:3) demonstrated the presence of significant Archaic period components, along with a Clovis point, bifaces, and partially fossilized antler billets of probable Paleo-Indian affiliation. Additionally, the remains of numerous species of Pleistocene fauna (Equus, Camelops, Mammuthus, Bison Antiquus, Sigmodon, cervids and Antilocapra, along with an exceptional number of tortoises (Gopherus or Hesperatudae) (Jim Mead, personal communication 2003). The 127 bones were deposited on a silty-clay alluvial stratum of late Pleistocene age at top of a well expressed red soil of Pleistocene age (probable similar to “Big Red” soil with Bt-Bk horizonation) (Carpenter et al. 2005:20) In 1997, an informal research project to identify and document Clovis and other Paleo-Indian artifacts housed in museum collections and private collections began. Then all the collectors where contacted and photographs of most of the artifacts in their collections where made with the help of Julio Montane, Elisa Villalpando and John Carpenter. Time was spent attempting to relocate and document the known locales suggesting of probable Paleo-Indian contexts. In 2003, the project Geoarqueología y Tecnología Lítica de los sitios Paleoindios de Sonora was born, and has been a coordinated effort of systematic geoarchaeological Paleo-Indian research program until today. The late Pleistocene/early Holocene archaeological record of Sonora is robust and highly visible, even though the level of investigations in Sonora is very limited. A possible explanation for this visibility is that late Pleistocene deposits still preserved in many places, and the rapidly deflating surfaces due in part to recent overgrazing is exposing archaeological remains. Our ongoing efforts to document artifact collections and known localities indicate that the northern half of Sonora was extensively occupied during the late Pleistocene/early Holocene, represented by Paleo-Indian sites and a wide spread distribution of isolated Clovis points (Figure 4.1). 128 Figure 4.1. Distribution of localities in Sonora (modified from www.hermosillohistoria.com) 129 To date, geoarchaeological investigations have been carried out at four sites and testing have been done at three other sites: El Bajio (SON K:1:3), El Gramal (SON N:11:20), El Aígame (SON O:3:1), SON J:16:8; and Fin del Mundo (SON J:6:1) , have yielded abundant Paleo-Indian artifacts and features, and the project has visited many other localities that are under investigation (Figure 4.1). The El Bajio Site (SON K:1:3) The first season of field work investigating the Paleo-Indian occupation of Sonora was carried out at the El Bajio site, in the municipio of Opodepe. With a vast quantity of Clovis diagnostic artifacts, this site presents the greatest evidence for Paleo-Indian occupation yet known in the state. In many localities, the artifacts appear to have been recently exposed through erosion and, thus, the possibility for buried contexts exists. The El Bajio site is located approximately 15 kilometers southeast of the town of Opodepe and 40 km NE of Carbo, on the southwest piedmont of the Sierra San Jeronimo (Figure 4.1). The Sierra San Jeronimo is the range that separates the parallel valleys of the Río San Miguel and the wide valley of the Río Zanjon. The Río Zanjon Valley is situated in the parallel valleys and mountain ranges of Sonora physiographic province and presents a broad, sediment fill valley, more than 30 kms wide, that runs north-south immediately to the west of the more heavily eroded valley of the Río San Miguel (Figure 4.2). These valleys form part of the Río Sonora drainage basin; both emptying into the Río Sonora in the vicinity of Hermosillo, which in turn, debouches into the Sea of Cortes at Estero Tastiota, on the Central Coast. 130 Figure 4.2. Regional Topography surrounding the site. The site is located at a median elevation of 800 meters above mean sea level, and is situated on a pediment where it forms a small, slightly inclined, irregularly-shaped bajio, or low-lying area, created by the piedmont of the granitic Sierra San Jeronimo to the northwest, and a series of volcanic peaks of basalt that comprise the Cerro La Vuelta, which trend northwest-southeast at the extreme southern edge of the site; apparently represent a more recent volcanic phenomenon that interrupted the more ancient granitic slope of the Sierra San Jerónimo, forming irregularly shaped lower-lying areas (Figure 4.3). This unique situation promotes the formation of small alluvial fans that deposit 131 sediments covering the mountain pediment, possibly creating conditions where water could have accumulated at the end of the Pleistocene/beginning of the Holocene. Presently, springs do not appear to exist within this very arid zone. Figure 4.3. Topographic Location of the El Bajío Site (INEGI 1:50,00 San Jeronimo). Annual precipitation here is 309.3 mm, of which approximately 190 mm falls during the cyclonic summer storms, or chubascos (Turner and Brown 1994:218). The site reflects a transitional biotic community; a finger of the Sinaloan thornscrub (matorral espinoso sinaloense) extends north through the adjacent valley of the Río San Miguel, intermixing with the Sonoran Desert vegetation. The local flora is represented by thorny 132 shrubs with riparian plants along the margins of the drainages. The landscape displays stands, or open forests, of ironwood (Olneya tesota), mesquite (Prosopis velutina), various species of paloverde (Cercidium sp.), ocotillo (Fouquieria macdougalii), palo blanco (Ipomea arborescens), pochote (Ceiba acuminata), and cacti, including pitahaya (Stenocereus thurberi), chollas (Opuntia sp.) and various species of agave (Agave sp.). Dispersed low shrubs are scarce, but include hierba del vaso (Encelia farinosa) and sangregado (Jatropha cardiophilla). Among the characteristic fauna, are white-tailed deer (Odicoileus virginianus), mule deer (Odicoileus hemionus crooki), coyote (Canis latrans), peccary (Dicotyles tajacu), cottontail rabbit (Sylvilagus audubon), hare (Lepus californicus), desert tortoise (Gopherus agassizi), numerous rodents (Neotoma sp., Peromyseus sp., Perognathus sp.), and a widevariety of birds (Turner and Brown 1994). In 1996, Julio Montane took John Carpenter, Elisa Villalpando and me to the El Bajio site, and immediately upon our arrival, we found four distal fragments of Clovis points and preforms. Two years later, during another visit accompanied by Vance Haynes and Paul Fish, who found a nearly complete Clovis point in two fragments, separated by a distance of four meters; although the fracture was not recent, the point appeared to have eroded from buried contexts. Considering the large quantity of tools collected by Manuel Robles, Julio Montané and the McIntyre´s indicates that it is one of the largest Clovis sites in western North America. Initiating research at the site was difficult, given that the landowner prohibited entry to his ranch. After three months of intense negotiations, at every level, Señor Molina at last relented, giving us permission to conduct the field work carried out 133 between April 28th and June 7th, of 2003. In order to better understand the site and its setting we decided to implement a research strategy based upon total survey coverage of the area following the method proposed by Fish and Kowaleski (1990). The explicit objectives of the systematic survey were to identify the site boundaries, identify the various localities within the site, and to identify those loci with the greatest probabilities of containing buried contexts. Additionally, we carried out extensive surveys of all arroyo exposures to identify any buried stratigraphic horizons and paleontological elements present. Systematic collections of the loci, all diagnostic artifacts (Paleo-Indian and Archaic), test excavations in selected locations, and extensive excavations of some of the surface features that had been documented were then conducted in order to possibly identify any buried Paleo-Indian contexts and attempt to reconstruct the site depositional history. The site extends over an area of four square kilometers, with a low to moderate distribution of artifacts observed throughout, with 22 distinct loci defined (Figure 4.4). These loci are found distributed along the pediment, in the low-lying terrain of the bajio, and upon the hilltops. The most important locus and what is probably responsible for attracting human groups to visit this area originally, is the raw material source of vitrified basalt that outcrops on Cerro de La Vuelta in the southwestern portion of the site. The loci were defined on the basis of surface artifacts; the total area of each locus was determined and its UTM location determined by a GPS, datums were established and a detailed sketch map created. Systematic collections of surface artifacts were conducted via a standardized dog-leash method with a radius of one meter, along with the collection 134 of diagnostic artifacts. Additionally, each locality was evaluated with regard to its probability of containing late Pleistocene/early Holocene deposits. All loci identified were documented independently of their chronological/cultural affiliation. Both diagnostic artifact type and degree of patina present were utilized in determining those loci with a presumed Clovis/early Paleo-Indian affiliation. Tabla 4.1. Cultural Affiliations of the El Bajío Loci CULTURAL AFFILIATION Paleo-Indian PaleoIndian/Archaic Archaic Ceramic LOCUS # TOTAL 1,4,5,6,7,10,12,18, 11, 22 20,2,3,15, 8,16, 21 10 8 9,14,19 13 3 1 135 Figure 4.4. Location of the El Bajio Site Loci (Modified from INEGI map La Poza 1:50.000). A total of eight loci were selected for additional test excavations and/or extensive excavation of documented features. The selection process was based upon the character of the surface artifacts collected, the immediate geomorphology present and the observable stratigraphy of each locus. A total of 10 hand dug test trenches and three 1.0 x 1.0 meter test units were excavated. Extensive excavations of visible surface features, including two knapping stations and 10 hornos (thermal features) in dispersed locales, were also carried out. Predominantly disarticulated hornos of fire-cracked rock are 136 common features at the El Bajío site. In 2003, we documented 110 hornos and the McIntyre’s had previously registered some 600 hornos. It should be noted that most of the horno features lack contextual integrity, and it therefore appears that the site surface has been subjected to a high degree of alteration; we invested a great amount of time in identifying the 10 intact and semi-intact hornos, that were subsequently excavated. Several samples for radiocarbon dates were obtained from different trenches and feature (Table 4.1), but no Paleo-Indian buried feature or surface was found, even though the lithic assemblages at the surface suggested a clearly Paleo-Indian occupation. Table 4.2. Radiocarbon dates from El Bajío Sample no. Locus A-13267 A-13268 B-188544 A-59681-13270 11 11 6 15 A-59681-13270.1 15 A-59680-13269 15 B-188544 12 5 A-15396 Excavation unit Trench 2 Trench 4 Trench 8 Trench 6 C14 date Material dated Stratigraphic unit 5390+/-120 4135+/-95 3560+/-40 2225+/-35 soil residue soil residue Charcoal Soil residue (upper) A2 black mat? A2 black mat? Red soil Unit 1 clay deposit Trench 6 Trench 6 hearth Horno 50 1665+/-50 5180+/-45 1980+/-40 Soil residue (upper) Unit 1 clay deposit Soil residue (lower) Unit 1 clay deposit Charcoal Cgarcoal 1260+/-35 At present is impossible to create an accurate general x-section of the site depositional history. However, it is evident that the site area is underlain by a Pleistocene basin fill with a well expressed red soil (“Big Red” with Bt-Bk horizonation) probably dating between 25,000-15,000 years ago. Carbonates and alluvial deposits formed on top of this surface, although in many places of the site the “big red” is heavily weathered and exposed to the surface. A silty-clay dark gray stratum, probably a cienega-like deposit, 137 was documented in three of the test trenches dating between 4500 and 5000 years old and most likely represents the onset of the Altitermal period. Locus 20 (Vitrified Basalt Quarry) As was mentioned previously, the vitrified basalt raw material source was undoubtedly the principle reason why Paleo-Indian groups visited/inhabited this location; 98% of the lithic material documented at the site was derived from this source. Outcrops of vitrified basalt occur on Cerro La Vuelta (Figure 4.4), the highest elevation at the site, situated at the southwest corner. Here, on the southern slope near the summit, an extensive outcrop of vitrified basalt is present (Figure 4.6 and Figure 4.7), along with lithic waste material dumps extending for a distance of more than 20 meters along with fragments of biface preforms, hammer stones and abraders (Figure 4.8.). The principal quarry area extends over a hectare (Figura 4.8). The vitrified basalt occurs naturally in prismatic and subprismatic blocks, and the quality of the raw material with regard to the production of flaked stone tools is unpredictable. Some blocks are fine-grained, and are thus quite knapable, while others reveal abundant internal fractures and/or many inclusions of olivine crystals of varying sizes. The raw material color is also extremely variable, ranging from a cream color to a jet black. This material has the characteristic of developing a surface patina; the artifacts at the site can display a thick yellow glaze patina, a thinner greenish patina, and a grey patina. In addition to the principal quarry, there exist at least three other outcrops of raw material within the northeast sector of the Cerro La Vuelta and hills adjacent to Locus 20. 138 This quarry appears to have been exploited mainly during Paleo-Indian and Archaic periods. At the only locality where ceramics were documented, we observed that the lithic artifacts were manufactured from water-worn cobbles of basalt, rhyolite and diorite, with a notable absence of vitrified basalt. Locus 20 needs to be explored in much more detail as it was discovered only on the penultimate day of the field season (preliminary reconnaissance suggests the possible existence of artificial terraces with deposits that could be excavated). Figure 4.5. View of Cerro de La Vuelta and Locus 20 from Locus 5. 139 Figure 4.6. El Bajío vitrified basalt raw material. Figure 4.7. Lithic Waste Dump at Locus 20. 140 Figure 4.8. Sketch Map of Locus 20. Locus 1 Situated in the north-central sector of the site, Locus 1 encompasses an area of 2750 square meters. This locus is characterized by a moderate distribution (4-5 artifacts per m²), with much higher artifact concentrations interspersed, and at least 19 probable horno features (Figure 4.9). A lanceolate biface fragment with a square base of probable PaleoIndian affiliation was collected as a diagnostic artifact, along with many biface thinning flakes and fragments of bifaces revealing a thick patina. The archaeological materials in Locus 1 appear to be eroding out form the well expressed red soil probably of late Pleistocene age (similar to the “Big Red” paleosol), Holocene deposits are eroded in locus 1. The fire cracked rocks observed on the surface 141 appear to be greatly altered and scattered. An unsuccessful attempt was made to locate a sufficiently intact feature that could be excavated in order to obtain flotation samples and charcoal. No stratigraphic test trenches were implemented. Figure 4.9. Sketch Map of Locus 1. Locus 2 This locality is situated 100 meters to the southeast of Locus 1. Here the terrain is heavily eroded by gullies of up to two meters in depth which delimit the artifact distribution, which measures approximately 6400 square meters (Figure 4.10). The artifact density varies from moderate to dense (from 5 to 10 artifacts per m²); the sole diagnostic artifact collected is a large biface that could represent a Clovis perform. In addition, a large number of biface thinning flakes, both with patina and without. 142 Although the surface is heavily eroded, it is possible that buried archaeological features may exist in some places of the loci, however we did not carried out any test trench excavations. We located old wooden stakes placed in a 20 meter grid, of 5x5 m squares that are unquestionably relics of the controlled surface collections carried out by Marian and Kenneth McIntyre in 1976. A total of ten, disarticulated hornos were documented at this locus; the excavation of Horno #22 revealed only a dark matrix lacking of charcoal or ash, evidence of a highly disturbed area. Figure 4.10. Locus 2 Sketch Map. 143 Complex of Loci 3, 4, 5, 6 y 15 located west of Cerro Rojo This group of loci represent the sector of the site with the greatest quantities of Clovis artifacts, and form a spatial unit being located upon the pediment, extending northeastsouthwest upon a highly dissected alluvial remnant that forms a narrow ridge with the same orientation, and from whence originate erosional head cuts emanating out in every direction saves to the north. The crest of this ridge has an average elevation of 877 meters amsl while the lower erosional features are at 860 meters amsl. The complex of loci is found within an area of 400 x 300 meters (Figure 4.11 an 4.12). Locus 3 is the northernmost of the loci in this complex , with the coordinates. Here we found the highest land of the loci at 879 meters amsl, with a moderate artifact distribution and eight disarticulated hornos encompassing 15,000 square meters. During the systematic survey (2003) no diagnostic Clovis artifacts were documented, however, two San Pedro projectile points were collected of the Early Agriculture period, and much lithic debitage lacking patina was observed. Nevertheless, in May of 1999 a fluted Clovis preform, broke in two fragments separated by six meters distance from one another and apparently having only been recently exposed through erosion was found (Figure 4.13). During a site visit in 2002, near the southern limit of Locus 3 approaching Locus 4, a group of three large bifaces, probably Clovis age, was documented eroding on the surface (see Figure 4.14). Both of these discoveries appear to suggest of buried stratified contexts of late Pleistocene/early Holocene age. Although no subsurface testing was implemented, two hornos revealing shallow depths were excavated in Locus 3. 144 Figure 4.11. Topographic Map of Loci 3-6 and 15 with the location of test trenches. 145 Figure 4.12. View to the northeast of Loci 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 12 and 15. Figure 4.13. Clovis point from Locus 3. 146 Figure 4.14. Bifaces from Locus 3. Locus 15 is situated to the southwest of Locus 3 and encompasses some 2800 square meters that include the northwest portion of the relatively flat alluvial remnant as well as a segment of the erosional gullies that are oriented to the west (figure 4.12). In this locus a concentration of bifaces were observed eroding from a small arroyo, and appeared to have originated in a buried red soil. Here, a hand trench (Trench #6) was excavated, and was subsequently extended to the dimensions of 6x4 meters, Extension 2 (figure 4.15). Trench #6 was oriented NE-SW in the location where the bifaces had been observed eroding to the surface (Figure 4.16). At 60 centimeters below the surface a group of rocks lying atop the paleosol, or a stable surface at the 2-3 contact, were observed; unit 2 appears to be a somewhat compacted reddish paleosol that was buried by 147 a loose sandy-silty alluvium. Lying upon this apparently artificial surface of rocks were various artifacts, prompting the decision to extend the excavation in order to follow this possible occupation surface. An area measuring 4x3 meters extending north from the trench was opened. Unfortunately, the rock cap proved to be irregular although it is unquestionably an archaic occupation surface with artifacts that included a San Pedro projectile point Within units 2 and 4 clay-like deposits were observed, most likely indicative of pond like (Startum1) from which various radiocarbon ages were obtained ranging between 5000 and 2000 (Figure 4.17). Following excavations, the depositional analyses indicated that the rock surface lies at an erosional contact and that the depositional units 2 and 3 apparently cut through a well developed late Pleistocene soil (stratum 4) dissected by a Holocene age channel. Figure 4.15. Locus 15 Sketch Map. 148 Figure 4.16. Map of the rock feature excavated. Figure 4.17. Profile of Trench 6. 149 Locus 4 is comprised by gullies located southeast of Loci 5 and 15 (Figure 4.18). These gully channels are oriented both north-south and east-west. This locus comprises 12,000 square meters at elevations ranging from 872 to 875 meters amsl. There are many more diagnostic Clovis artifacts around the bajadas than in the less eroded terrain above, prompting us to believe that it was likely that the Clovis artifacts originate in the old, well-developed, red soil that appeared to represent the buried stratigraphic unit observed beneath the surface deposits at Locus 3. Twenty diagnostic Clovis artifacts were collected, including the distal fragment of a Clovis point, fluted on both sides, distal fragment of a point (the size and raw material indicating a probable Clovis point), eight bifaces (one displaying a flute), three prismatic blades, an end scraper on a blade, and a conical Clovis core. We placed Trenches 1 and 5 in this location. Additionally, two shallow horno features were excavated in order to collect C-14 samples and archaeobotanical flotation samples. Trench 1 was established in the area where numerous Clovis artifacts (including the fluted Clovis point) had been collected, and where the remains of a well-developed red soil that is thought to represent the glacial maximum. The 10 m long trench was excavated to a depth of 220 cm, although artifacts were only recovered in the initial 20 cm. At least three distinct depositional episodes are evident (Figure 4.19): In the bottom of the trench a well expressed red soil (“Big Red” with Bt-Bk horizonation) with calcium carbonate nodules (Stratum1) is observed. Stratum 1 was cut by a channel containing two depositional units; (Stratum 2a) coarse sand with gravels in a reddish-brown matrix 105 150 cm thick and Stratum 2b, a brown sandy-silt overlying and interfingering the lower deposits. Figure 4.18. Locus 4 Sketch Map. Figura 4.19. South profile of trench 1 in Locus 4. 151 Trench #5 was placed approximately 80 meters to the south of Trench #1 where a concentration of Clovis tools was documented (including a distal fragment of a Clovis point with fluted base, a probable Clovis point fragment of quartz crystal. Trench #5 was eight meters long and only a few flakes were recovered within the uppermost 10 centimeters. The two depositional units documented, appear to be related to fluvial activities (Figure 4.20): Unit 1 reflects a deposit of sands and gravels with a few cobbles intermixed; Unit 2 is a loose sand and gravel matrix of brown color, possibly of recent deposition. Figure 4.20. Profile of Trench 5. Locus 5 is situated to the south of Locus 15 at an elevation of 876 meters on semiflat terrain at the crest of remnant deposits, and encompassing an area of 7,500 meters square (Figures 4.21). Here the red well developed soil, thought to be of Pleistocene age, is much closer to the present surface than at Locus 3, and the artifacts appear to be eroding from the upper contact surface of the possible Pleistocene age surface. 152 Figure 4.21. Sketch Map of Locus 5. This locus contains the highest quantity of archaeological materials among the loci identified at the El Bajío site. The diagnostic Clovis artifacts recovered include three blades, two bifaces, two unifacial tools and a flake with a prepared platform. Twenty-four fire-cracked-rock features were documented along with an apparent knapping station consisting of blades, debitage and other tools that gave the illusion have having buried deposits. A single horno feature (Horno #50) was excavated in order to obtain datable carbon and archaeobotanical remains, from which a date of 1260+/-35 was obtained (A15396) (Figure 4.22). 153 Figure 4.22. Excavated Horno 50 (A-15396 = 1260+/-35). In the extreme southeast section of Locus 5, there was a concentration of archaeological materials within a 4x3 m area containing approximately 250-300 artifacts, among which were blades, scrapers and cores. A 3x4 m grid of 1x1 m square units was established and the artifacts collected by quadrant (Figure 4.23). Each unit was subsequently excavated in 10 cm levels to a depth of 30 cm without recovering a single subsurface artifact; it appears that this feature had recently eroded to the surface it most likely had been previously exposed to one or more erosional events and lacked contextual integrity. The tool makers of Feature 1 brought large subangular blocks, almost unmodified, from the Quarry (locus 20), located one kilometer to the southwest; at least five blades, one scrapers and broken primary bifaces are among the recognizable artifacts; the rest of the lithic materials in the feature are angular debris and primary flakes. 154 Figura 4.23. Plan view of surface feature 1 in locus 5. The enamel of a proboscidian tooth was found between Locus 5 and Locus 6 (Figure 4.22). A 1x1 m unit was excavated to investigate whether there were additional remains of the mastodon; unquestionably this element had been redeposited. However, 155 these remains indicate the potential for encountering buried late Pleistocene remains at the site were. Figura 4.24. Highly eroded Proboscidian molar. Locus 6 is situated to the west of the Cerro Rojo, encompasses 6,600 square meters. This locality is the southwestern most among this complex of loci, and is the lowest lying locus at 866 meters amsl, some 10 meters below loci 3 and 5 (see Figure 4.25). In this area, a much redder soil, with many more calcium carbonate inclusions is observed, and appears to represent the Last Glacial Maximum surface. Locus 6 contains a dense concentration of diagnostic Clovis artifacts plus a high quantity of lithic artifacts of non-local high quality raw materials. Also observed were two areas containing cores and debitage where the qualities of raw material were likely tested (various flakes of nonlocal cherts and obsidian were collected). Diagnostic Clovis artifacts recovered from this 156 locale include 5 blades, a conical core, a side scraper, end scraper made on a red chert blade (Figure 4.26). The end scraper is identical to one recovered Murray Spring Clovis site in Arizona (C. Vance Haynes Jr., personal communication, 2003), and a large biface. Trenches #7 and #8 were excavated within this locus. Figure 4.25. Locus 6 Sketch Map. 157 Figure 4.26. Red chert end-scraper similar to one at Murray Spring site in Arizona. Trench #8 was established in the lower-lying portion of Locus 6. Here bifaces and blades appeared to have recently eroded to the surface of a buried deposit. At least three Straum were observed (Figure 4.27). Flakes were found down to the contact with stratum B1, which is the base of the channel that cut through unit A1; a radiocarbon age of 3560+/-40 was obtained from an ash stain with associated flakes within the gravelly sand well consolidate channel 158 Figura 4.27. Profiles the trench 8 in Locus 6. In sum, the investigations carried out among Loci 3, 4, 6 and 15 demonstrated this zone to be the most important area of the site, with a great number of artifacts directly associated with a Clovis/Paleo-Indian occupation and that appear to represent an intensive and continuous occupation in this location. Preliminary geoarchaeological investigations in this area of the site appear to indicate that the Clovis artifacts are eroding out from a red soil believed to be of Pleistocene age and maybe associated with the glacial maximum, it is possible that the red soil is the Clovis surface that is preserved in few zones but eroded out in the majority of the area (Trenches #1, #5, #6 and in Locus 4 and Locus 5. Although we could not identify the intact deposits that buried the Clovis occupation during the field season, we are confident that more extensive research would 159 be successful on finding the buried deposits. The existence of Paleo-Indian artifacts that appear to be eroding out of buried contexts in Locus 3 and the presence of the proboscidian tooth, apparently indicate that late Pleistocene/early Holocene depositional contexts may exist at the site area. To the east of this group of loci there is a small red hill (Cerro Rojo) with a great quantity of quartz nodules that were utilized in tool production. This hill is also a source of red ochre, an important pigment for various epochs, including the Paleo-Indian period. Julio Montané collected a large quantity of end scrapers and side scrapers with remnants of red ochre pigment during his investigations at the vicinity of this hill; the Cerrito Rojo appear to be an important specific activity area (Julio Montané, personal communication, 2003). Locus 7 Locus 7 is situated upon the pediment, approximately 600 meters to the east of Locus 4. This locus comprises approximately 31,200 square meters within a zone that is heavily dissected by small arroyos (Figure 4.28). Although the artifact density here is much lower than those previously reported, the majority of the artifacts observed on the surface have a Paleo-Indian affiliation, and the generally excellent state of preservation suggest a recent exposure. Among the artifacts collected are 12 blades, a conical core, core tablets, and two finely made on blades end scrapers. Trench 10 was excavated here in order to find the buried archaeological features. 160 Figure 4.28. Locus 7 Sketch Map. Trench #10 was placed in an area of dense Paleo-Indian surface artifacts (predominantly blades). The artifacts appear to have been expose to the surface recently, with no evidence of redeposition, and are in a generally excellent state of preservation. A handful of flakes were recovered within the first 20 centimeters of subsurface sediments. The trench presents at least six different stratum of both alluvial and a very low energy depositional process (Figure 4.29). The basal Unit 1 is a silty-sand with calcium 161 carbonate. Stratum 2, is a gray silty-clay matrix, directly overlying Unit 1and represents a low energy fluvial deposits, maybe a pond deposit. Locus 7 is considered to be an ideal location to seek buried Paleoindian deposits in the future. Figura 4.29. Generalized profile of Trench 10. Locus 8 Located 300 meters to the south of Locus 7 comprises an area of 17,000 square meters on top of a crest/mesa oriented NE-SW to the north of one of the largest arroyo channels at the site (Figure 4.30). This locus contains a scatter of artifacts and approximately 17 firecracked rock features, many disarticulated but with some remaining in an excellent state of preservation; at least some of which appear to be surface hearths rather than subterranean roasting features (hornos). On the surface, it appears that the underlying alluvium is very red in color with calcium carbonate and it does not seem likely to be a 162 late Holocene deposit. The Archaic/Early Agriculture period, represented by San Pedro projectile points, reflects the predominant cultural affiliation is this locus. However, a few Paleo-Indian artifacts, including a distal fragment of a Clovis preform, one end scraper and a square-based biface were also recovered here. No test trenching was performed; however, three horno features were excavated. Figure 4.30. Locus 8 Sketch Map. 163 Figure 4.31. Clovis Preform collected at Locus 8. Locus 10 This locus comprising 30,000 square meters on the rocky terrace of a low hill adjacent to Cerro La Vuelta, situated 400 meters to the north of the vitrified basalt quarry (Locus 20), and represents the locus in closest proximity to this feature. Although there were various artifact concentrations that could possibly represent features, detailed inspection revealed the absence of any buried contexts; the surface artifact concentrations proved to be due to cattle disturbance and the artifacts were heavily damaged by trampling. However, a great quantity of diagnostic Clovis artifacts was collected from Locus 10, and, in general, a light but consistent scatter of surface artifacts extends between this locus and to the west of the road at Locus 21 (Figure 4.32). Two Clovis preforms, two bifaces displaying characteristic Clovis technology, a fragment of a fluted biface (heavily damaged by cattle 164 trampling) that could be a Clovis point fragment, four end scrapers (Figure 4.33), six blades, and a core were collected at this locus. This area appears to have very few sedimentary deposits in accord with both Julio Montané and the McIntyre’s who expended much time and energy here during their respective investigations (Julio Montané, personal communication, 2002). Figure 4.32. Locus 10 Sketch Map. 165 Figure 4.33. End scrapers from Locus 10. Locus 11 This locus comprises an area of 710,500 square meters of a low terrace on the hill adjacent to the north of Locus 10 at a distance of some 200 meters. In contrast with Locus 10, this locus indeed presents buried deposits, and there are at least six horno features visible on the surface; some of which contain rocks with patina and could possibly be of some antiquity (figure 4.32). 166 Figure 4.34. Locus 11 Sketch Map. Locus 11 is dissected by numerous arroyos where artifacts can be observed; no diagnostic Clovis artifact was collected, although several bifacial thinning flakes along with fragments of bifaces with patina evident that could perhaps share a Clovis affiliation. A well developed stratum composed of clay-silt dark brown that could perhaps be of terminal Pleistocene/early Holocene deposit that marks a brief period of intense cold and humidity (black-mat) was observed in the wall profile of an arroyo parallel to the road that passes north-south through the locus. Trenches 2, 3 and 4 were clean out in the arroyo close to the dirt road. Three strata were observed at the profiles (Figure 4.35-4.37). 167 Stratum 2 is a strong and well developed soil composed by clay and sand, two radiocarbon dates obtained from the stratum confirms that the cienega formation occurred during the middle Holocene. Soil residue of stratum 2 in trench #2 was radiocarbon dated at 5390+/-120 (A-13267) (Figure 5.35) and soil residue from the same stratum in trench#4 (Figure 4.37) was dated at 4135+/-95 (A-13268). One horno feature was also excavated (Figure 4-38). The feature have a heavy patina, and the horno appear to be old, however a C14 dated the roasting pit to the 17th Century (A-15395 = 315+/-40). Figura 4.35. Generalized profile Trench 2. 168 Figure 4.36. East Profile of trench 2. Figura 4.37. Generalized profile trench 4. 169 Figure 4.38. Horno 102 in locus 11, C14 date (A-15395 = 315+/-40) . Locus 12 Located in the northwest sector of the site, there is a small, irregularly-shaped bajo, approximately 300 meters to the northwest of Locus 1 (Figure 4.39). The locus concist of a dense concentration of artifacts (total = 638) within a 5x3 meter area. Artifacts represented on the surface include three fragments of square-based lanceolate bifaces and numerous biface thinning flakes, along with other debitage, and some other tools; all manufactured from the Cerro La Vuelta vitrified basalt source. This component was designated as a lithic workshop and was excavated as a surface feature. The lanceolate bifaces, displaying overshot flaking, may or may not reflect a Clovis technology. 170 Figure 4.39. Locus 12, Southwest View from Cerro la Vuelta Excavations at the Locus 12 Lithic workshop. In order to conduct a controlled collection of the surface artifacts and excavate this feature, a 5x3 meter grid was divided into 50 cm x 50 cm units (Figure 4.40). All surface artifacts were collected and their point proveniences recorded. Each 50x50 cm unit was further subdivided into NE, SE, NW and SW (25 cm x 25 cm) quadrants. This feature continues to a depth of at least 22 centimeters, with virtually thousands of biface thinning flakes, at least 12 square-based projectile points preforms, broken during manufacture were recovered; three of these bifaces could be refitted from 171 the fragments recovered (Figure 4.41). We estimate that approximately 4,000 artifacts were recovered from this feature; as we were unable to excavate this feature in its entirety during the 2003 field season, and an unknown number of artifacts still remain. Additionally, we recovered a pebble with an incised groove, a scraper and three fragments of irregular bifaces (Figure 4.42). Although the manufacturing technique, utilizing asymmetrical overshot flaking and basal thinning with several small flutes, is suggestive of Clovis technology, these triangular lanceolate bifaces cannot be positively identified as diagnostically Clovis; however, at the Blackwater Draw Clovis Site Warnica (1966:349) reported a similar point. At least some of these bifaces appear to have been completed, given that they display lateral and basal grinding and it is therefore probable that they represent finished tools. A hearth containing charcoal was encountered at the extreme northern edge of the excavation, of which only one half could be excavated (as it was found on the last day of the field season) (Figure 4.43). A charcoal sample produced a radiocarbon age of 1980+/40 (B-188544). As this hearth was situated so close to the surface, it seems likely that it was contaminated, given that we know there was a significant late Archaic occupation at this section of El Bajío. The triangular points knapping feature appears to be resting at an old red well developed soil that was covered by much less compacted brownish red silt. Unit K-5 was excavated to below the contact with the red soil, confirming that the artifacts are restricted to the deposits between the surface and the contact with the red soil. 172 Figure 4.40. Topographic view of the excavation at Locus 12. 173 Figure 4.41. Square-based bifaces Locus 12 workshop. 174 Figure 4.42. Circular scraper, grooved polished sphere, irregular bifaces and a graver from Locus 12. Figure 4.43. Hearth in Locus 12. 175 Locus 19 This locus represents a small raw material extraction component where a vein of finegrained basalt is exposed at the surface on a small hill in the extreme southwestern sector of the site. The exposed vein is situated at the northernmost part of the hill; however, the entire upper portion of the hill is covered with artifacts, encompassing an area of 3,200 square meters (Figure 4.44). Artifacts include biface fragments, thinning flakes, tested cobbles, hammer stones and tool sharpening scars in the bedrock. In addition to the finegrained basalt there are small (2-3 cm) nodules of obsidian that was possibly used for tool making. No Paleo-Indian diagnostic tools were found at the locus. Figure 4.44. Locus 19 Sketch Map. 176 Locus 22 Locus 22, a dense artifact scatter extending over a 6x8 meter area (Figure 4.45), is located 100 meters to the south of Locus 12, in the same little bajo. The lithic artifacts appear to represent a knapping station/lithic reduction workshop similar to that at Locus 12. Artifacts include a conical core, at least three fragments of the square-based bifaces, and over 200 biface thinning flakes. Although this component is close to the present surface, the cultural affiliation appears to be Paleo-Indian. No artifacts were collected in contemplating further investigation in the future. Figure 4.45. Locus 22 Sketch Map. El Bajio Site: Summary and Conclusions of the Investigations There is no doubt that El Bajio site is the most important Clovis locality that has been found in Sonora. The vitrified basalt quarry at Cerro La Vuelta was one of the more 177 important resources for the Paleo-Indian and archaic groups of Sonora. El Bajío is the only extensive large quarry of fine stones for manufacturing tools knows in Sonora. The vitrified basalt exposure is unquestionably the most important single resource that attracted Paleo-Indian groups to this location. The existence of quartz crystals, red ochre and obsidian at the site also offered important available resources. The existence of at least 10 well defined loci spread over the site area, appears to indicate that El Bajío is a complex site of great importance with respect to residential mobility and land use pattern of the Paleo-indian groups. While no springs, or spring deposits were documented, the existence of black clay deposits appears to indicate that water accumulated in the lowerlying sink near to the group of loci near the Cerro Rojo, and fed by runoff from the pediment and the runoff water of the little sierrita which includes Cerro de La Vuelta. The group of loci (3-6 and 15) in the middle section of the site, together with Locus 7 west and north of Cerro Rojo represents the most important area at the site (Figure 4.44); in addition to presenting the likelihood of buried contexts, this group of loci appears to suggest that this area was certainly utilized repeatedly on an annual basis over a much greater span of time than is generally thought for the Paleo-Indian period. Additionally, El Bajío is located in a transitional zone between two different landscapes; the intervening basins of Sonora and the broad alluvial plain of the Rio Zanjon that remains an open landscape from here to the coast (Figure 4.44). 178 Figure 4.46. Northeast view of the site from the Cerro La Vuelta Quarry. During the 2003 season a field strategy was implemented that consisted in collecting all the diagnostic artifacts found during the systematic survey (e.g. sherd, archaic points, Paleo-Indian points, Paleo-Indian artifacts); with the purpose to obtaining a representative collection of artifacts from the site. Also, surface archaeological features were collected and controlled surface collections were made. The collections from El Bajío housed at the Centro INAH Sonora, comprise 15,000 lithics; including flakes and debris impossible to affiliate to a particular period. From the Paleo-Indian period the collection contains 333 diagnostic artifacts; we determine that only 333 artifacts are unquestionably affiliated with the Paleo-Indian period because they can be correlated to 179 diagnostic types collected at other Clovis sites in the US (e.g. Pavo Real, Gault, Adams). It is important to note that the El Bajío materials do not contain a single example of late Paleo-Indian projectile point (e.g. Folsom, Dalton, Golondrina points). The lack of late Pale-Indian points lead us to suggest that the non projectile point diagnostic artifacts in the assemblage (e.g. polyhedral cores, blades, end scrapers, etc.) most likely are affiliated to the Clovis occupation of the site. During the 2003 season 150 diagnostic Paleo-Indian artifacts were collected, despite that the site has been extensively collected over the presiding 30 year prior to the 2003 season, these suggests that archaeological features remain intact under the surface of the site and recent erosion is moving the artifacts to the surface. The archaic period is represented by 20 points collected during 2003. The majority of the archaic points are associated to Elko, San Pedro and Pinto-San Jose types. The El Bajío site is quite complex site archaeological and geological; although archaic components are present at the site, Among the more conspicuous features are hornos; although we believe these features are not associated with the Paleo-Indian occupation, it should be noted that at Ventana Cave an horno was dated to fire cracked rocks and informal ground stone, dating to about 8700 BP (Huckell and Haynes 2003); at the Wilson-Leonard site, the earliest hornos in Texas are dated to 9300 cy BP (Bushman et al. 2002:988). Three radiocarbon dates obtained from the hornos confirmed that they are affiliated to late prehistory and protohistoric periods. It is evident that the site has suffered severe erosion and limited deposition. These episodes are distributed in a patchwork manner across the site. The presence of the proboscidian tooth enamel, buried artifacts and features appear to indicate the existence 180 of areas where buried Clovis contexts are likely to be found, and supports the need for further systematic investigation at the site. Although we learned much about the El Bajio site, unfortunately, our research remains inconclusive, because we didn’t have a good understanding on the distribution of the terminal Pleistocene deposits until near the end of the single field season. Now with the additional radiocarbon results, returning to those likely loci and continue to search for buried contexts will be very important. Investigations at this significant Clovis site most continue in the future. The El Aígame Site (SON N:11:20) The investigations at El Aígame began in the summer of 2005 after being denied permission by Sr. Molina to enter his ranch property in November, 2004 in order to continue planned investigations at El Bajío. As a result of this forced change in research strategy, it was decided to continue investigating other known sites that yielded quantities of Paleo-Indian artifacts. Although we visited various sites during the 2005 field season, systematic work concentrated on the El Aígame site. The site is located on both sides of Highway 16 (La Colorada-Sahuaripa) at Kilometer 59 from Hermosillo, approximately 10 kilometers to the northeast of the town of La Colorada (Figure 4.1). The site is situated in the Río Mátape drainage basin between the Sierra de la Colorada and another mountain range on an open, rolling landscape where numerous east-west trending arroyos discharge into the Río Mátape, which, itself, is a perennial arroyo with a substantial subsurface flow. Although water may not be evident in the arroyo bed, it can be easily obtained by relatively shallow 181 digging. At the historic Rancho El Aígame located a few kilometer east of the site, closer to the Río Mátape, where water is obtained from shallow wells less than six meters deep. Figure 4.47. North view of Locus 3 at El Gramal El Aigame extends over an eroded zone between two tributary arroyos at an elevation of 450 meters amsl. The basin of the Río Mátape is part of the Basin and Range province of the Sonoran Plains Grasslands biotic community of the Sonoran Desert. The annual precipitation in this area is 400 mm, supporting grasses and perennial shrubs. The most prevalent grass species are Bouteloua bothrockii, Aristida sp., and Panicum obtusum 182 among other grasses, together with shrubby plants like ragweed (Ambrosia) and purslane (Portulaca), and mesquite (Prosopis velutina). Also a few cacti are present in these grasslands (Brown 1994:137). Excessive exploitation of the aquifers through groundwater pumping has diminished the available moisture in these subtropical grassland mosaics provoking their gradual transformation to Sonoran desert scrub. Water appears to have existed since time immemorial given that the basin of the Río Mátape is characterized by abundant subterranean aquifers where water from the sierra has accumulated. The El Aígame site was discovered in 1971 by Javier Bustamante an engineer specialized on the mining of graphite. With the participation of Manuel Robles, Javier Bustamante began to collect artifacts from the site, and continued to do so for the next 20 years. Unfortunately, Javier Bustamante died in the winter of 2005, his artifact collection remains in his family’s hands. His collection includes three Clovis points, several bifaces, approximately 40 end scrapers, one modified blade and at least 100 biface thinning flakes made on quartzite, basalt and different types of chert as well as 2 mammoth molars (Figure 4.48), that he found eroding from a wall profile Most of the lithic material was concentrated in a few areas, but not in proximity to the teeth. 183 Figure 4.48. Bustamante Mammoth Molars The author visited the site with Javier Bustamante in March 2005, the majority of Bustamante´s collection was found in one locality on the north side of the highway in a small, well-defined area, but with much erosion. During our March, 2005 visit, a fluted Clovis point base and an end scraper were found. The Investigations It was decided to conduct a systematic investigation of the site for three principal reasons: 1) This site has an unquestionable Clovis component; 2) The artifacts in the Bustamante collection represent a wide range of activities suggestive of a Clovis encampment; and 3) The minimal fossilization evident with the well-preserved mammoth molars is suggestive of late Pleistocene contexts. The site encompasses an area 2.5 kilometers N/S by 1.5 kilometers E/W. We identified at least 28 different loci, demonstrating this to be a very complex site that was occupied for a long period of time (Table 4.3 and Figure 4.49). Ten loci had only a Paleo- 184 Indian affiliation, six yielded both Paleo-Indian and Archaic artifacts, nine produced only archaic diagnostics, three seemed affiliated to the Early Agriculture period, and one contained ceramic artifacts. It was decide to conduct further investigations in four localities were the possibility existed to have buried Paleo-Indian deposits. Table 4.3. Cultural affiliations of the loci identified at El Aigame. CULTURAL AFILIATION Paleo-Indian PaleoIndian/Archaic Archaic Early Agriculture Ceramic TOTAL LOCUS NUMBER TOTAL 1,2,3,29,4,6,11,12,15,28 7, 14,16, 17, 23,24 10 6 5, 8, 9, 13, 20, 21,22, 25, 26 10, 18, 19 27 9 3 1 29 Table 4.4. Radiocarbon dates from El Aigame. Sample Locus Excavation no. unit AA66509 3 Pozo 5 C14 date 4009+/-42 Material dated Charcoal AA66497 4 AA66498 4 AA66499 2 4864 +/-74 3558 +/-46 4951 +/-55 Soil residue Soil residue Soil residue Stratigraphic unit Cienega deposit Upper mud Lower mud Upper mud 4843 +/-52 Soil residue Lower mud AA66500 2 Profile 1 Profile 1 Arroyo profile Arroyo profile 185 Figure 4.49. SON N:11:20 Location of loci and Excavations . 186 Locus 1 is located in the north central area of the site. We decided to investigate this area because we recovered from the surface at least 15 large fragments of bifaces that appear to be made using a Paleo-Indian lithic technology, three show a possible channel flake removal. Associated with these bifaces we found approximately 300 lithic artifacts including hundreds of biface thinning flakes, flakes, and hammer stones in a 100 x 100 meter area. We defined two areas as possible tool making features (Figure 4.50). Feature 1 is located in the lower terrain of the southwest limits of Component 1. Here, 258 lithic artifacts were collected, including one complete biface, and 11 fragments of bifaces (Table 4.5), many of them with clear evidence of basal thinning, at least six were made of the same relatively fine red quartzite (Figure 4.51), one was made on high quality chert (Figure 4.52), hammers and abraders made from quartz crystal were also recovered (Figure 4.53), together with hundreds of flakes and biface thinning flakes of the same raw material. The appearance of surface bifaces and flakes of the same materials, suggests that the feature came out to the surface very recently so there is the possibility of finding a buried Paleo-Indian context. However no dateable materials were found in this deposit. Locus 2 is located in the northeastern end of the site. Here a moderate scatter of artifacts was observed during the surface exploration. At least three large basalt bifaces were collected (Figure 4.54), also ten obsidian unifacial artifacts were observed and three tapering steam points from early Holocene times were collected. Test pits were excavated in the areas presenting the highest concentrations of artifacts but only a recent very loose alluvium was observed. 187 Figure 4.50. Locus 1 features. 188 154 60 3 7 3 7 1 235 6 4 1 1 1 2 2 1 4 1 12 2 4 1 4 Total Uniface Hammer and abrader Archaic point Core tool Biface LOCUS 1 FEATURE 1 red quarzite basalt agata chert obsidian quarzt crystal rhyolite TOTAL Flakes and debitage Table 4.5. Lithic classes in locus 1, feature 1. 162 67 5 8 3 11 2 258 Figure 4.51. Red quartzite biface from Locus 1, Feature 2. 189 Figure 4.52. Chert Biface from Locus 1, Feature 2.. Figure 4.53. Quartzite Abrader form Locus 1. 190 14 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1 TOTAL 1 BIFACE 1 CORE GYPSUM POINT 1 TAPERING 5 1 5 3 UNIFACE CIENEGA POINT FLAKE 3 LOCUS 2 Basalt 7 Quartz cristal Obsidian 1 Chert 3 Silstone TOTAL 11 FLAKE 2 FLAKE 1 Table 4.6. Artifacts from Locus 2. 16 1 8 9 2 36 Figure 4.54. Archaic Bifaces from Locus 2. One important part of our investigations at the site was to find intact stratigraphy with the purpose of reconstructing profiles for determining the geochronology of the site. In a deep arroyo adjacent to Locality 2, we found at about 2 meters under the surface a dark clay organic horizon from which we obtained soil samples for radiocarbon for 191 dating. The lower mud gave a radiocarbon age of 4843+/-42 (AA66500) and the upper mud an age of 4951+/-55 (AA66499) (Figure 4.55). The date obtained from the arroyo profile indicates that locus 2 is a middle/late Archaic component that could contained intact archaeological features, his investigation will be significant for understanding this period, poorly known in Sonora. Figure 4.55. Profile of the arroyo adjacent to Locus 2. 192 Locus 3 (also known as KM site by Bustamante) is where Bustamante obtained the majority of his collection frm a 70x70 meter area (Javier Bustamante, personal communication 2005). At least three Paleoindian bifaces (Figure 4.56 and 4.57), aproximatly 40 end scrapers, many of them spurred and manufactured on blades (Figure 4.58) and hundreds of flakes came from Locus 3. During our first visit to the site we found a Clovis point base, fluted on both faces (Figure 4.59).Later in the season we found two end scrapers. A careful systematic survey of the entire area was conducted, and a trench (unit 4) and a test pit (unit 5) were excavated. Trench 4 had a deposit with an old red soil with alluvial deposits that have been heavily reworked, no artifacts were found at the subsurface level. Figure 4.56. Clovis preforms from Locus 3 (Bustamante collection). 193 Figure 4.57. Red quartz lanceolate point from Locus 3 (Bustamente collection). Figure 4.58. End scrapers from Locus 3 (Bustamente Collection). 194 Figure 4.59. Basalt Clovis base found in Locus 3. Although, not buried archaeological features of Paleo-Indian age were found at this locality, the excavations at test pit 5 reveal a very dark well developed soil composed by clay and sand (a cienega-like stratum) almost 80 cm thick. Charcoal was recovered from the bottom of the dark stratum and a radiocarbon age obtained from the charcoal is 4009+-42 (AA66509) (Figure 4.60). The pollen profile obtained from Unit 5 was analyzed by Susana Xelhuantzi from the Archaeobotanical Laboratory of the Subdirección de Laboratorios, INAH the pollen concentration in the samples was very low and the sample was full of silica; however the pollen samples corresponding to the 195 cienega deposits contained fungi, algae, mosses and ferns consistent with a wet environment (Xelhuantzi 2008). At the bottom of the cienega soil, about 70 cm from the surface, a maize phytolith was found that probably dated to 4000 years ago; ash, walnuts and alder pollen were observed in the samples (Xelhuantzi 2008), none of these species are present today at the locality. Figure 4.60. Profile of test pit 5, with location of pollen profile and C14 date. Locus 4 is situated along drainage at the south end of the site. Here the deposits are cienega-like; composed of very fine silt with carbonates. From here we recovered two fragments of an ultra thin biface manufactured with a Paleo-Indian technology, along 196 with some bison bones. The reported mammoth molars probably came from this area. Here, a profile of the sediments was completed and the clayey cienega-like deposit was dated. Soil from the cienega deposit of this profile were radiocarbon dated and even if we obtained some reverse dates, the cienega appear to be 4000 years old, the same age obtained at test pit in locus 3 (Figure 4.61). Figure 4.61. Profile 1 at Locus 4. 197 Red ochre is a natural resource of great importance for the Paleo-Indian groups (Haynes 2002, Frison 1999). In 2005, we found a source of pure hematite located as a solid vein 50 cm wide in an arroyo profile (555940E/ 3178076N); however we did not find any artifacts associated with the source (Figure 4.62). Figure 4.62. Red ochre source. Summary of the Investigations at El Aígame In sum, El Aigame is a multicomponent site with human occupations that started during Paleo-Indian times and extend throughout the Archaic period and the Early Agriculture period of the Holocene. It is unlikely there is any buried Paleo-Indian contexts left in Loci 1 and 3 (where the engineer Bustamante found his Clovis collection) , probably because this area have been eroded and re-deposited at least ones. However, it is possible that 198 other loci at the site could preserve intact late Pleistocene and early and middle Holocene deposits. In four different stratigraphic profiles of the site, we recorded a very dark clayey cienega like deposits, first we thought that corresponded to black mat deposits of late Pleistocene times. However, all of them dated between 5,000 and 4,000 years ago. The maize phytolith found in test pit 5 Locus 3 apparently is associated to this period of high humidity that occurred around between 5000 and 4000 years ago. It is important to note that Vega Granillo (1992:84) performed a hydro-geologic study of the Rio Mátape Basin (1992), and around the area of the site she reported an older aquifer running NE-SW tainted with a chemical composition of CalciumMagnesium-Chloride that it is polluting the water table of the basin. Ground water contamination could explain the low concentration of pollen and the high concentration of silica found in the soil samples reported by Xelhuantzi (2008). The presence of Clovis points, bifaces, end scrapers, blades, together with bifacial thining flakes of fine materials at Loci 1 and 3 appear to represent one or more Clovis encampments. Unfortunaly the Clovis feature or features have redeposited more tan one time and we do not know that a intact Clovis feature still exist at the locality, the Clovis occupation can be resting on a red well-developed soil of Pleistocene age. Permanent springs at the site likely attracted the Paleo-Indian groups and other animals to this location. The Clovis group(s) present at the site apparently used locally available raw materials. Quartzite, basalt and siltstone are found nearby, at the arroyos and on the hills. 199 One biface, and many end scrapers from the Bustamante collection, were made on fine and diverse kinds of cherts, at least 12 end scrapers from the Bustamante collection are manufactured on blades, however, no blade cores (conical, tablets or wedge shaped) have been found at the site. Later archaic groups at the site used obsidian, probably of the wide spread Apache tears like obsidian, to make many artifacts. Only one Clovis end scraper from the Bustamante collection was made from obsidian. None of the Clovis artifacts from El Aigame were manufacture with El Bajio basalt source; however it is possible that some of the Clovis end scrapers at El Aígame collection are manufacture in the same silex/calcedony forces than artifacts found at El Bajio. The early and middle Holocene occupation of the site is very well represented with the presence of tapering stem and Pinto points; the Early Agriculture period is also very well represented by San Pedro and Cienega points. There is no doubt that El Aigame site was a very valuable location for hunters and gathers groups of the Paleo-Indian and Archaic periods. The higher water table that existed at the end of the Altithermal was ideal for the formation of seasonal cienegas and probably for the early development of maize agriculture. Future research at this site will be important to fully understand the cultural developments of prehistoric Sonora. El Gramal Site (SON N:11:20-21) This large site complex is located on the Hermosillo Plains, southwest of the city of Hermosillo, roughly 18 kilometers from the modern-day Sea of Cortez shoreline. The site consists of a dense, multi-component artifact scatter that covers at least 10 km². The 200 artifacts occur on the edge of a large (3 km²) playa and extend north and west several kilometers into extensive dune fields (Figure 4.63 and 4.64). This zone is part of the Río Sonora hydrologic basin, located approximately 60 km to the southwest of Hermosillo at an elevation of 25 meters amsl, and displays vegetation typical of the Central Coast subdivision of the Sonoran Desert (Turner and Brown 1994:212). The El Gramal site falls within the cactus-mesquite-saltbush vegetation community with the unique characteristic of including five different species of columnar cacti; Hecho (Pachycereus pectemaborigum), Cardón (Pachycereus pringlei), Saguaro (Carnegiea gigantea), Senita (Lophocereus schotti), Organ Pipe (Stenocerus thurberi) and Sina (Sina alamosensis), along with various salt water and sandy soil tolerant shrubs (Turner and Brown 1994:215). Forty one diagnostic Paleo-Indian projectile points have been collected from five localities within this site by the local collector. At least 21 of these points are classic fluted Clovis, while 20 are unfluted lanceolate varieties (Gaines et al. 2009). The PaleoIndian materials are generally found on the eroded flanks of the dunes adjacent to the playa margins. The dunes contain at least three buried soils and the Clovis material seems to come from the lowest and best developed soil which forms a resistant ledge where it is eroded. It is important to note that for the provenience of the Paleo-Indian occupation we rely completely on the private collector because the 40 points were collected by them. The intensive surface collection of El Gramal began in the early 1970s and continues to the present. The Paleo-Indian occupation is well represented at this site, as are the Archaic and Ancestral Seri periods. 201 Figure 4.63. The playa at El Gramal looking east. The Geoarcheological Investigations Investigations were carried out at the site in January and February 2007; during this period we only found one probably fluted base of presumably Paleo-Indian ages, on the surface all the later occupations of the coast are very well represented but not the PaleoIndian. The field methods consisted of comprehensive bucket-augering and limited handtrenching. Radiocarbon samples were submitted to the University of Arizona NSF AMS facility. Aeolian sand samples were analyzed by the University of Washington Luminescence Laboratory utilizing the multi-grain single aliquot pulsed optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) method. 202 Figure 4.64. Aerial photograph showing El Gramal site and localities. Loci 1, 2, and 5 are located in the dunes on the western margin of the playa. According to the collectors, Locus 1 produced a complete quartz crystal fluted point (Figure 4.65), and a chert fluted point that was resharpened into an awl or drill, from the midst of a low-density lithic scatter on the side of a large dune (LeopoldoVelez, personal communication 2007). One trench and several auger test pit were excavated at this locus. Local stratigraphy consists of Holocene and likely late Pleistocene deposits of interfingered sands and playa muds with a sequence of three buried soil horizons to a depth of 5.5 meters beneath the surface (Figure 4.66). 203 Figure 4.65. Quartz crystal Clovis point from Locus 1. Figure 4.66. Generalized X-section of Trench 1. 204 Locus 2 yielded both fluted and unfluted lanceolate points, mostly basal fragments made on local basalt and obsidian. Trenching at Locus 2 revealed dune stratigraphy with two buried soils and intact, stratified archaeological remains throughout the sequence. Artifacts from a late prehistoric Seri occupation—sherds, groundstone fragments, shell, and flaked stone—occur within the upper deposit in the zone of recent to modern soil formation, while the middle buried soil horizon contains lithic debitage and shell fragments indicative of a pre-ceramic Archaic horizon. The nearby Paleo-Indian artifacts are thought to be associated with the basal, and best developed, buried soil. A possible fluted biface fragment made of black basalt was found on the surface at Locus 5 (Figure 4.67). Subsequent geologic coring in the immediate vicinity fortuitously recovered two basalt flakes from a depth of 3.5-3.6 meters beneath the surface (Figure 4.68 and 4.69). Figure 4.67. Probable fluted biface on basalt. 205 Figure 4.68. Ned Gaines and Beto Peña digging a test pit with an auger. Figure 4.69. Flakes found 3.5 meters below surface during testing. 206 Loci 3 and 4 are located in an expanse of low dunes and blowouts on the northeast margin of the playa. Both loci yielded unfluted lanceolate bifaces and projectile points, according to the collector. The stratigraphy in this area generally consists of shallow dune sands overlying deposits of silts, sands and muds to at least a depth of six meters beneath the surface. Artifacts at loci 3 and 4 are much more diffuse than at the other three loci, and buried remains are, as of yet, unknown from these two areas. Although we did not conduct a systematic survey at El Gramal, we identified an obsidian source on a small hill to the south of Locus 5. This obsidian occurs in small 2-6 cm diameter nodules (Apache tears). The concentration of obsidian nodules extends over an area of 600x600 meters. The presence of obsidian reduction flakes confirms the prehistoric exploitation of this raw material source; although we cannot be certain that it was utilized by Paleo-Indian groups, at least five Clovis points of obsidian were collected by private collectors at the site. Stratigraphy and Geochronology of El Gramal The site exhibits a complex stratigraphic sequence consisting of over eight meters of aeolian sands, alluvial silts and clays, and playa muds (Figure 4.57). In general, there are seven defined stratigraphic units (from the bottom up): Unit I, II, and III sands; Unit IV silts and clays; Unit V sands; Unit VI silts and clays; and Unit VII sands. The limited testing conducted to date has identified in situ archaeological components in Units VI and VII. The site preserves nearly complete record of late Quaternary aeolian and alluvial deposits spanning the last 25,000 years. Thie stratigraphic sequence exhibits alternating 207 periods of alluvial and aeolian deposition, punctuated by periods of erosion, stability and soil formation. The site has yielded surface artifacts diagnostic of nearly every phase of human occupation known in the Sonoran Desert over the past 12,000 years (Gaines et al. 2009). Figure 4.70. Generalized Stratigraphy of El Gramal (Gaines et al. 2009). A Paleo-Indian occupation at El Gramal is evidenced by the 20 fluted points and 21 unfluted lanceolate points in the hands of the collectors. However this collection represents more than 30 years of constant collecting. The trampling, patina and the battering that it is apparent in the collection appear to indicate that the Paleo-Indian 208 component is not very well preserved and the artifacts have been on the surface for a long period of time, many of them have been modified in later times. The lack of other diagnostic Paleo-Indian materials such as blades, polyhedral cores, and end scrapers, among other tools, appears to indicate that the El Gramal playa was not utilized as a camp site and it could be difficult, if not impossible, to find buried Paleo-Indian deposits. None diagnostic Paleo-Indian artifacts were found during our investigation. Cerro Izabal (SON J:16:8) At least three Clovis points (along with a fourth unconfirmed) are known from Cerro Izabal. This is a diffuse, multi-component site located some 20 km to the west of Hermosillo. Two of the Clovis points were reported by Manuel Robles (1974), and are currently in the museum of the Universidad de Sonora, while the other is in the hands of a collector in Bahia Kino (Figure 4.71). Robles completed a report and filled out a site card with a sketch map for Cerro Izabal, on file in the Centro INAH Sonora archives. This map and Robles’ descriptions helped us to locate the highest concentration of Paleo-Indian artifacts. The site is situated in a small basin, without evidence of recent erosion. There is no arroyo cut exposing the subsurface stratigraphy of the site (Figure 4.72); stratigraphy was obtained through auguring. The Paleo-Indian materials apparently occur along the margins of this basin. The auguer-testing of the buried stratigraphic contexts reveals a sequence of silt, sands and intact clays to a depth of at least 6.5 meters. The depths of the basal sediments indicate a paleo-topographic basin, with the artifacts located on the margins of this paleo-basin. 209 Although the geoarchaeological work at the Cerro Izabal site is preliminary, the site has been demonstrated to contain buried stratigraphic deposits and has a great potential for containing the remains of Paleo-Indian occupations. It should be noted that, as a basin with fill comprised of colluviums and alluviums, we were unable to date these deposits utilizing OSL, and no organic material suitable for dating was encountered. An obsidian source was identified along the southern edge of the site. The obsidian occurs in small nodules ranging between two and ten centimeters in diameter. Two of the Clovis points collected from Cerro Izabal are of obsidian, and though as yet uncorroborated it is possible that this could be the source of raw material utilized. Figure 4.71. Obsidian Clovis point from Cerro Izabal. 210 Figure 4.72. In-filled Basin of Cerro Izabal looking north. The Fin del Mundo Site (SON J: 10:2) Fin del Mundo (end of the earth) site is located in a small intermontane basin at about 650 amsl, within a chain of unnamed volcanic hills about a 100 km northwest of Hermosillo, Sonora (Figure 4.1). The site is exposed in an eroded landscape that drains into the Arroyo Carrizo. The valley of the Carrizo drains this intermontane basin and flows into the Rio Bacoachi, which flows to the south and southwest into the Gulf of California. The plant community at Fin del Mundo is represented by a combination of Arizona Upland and Lower Colorado plant community. The area is dominated by ocotillo (Fourquieria splendens) and creosote bush (Larrea tridentate), bursage (Ambrosia deltoidea), bush muhly (Muhlenbergia porteri) and several species of Opuntia associated 211 with the Arizona Upland are present. The dominant tree is ironwood (Olneya tesota), and at least two different kinds of agaves are present. To the northeast of the site is a dense saguaro bosque (Carnegiea gigantea) and a dense stand of agaves (Turner and Brown 1994). In 1997, during a visit to the municipal museum in Carbó, Sonora, Vance Haynes and the author observed an unfossilized mammoth femur and rib. We were told that these bones had been recovered from the ranch, a four hour drive from Carbó. Although the owner invited us to his ranch, we necessarily declined his offer due to the time and distance involved. The principal objective of the spring 2007 field season of the Proyecto Geoarqueología y tecnología lítica de los sitios Paleoindios de Sonora was to visit all of the known localities where Paleo-Indian remains had been reported. On this list was a remote ranch in the Municipio of Pitiquito, where more than 30 years earlier minimally fossilized bones of a mammoth had been found and subsequently displayed in a local municipal museum. We visited the Fin del Mundo locality on February 5, 2007: this locality presents an area where Clovis groups hunted and butchered Proboscidians, along with other Pleistocene mammals. Bones remain preserved in cienega deposits, with an associated Clovis camp, and a quartz crystal raw material source located atop a hill nearby, from which projectile points and other artifacts were manufactured. This site reflects the first Pleistocene megafauna hunting/butchering site discovered in Mexico since 1957. It is important to note, too, that Fin del Mundo is also the first site that we found that has not been collected by the amateur archaeologists. 212 The Pleistocene fauna is found in a remnant of stratified deposits, preserved as an “island” in an eroded landscape. These deposits vary from two to 20 meters in width and 60 meters in length, with stratigraphic walls exposed on three sides (Figure 4.73). While examining the exposed profiles we observed a chalcedony chopper that had recently fallen from the wall profile from the uppermost stratum associated with the Pleistocene fauna. Shortly thereafter, a large rhyolite Clovis-style biface was found at a distance of three meters from the island, followed by the discovery of the middle portion of a quartz crystal biface and a complete Clovis point of white chert located eight meters to the south of the island (Figure 4.74). Figure 4.73. View of the “Island” Locus 1, looking NW. 213 Figure 4.74. Artifacts found associated with Locus 1. The Explorations Thus far, two field seasons (Winter 2007 and Fall 2008) have been carried out at the Fin del Mundo site. Although the analyses of the archaeological contexts, geochronology, stratigraphy, paleontology, lithic artifacts, and environmental data (diatoms, pollen and gastropods) are still underway, a few preliminary conclusions can be offered. The site comprises seven geological/archaeological localities; the most important being Locus 1, constituting the stratigrafied island feature with Pleistocene faunal remains and associated artifacts, and Locus 5, which encompasses the various Clovis encampments. In addition 214 to its obvious archaeological importance, the Fin del Mundo site offers considerable potential for paleoenvironmental reconstruction with preserved strata representing a sequence of approximately 35,000 years (Figure 4.75). Figure 4.75. Generalized x-section from the Fin del Mundo site (drawing and reconstruction made by Vance Holliday) Locus 1 (Hunting/Butchering of Pleistocene Fauna) The bone exposure is in a heavily dissected landscape covering an area of roughly 200m x 200m (Figure 4.75). Dissection left the local basin fill exposed in head cuts and in a series of erosional islands. The bone beds, artifacts, and their containing strata are associated with only one of these islands (Locality 1) (Figure 4.76). Several 14C dates have been obtained from Locus 1 (Table 4. 215 Figure 4.76. Topographic Map of Locus 1 (map made by Michael Brack). Three strata (2-4) resting unconformably on the local bedrock were identified at Locus 1 (Figure 4.77). The bedrock is a cemented very-coarse conglomerate. The strata are inset into a broad channel ~500m wide and once completely filled this paleo-channel. Stratum 2 is up to 3m thick and is composed of pebbly sandy clay fining upward into a sandy clay. In thicker sections, the lower half of the unit is a deep red. The upper half in thick sections and most of the layer in thinner sections is a pale olive gray. These colors represent alteration of the primary sediment; probably starting with oxidation, followed 216 by reduction (green). Where the top of stratum 2 is out of the low area and topographically higher, it exhibits a strongly-developed soil profile referred to as “Big Red.” The degree of soil development in this setting is suggestive of perhaps tens of thousands of years of landscape stability (Gile et al., 1981; Birkeland, 1999). On top of the soil is a carbonate stratum up to 60 cm thick. The massive character, uniform density, and presence of both aquatic and terrestrial gastropods in the carbonate suggest that it is some sort of seep or spring deposit (Figure 4.75). Table 4.7. Radiocarbon dates from Locus 1. Sample Stratum Date, C14 years BP Lab Number shell 4, diatomaceous earth 7840 +/- 70 AA81350 organic-rich sediment organic-rich sediment organic-rich sediment charcoal 4, diatomaceous earth 8375 +/- 110 A-14837 4, diatomaceous earth 9030 +/- 75 A-14850 4, diatomaceous earth 9465 +/- 100 A-14836 4, top of diatomite 9290 +/- 290 AA80085 charcoal 4, top of diatomite 9560 +/- 120 AA80671 charcoal organic-rich sediment 4, top of diatomite 3, directly beneath upper bone bed 9715 +/- 64 11,040 +/- 580 BP AA80084 AA83272 217 Figure 4.77. Stratigraphy of Locus 1. Strata 3 and 4 filled a channel of unknown length and less than a 100 meter wide cut into Stratum 2. Most of Strata 3 and 4 were destroyed by erosion. The only remnant is the narrow, elongated Locality 1 “island,” which is 45m long and 15m wide at it’s widest. The upper bone bed, which is archaeological and the focus of most of our efforts, rests on top of stratum 3a and is buried by the diatomite of stratum 4. Depositional processes were very low energy at this level and did not affect the feature. Stratum 3a is green pebbly sandy clay up to 1m thick overlain by the Stratum 3B. Stratum 3 is a pale olive color throughout. The pebbles of 3A are angular to sub-rounded. Stratum 3A rests unconformably on stratum 2. Bone is common throughout stratum 3. The pebbly 218 character of some components of stratum 3 and the appearance of cut-and-fill sequences within stratum 3 indicates cyclical aggradations, and the poorly-sorted character of stratum 3 suggests variable discharge throughout deposition. Both conditions and the short transport distance indicated by the pebbles all suggest deposition from local springfed waters. Our investigations have concentrated on approximately an area of 10 square meters of the upper bone bed lying between Stratum 3B and Stratum 4, and from which the remains of two semi-articulated, juvenile Gomphotherium sp. (Figure 4.78), and a mammoth tusk, as well as several other species, have been recovered. Six biface retouch flakes, one chert Clovis point and another Clovis point of quartz crystal were found in rodent disturbed contexts, however these artifacts appear to have been in direct association with the bone bed (Figure 4.79). The upper bone bed is sealed by a Stratum 4A of pure diatoms which represent a pond deposit that preserved the bones. A few fragments of charcoal from above the diatoms are dated to between 9700 and 9200 years before present. In the lower limits of stratum 3B, a fragment of black charcoal-like organic material base soluble produced a radiocarbon age of 11,040 +/- 580 (AA83272) years before present, and places the cultural deposits within the accepted range of the Clovis tradition (Figure 4.76). The lower bone bed of Stratum 3A is much less well known, and we remain uncertain if represent an archaeological feature. As yet, we have not recovered any articulated elements within this stratum, which also appears to reflect a high energy 219 alluvial deposit and may, therefore, have redeposited bones. Mammoth, American mastodon, tapir and tortoise faunal remains have been recovered from Stratum 3A. 220 Figure 4.78. The two articulated Gomphotherium sp. (drawing by E. Gaines) 221 Figure 4.79. Upper bone bed with artifacts (drawing by E. Gaines). 222 Locus 5 (Paleo-Indian Encampments) In the first full field season (2007-2008), we also discovered an activity area (likely a camp), Locality 5, on uplands away from the initial artifacts finds and the in situ bone. Surveying and testing focused on this area and also expanded to other upland areas. The main area of the Clovis camp is located 600 meters from Locus 1 and it is a sparse concentration of artifacts in a large area. The “Clovis Camp” (Locality 5) is on the broad, gently rolling uplands that extend to the southeast, south, and south west of the eroded landscape around Locality 1. Locality 5 was subjected to two weeks of intense survey by a crew of six and twenty-four test pits (mostly1x1m; one 1x3 meter trench) were excavated. The distributional maps still in process, however Locus 5 appear to be 500 m2. The surveying was aimed at identification of additional Paleo-Indian tools and potential identification of concentrations of tools. The center of the camp is a slightly elevated exposure of an old landscape identified on the basis of a well developed soil, considered a correlative of Big Red identified at other localitites and roughly dated at 15,000 year ago. The area was subjected to repeated sheetwash flooding by local arroyos, but most of this alluvium has accumulated along the flanks of the core of the camp. Testing in this alluvium was conducted in an attempt to find buried Paleo-Indian material. Test excavations encountered archaeological materials in the sheetwash alluvium and on the surface of the old soil, but none of the archaeological material was positively identified as Paleo-Indian. Surveys conducted in the uplands resulted in the identification of two additional localities with evidence for Paleo-Indian activity. Locus 8 is approximately 200 m west of 223 Locus 5. It yielded one fluted basal fragment and one retouched blade. We opened a 4 m2 test unit here and found buried flakes. Locus 9 is roughly 500m northeast of Locus 5. It produced several fragmentary bifaces and lithic debitage consistent with Clovis bifacial reduction. The Paleo-Indian material consisted of diagnostic artifacts and some debitage. Until today we have found eight Clovis points and preforms, one complete and seven basal fragments (Figure 4.80); four rhyolite lanceolate biface fragments fluted, 29 lanceolate bifaces of rhyolite probable Paleo-Indian; 27 end scrapers made in different kinds of cherts many of them are spurred (Figure 4.81), three tablet flakes from polyhedral cores (Figure 4.82), 24 blades some of made from different kinds of cherts, five are from the El Bajio basalt source (Figure 4.83). An Archaic component is very well represented at Locus 5. One hundred and ten Archaic projectile points have been recovered; including Pinto, San Jose, Elko, San Pedro, Imperio and Cienenga point types. One flake of fine brown chert found associated with the bones of a semi-articulated gomphotheres in Locus 1, was made of the same chert of a lateral scraper found in Locus 5; this appears to indicate that the Clovis camp is connected with the hunting of mastodons. 224 Figure 4.80. Clovis point of chert and quartzite. Figure 4.81. Clovis end scrapers of chert and obsidian. 225 Figure 4.82. Core tablet flakes made on the El Bajio basalt. Figure 4.83. Blades from Locus 5. Quartz Crystal Quarry A complete Clovis point and a medial fragment of a Clovis point recovered from Locus 1, along with many more tools from Locus 5, were manufactured from quartz crystal. The complete Clovis point specimen is perfectly transparent and is a veritable work of art, 226 with the flake scars creating a prism displaying the colors of the rainbow. Five kilometers to the west of the site is a hill with enormous veins of quartz situated around the lower slope. The quartz material occurs in varying purities, but all displaying hair-like filaments of the mineral rutilio, which provides a distinctive signature for this source. Preliminary reconnaissance identified at least three lithic workshop areas with thousands of pieces of quartz debitage. Figure 4.84. Quartz Crystal from Cerro del Cuarzo.. Summary Investigations at the Fin del Mundo site have barely begun. We need to do much more research, however we can offer some limited, preliminary conclusions. It is the first Paleo-Indian site in Sonora for which we have obtained a radiocarbon date (11040 +/450); although lacking precision, this radiocarbon age falls within the traditional range for 227 known Clovis occupations. At Fin del Mundo there are loci associated with elephant hunting and encampments. Evidence for butchering activities is minimal and it seems likely that the area where most of these activities occurred has been removed through erosion. At Murray Spring, butchering areas were represented by high concentrations of rejuvenation flakes and tools associated with semi-articulated bones. The Fin del Mundo Clovis groups apparently utilized local/regional raw materials for the majority of their tool production; much of which was not very fine material. Two Clovis points were manufactured from the locally available quartz crystal source, one of fine basalt, and the others from various sources of cherts. The utilization of the local quartz crystal from the Cerro de Cuarzo apparently indicates that the Clovis groups spent some time in the area and which was not solely associated with mastodon hunting. The presence of five blades and a basalt tablet core from El Bajio suggests the importance of El Bajio at the regional level as the source of high quality raw material. The Fin del Mundo site is the first archaeological site with Pleistocene megafauna with unquestionable artifacts associated documented in Mexico since 1957, as well as the only site associated with a Gomphotherium sp. in all North America. As of the present, a dozen Clovis points, including three complete specimens from Locus 1 have been documented. Despite the numerous documented late Pleistocene/early Holocene occupations in Sonora, Fin del Mundo is the first site with a preserved 25,000 year stratigraphic record. Its location and archaeological components make Fin del Mundo a unique site that permits us to consider various topics such as environmental changes during the late Pleistocene/early Holocene, Paleo-Indian subsistence and regional 228 interaction, the role humans may have played in the extinction of the Pleistocene fauna, and how the first Americans adapted to the Sonoran region; themes that will contribute immensely to our knowledge of the peopling of North America. and México. El Aguajito (SON K:15:1) The El Aguajito site is located approximately 40 kilometers from Hermosillo. This site has been (and continues to be) heavily gleaned by prívate collectors for at least 30 years; these collections reveal at least a half-dozen late Paleo-Indian artifacts (Gaines 2005), as well as fluted Clovis point base (Figure 4.84), and hundreds of Archaic projectile points. The site setting is in a transition zone between the Plains of Sonora and the parallel ranges and valleys of Sonora to the east. The surface has suffered from substantial erosion and once buried features have been exposed (Figure 4.85). This site was only briefly investigated during the winter 2007 field season. Figure 4.85. Clovis point and later Paleo-Indian points from El Aguajito (Velez Collection). 229 Figure 4.86. A view from El Aguajito looking west. El Aguajito consists of a continuous distribution of lithic artifacts and fire-cracked rock extending over an area of five square kilometers. Research at the site focused upon characterizing the stratigraphy and determining the age of the four strata of organic dark clays that might be related to the late Pleistocene black mat(s). The stratigraphic deposits consist of a possible layer of volcanic ash resting atop calcareous clays and silts that exhibit four separate layers of black clays (Figure 4.86). An horno of probable San Pedro phase affiliation rests upon the most recent of these cienega deposits, suggesting an age no older than the middle Holocene for this stratum. Radiocarbon dates obtained from charcoal as well as the organic soils confirmed this supposition and indicate a geochronology for the middle and late Holocene (ca. 4700 bp) and it appears to be related 230 to a period of increased humidity noted by Paul Martin for the eve of the Anathermal in some places in Arizona (Martin 1995). Although this site does not appear to contain buried deposits associated with the late Pleistocene/early Holocene, the great quantities of horno features, manos, metates, Archaic projectile point styles along with other lithic tools and debitage, make this site appear to be a significant locality for investigating the development of the Early Agriculture period in northwestern Mexico. 231 Figure 4.87. El Aguajito profile 1 with cienega deposits and 14C dates. Las Peñitas (SON O:12:1) This site was reported by Javier Bustamente in 1972. The site is located 20 kilometers to the southeast of the abandoned Buenavista granite mine, accessed off of Highway 16 (La Colorada-Sahuaripa). According to Bustamante, the site is located on the bajada of a 232 mountain in the Valle de las Peñitas, and is situated between an arroyo and what he referred to as a kind of desert pavement. Here, Bustamante collected a complete white chert Clovis point with fluting present on both faces (Figure 4.87), some scrapers, and a conical blade core. Bustamante also described this site as being a raw material procurement site. Several biface thinning flakes of this same material was observed at El Aígame, and we considered it imperative to relocate this site, however, we were unsuccessful. Figure 4.88. Chert Clovis point collected at Las Peñitas. Rancho Bojorquez/Km17 We learned of this site from Dr. Leopoldo Velez, one of the Hermosillo collectors. According to Velez, five Clovis point bases have been collected from this site, of which 233 three are in his possession (Figure 4.88). The site is located on the highway to Sahuaripa at the kilometer 17 marker, where there is an exit to the south for the Rancho Bojorquez. The site is situated on flat terrain in the Plains of Sonora that has been heavily modified by agricultural activities, cattle, and extensive erosion. A systematic survey determined that this site consists of a light but continuous distribution of lithic, ceramic, shell, manos, and metates; some of the artifacts could have a Paleo-Indian affiliation, but we were unable to identify a single diagnostic Paleo-Indian artifact (Figure 4.89). At least three arroyos dissect the site. Examination of the wall profiles revealed that they were cut down to the granite bedrock, and the deposits above were composed of a loose, silty alluvium, probably of recent (late Holocene) origin; no potential late Pleistocene/early Holocene contexts were observed. Figure 4.89. Fluted Points from Rancho Bojorquez (Velez Collection). 234 Figure 4.90. View of the Rancho Bojorquez site. Cueva El Tetabejo Tetabejo Cave is located in the Sierra Libre, within the large site of La Pintada, 60 kilometers to the south of Hermosillo. The cave measures 20 meters wide, 12 meters deep, and 12 meters high, with the mouth oriented at 200 degrees providing a view to the south. Walter W. Taylor and Jose Luis Lorenzo carried out excavations at Tetabejo Cave (SON O:5:6) in 1956 with the explicit objective of locating Paleo-Indian contexts; today, the remains of their grid can still be seen. Taylor and Lorenzo failed to locate Clovis contexts in their investigations, however, one of the Hermosillo artifact collectors has a distal fragment of a fluted Clovis point of purple chert that was apparently obtained from looting at Tetabejo cave in 1985 (Figure 4.89). The cave appears to contain stratified 235 deposits and merits further study. Recently, Manuel Gramiel, an archaeologist with the team investigating La Pintada, while searching the internet discovered that the field notes and excavated materials are probably curated at the Smithsonian Institution, in Washington D.C. Figure 4.91. Chert Clovis point from Tetabejo Cave. Chinobampo The Chinobampo site represent the first discovery in Sonora suggesting the presence of early man in the Pleistocene. This discovery was made in January of 1937 at Rancho Chinobampo (20 kilometers south of Navajoa) by the “Pleistocene Mammals” project sponsored by the Frick Laboratory of the American Museum of Natural History. Here, Howard Scott Gentry and John C. Blick encountered a human cranium within a stratified deposit composed of caliche and silt of probable Pleistocene age. This deposit also contained the remains of camel, horse and wolf. The cranium was removed and transported to New York in January, 1937. In March of that year, Gentry and Blick returned to Chinobampo to re-examine the site; they extracted a stratigraphic block 236 sample of these deposits weighing approximately 50 lbs, and containing bone and charcoal (Blick 1937). Shortly thereafter, Gordon Ekholm and Carl Sauer visited the Chinobampo site in December of 1938, offering the observation that if the skull was removed from the deposits described by Blick, there was indeed a high probability of a late Pleistocene context (Ekholm n.d.:46). Donald Lehmer revisited the Chinobampo locale during his Sonora Project in 1949, but was apparently unable to relocate any Pleistocene deposits, and only noted the presence of archaic artifacts in the general area (Lehmer 1949). I didn’t have the opportunity to visit Chinobampo as planned during the Spring 2007 field season; however, eight months later during the Proyecto Arqueológico Norte de Sinaloa field season in El Fuerte, Sinaloa, we were able to locate the site. The site is situated on the Arroyo Chinobampo within the Rancho de Chinobampo owned by the Navarro family since 1957 (and who were, thus, unaware of Blick and Gentry’s discovery in 1937). The Arroyo Chinobampo offers a permanent water flow. At approximately 100 meters from the ranch houses, at the point where there is a prominent curve in the arroyo, a two meter high exposed face composed of hard, well-developed carbonates (and probably diatoms) extends along the arroyo for approximately 20 meters. It appears likely that that these deposits represent the remnants of a lake. In this location, a cut ironwood tree as described by Blick (1937) was also observed. No test excavations were conducted to examine buried deposits, however, a close examination from the surface revealed a small fragment of bone imbedded in the carbonate deposits; based upon Blick’s descriptions, this is unquestionably the locale described in 1937. No diagnostic Paleo- 237 Indian artifact was encountered, although further downstream, an Archaic period site was observed. Future systematic investigations to determine the nature of these deposits are planned. Understanding the Paleo-Indian Occupation of Sonora The investigations carried out by the Proyecto Geoarqueología y Tecnologia Litica de los Grupos Paleoindios de Sonora have demonstrated that the Paleo-Indian (and especially Clovis) occupation in north-central Sonora is very well represented. The majority of the Paleo-Indian sites and isolated Clovis points are located in north-central Sonora around the city of Hermosillo, here the landscape is integrated for three principal zones: Llanos de Hermosillo, a more or less flat landscape filled by alluvium that slopes gently down to the west-southwest into the Gulf of California. It is very probable that here lakes and playas existed seasonally during the late Pleistocene. The intervening basins are small and constrain biotic communities; and to the east the Sierra Madre Occidental with high altitude resources. These three landscapes provided the Paleo-Indian groups with a very rich mosaic of diverse environments that support animals and plants. The Llanos de Hermosillo is a landscape with the highest distribution of Clovis sites and isolated points known in Northern Mexico/Southwest US. When Clovis huntergather groups arrived to the Sonoran landscape they encounter an empty niche. Although they were unfamiliar with this territory, they found a land with the best climate that they have encounter and the most diverse and abundance of animals and plants. Permanent water and lithic raw material for tool making are two resources indispensable in a given 238 territory. The Llanos de Hermosillo and surrounding areas gave the Clovis groups all the necessary resources. The El Bajío site is an extensive lithic raw material quarry of vitrified basalt. Clovis groups constantly used the locality leaving a considerable amount of debris and tools over a four square kilometer area. The Fin del Mundo site is located on the Río Bacoachi basin in a spring fed pond were an authentic oasis was formed. The pond attracted several animals, including big Pleistocene mammals. Here Clovis people hunted gomphotherium, and camped around the pond. They also exploited quartz crystal raw materials found in a small hill in the vicinity of the site for tools making. Although we do not know the ritual meaning of quartz crystal for the Clovis society it was a valuable commodity many Clovis points in the United States were made of quartz crystal. El Bajio and Fin del Mundo sites are approximately at 600 amsl and represent the highest sites of northcentral Sonora; although we do not have an environmental reconstruction for these sites a pine-oak with some shrubs community could have existed at the end of the Pleistocene. El Gramal and Cerro Izabal are located in the Llanos de Sonora near the Gulf of California and they are almost at sea level 25-50 amsl, at the end of the Pleistocene playas and lakes were present here and the environment probable was open grassland with a few trees. The two Clovis sites that we know in this area appear to be hunting localities were Clovis points were lost. Isolated points have been also collected from all this area. We have not yet uncovered any evidence that Clovis people were camping in these areas. The site SON N:11:20 (El Gramal) is the only Clovis site that contain a later 239 Paleo-Indian occupation, and apparently was used throughout the Holocene. In the esta zona baja se han recuperado por lo menos 20 puntas aisladas durante los últimos treinta años. The sites SON O:3:1 (El Aigame) and Rancho Bojorquez are located in the southwest limits of the Llanos de Hermosillo where the intervening basins begin. SON O:3.1 is located in the Rio Matape basin where springs are formed and seasonal cienegas are present. The site is located at 300 amsl and the environment at the end of the Pleistocene probably was grassy rolling hills with oaks. The SON O:3:1 site is composed of two camp areas probably of Clovis age, although late Paleo-Indian diagnostic points were not found at the site, Bustamanete collected at least one late Paleo point. An early Holocene occupation is very well represented at the site by tapering stem points. In sum, after seven years of investigations we are beginning to understand some basic aspects of the Paleo-Indian settlement pattern in Sonora. The land-use consisted of a multifaceted utilization of an extensive territory that they know well, directly related to the exploitation of the elemental and important resources in the landscape. The Llanos de Hermosillo was the center of at least one of the Clovis territories with large sites, small sites and a substantial distribution of isolated Clovis points. Here they had access to an important lithic raw material quarry, permanent sources water, a vast territory with seasonal animal, plant and water resources, and access to costal resources. Sonora was a new and unusual territory for the Clovis people never encounter before, however they come across the best climate that they have never seen and a great diversity of food resources. These optimal features of the Sonora landscape allowed the Clovis groups to 240 stay and successfully settled north-central Sonora. In chapter 6 the settlement pattern, site composition and lithic assemblages of Clovis Sonora will be compare with what is known in adjacent regions. 241 CHAPTER 5: CLOVIS LITHIC TECHNOLOGICAL ORGANIZATION AND RESOURCE PROCURMENT AT EL BAJÍO Lithics can be considered the most important artifact category for understanding the oldest human behavior (Andrefsky 2009:65). In many early sites they are the only artifacts that survive decomposition. Lithic technological organization refers to the manner in which human toolmakers and users organize their lives and activities with regard to lithic technology. In the study of hunter and gather groups the lithic technological organization deal with forager adaptative strategies and in a larger scale with human land use related to the environmental, social and historical context (Andrefsky 2009). The human groups that inhabited Sonora at the end of the Pleistocene left us very little evidence of their life ways. We must rely completely on their lithic technological organization to gather information about their adaptive strategies. The reduction sequence of the stone tools allows us to observe the transformation of tools during their procurement, production, use and maintenance (Shott 1986:34). Although the toolmaker can have a mental template of the type of artifact that he wants to make, the raw material packet size, abundance and quality will determine the kind of tool that could be made (Bleed 1986; Bradbury et al. 2000). Some models attempt to explain hunter-gatherer mobility and settlement patterns utilizing the organization of lithic technologies (Bamforth 1991; Binford 1979; Kelley 1988; Shott 1986; Torrence 1983). According to Shott (1986), when a group of hunter-gatherers practice a high residential mobility, the expected result expressed in the lithic assemblage, is the production of fewer but more 242 versatile tools, with a wider range of tasks associated with each tool. These more versatile tools evince heavier resharpening/curation when compared to formal, non-versatile tooltypes (Shott 1986:40). Sonoran Raw Material Sources for Tool making The regional pattern and attributes of the Late Pleistocene sites in Sonora make it clear that it is very likely that Clovis groups do not represent a single homogeneous adaptation, but more likely reflect assorted economic strategies and varied mobility patterns related to the environments, resources and social contexts. Hunter and gather mobility patterns and land use depends on the location of the needed resources. Water sources and raw material sources for tool making are fundamental assets that have an impact in the hunter and gather adaptative strategies. Access to suitable raw material for tool production is an essential resource for hunter-gatherers (Figure 5.1), and can determine mobility strategies unrelated to food procurement; with the time and energy invested in procuring raw materials and tool production directly affecting the time available for subsistence activities (Kuhn 1991:250). 243 Figure 5.1. Raw materials in the Study Area (geologic map modified from a map online of the Sistema Geologico Mexicano, www.coremisgm.gob.mx). El Bajío Vitrified Basalt Quarry of Cerro La Vuelta The El Bajío quarry represents the only massive and extensive raw material source for tool making used by the Paleo-Indian people in Sonora. At least 98% of the lithic artifacts documented at the El Bajío site were derived from this source. Cerro La Vuelta, together with a series of hills with a NW-SE orientation, apparently were formed by extrusive volcanic eruption, composed primarily by medium texture basalts that abruptly dissected the granite pediment of the Sierra San Jerónimo oriented NE-SW (Figure 5,2) This basaltic eruption formed a bajo or a playa-like landform where the El Bajío site is located. Cerro La Vuelta is the most northwestern hill of this volcanic phenomenon. Although we 244 were able to find vitrified basalt of medium quality in the hills around Cerro La Vuelta, the vitrified basalt most suitable for tool making is concentrated on the south section of the hill. On the southern slope near the summit, there is an extensive outcrop of vitrified basalt along with enormous lithic waste material dumps extending for a distance of more than 20 meters, along with fragments of cores, blanks, biface preforms, hammer stones and abraders. The principal quarry area extends over a hectare. The vitrified basalt occurs in prismatic and sub-prismatic blocks, and the quality of the raw material with regard to the production of flaked stone tools is unpredictable but the overall quality goes from good to supreme. Some blocks are fine-grained, and very good for tool making, while others reveal abundant internal fractures and/or many inclusions of olivine crystals of varying sizes. The raw material color is also extremely variable, ranging from a cream color to a jet black. This material has the characteristic of developing a surface patina; the artifacts at the site can display a thick yellow glaze patina, a thinner greenish patina, or a grey patina. This quarry appears to have been exploited principally during the Paleo-Indian and Archaic periods. In the only locality where ceramics were documented, we observed that the lithic artifacts were manufactured from water-worn cobbles of basalt, rhyolite and diorite, with a notable absence of vitrified basalt. Locus 20 needs to be explored in much more detail as it was discovered only on the penultimate day of the field season (precursory reconnaissance suggests the possible existence of artificial terraces with deposits that could be excavated). 245 Figure 5.2. Location of the quarry at El Bajío Obsidian Sources Small sources of obsidian appear to be very common in Sonora, almost every site that we visit contains small sources of obsidian apache tear (associated to andesite and basalt) that possibly were used by Paleo-Indians. At El Bajío an obsidian source was recorded in a hill located to the north of Cerro La Vuelta. Here, the obsidian is observed in the form of small nodules between two and seven centimeters in diameter; nodules no bigger than 50mm could be observed within a 100x100m area at the top of a little hill. At the Cerro Izabal site, in a hill located south end of the site, an obsidian source occurs with small nodules ranging between two and ten centimeters in diameter. At El Gramal an obsidian source on a small hill to the south of 246 Locus 5 was located. This obsidian occurs in an area of 600x600 meters in small 2-6 centimeters in diameter nodules (Apache tears). The presence of obsidian reduction flakes confirms the prehistoric exploitation of this raw material source. Apache tear obsidian sources are distributed all over the Sierra Libre southeast of Hermosillo and have been the focus of research by a group of geologists of the Geology Department at the Universidad de Sonora (Jesus Vidal, personal communication 2010). Quartz Crystal Sources At El Bajío, the Cerro Rojo hill is located in the center of the site. This hill contains quartz crystal and iron oxide deposits. Quartz crystal bifacial retouch debitage, and possibly a Clovis point tip, have been collected at the site. Five kilometers west from the Fin del Mundo site, a hill with enormous veins of quartz is situated around the lower slope. The quartz material occurs in varying purities, but all displaying hair-like filaments of the mineral rutile, which provides a distinctive signature for this source. Preliminary reconnaissance identified at least three lithic workshop areas with thousands of pieces of quartz debitage. A complete Clovis point and a medial fragment of a Clovis point recovered from Locus 1, along with many more tools from Locus 5, were manufactured from quartz crystal. Fine Rhyolite Quarry The Sierra Madre Occidental parental materials are extrusive igneous rhyolites and these types of rocks are widely distributed. At the locality of Upanguaymas we register a quarry 247 of a very fine rhyolite with artifacts and debitage. At least four Clovis points in different localities are manufactured on rhyolite (see Gaines et al. 2009a). At Fin del Mundo rhyolite is widely use to fabricate bifaces. Quartzite Cobbles from the Arroyos At the El Aigame site many artifacts were made from quartzite. Quartzite cobbles are common in the local arroyos, and could be the source of the raw material utilized. Two Clovis points at Fin del Mundo, as well as many other artifacts at Locus 5 are made from quartzite. It is very probable that the source of quartzite at Fin del Mundo is local however quartzite metamorphic rocks are located south from El Bajío according to the geologic map (Figure 5.1). Chalcedony/Chert Sources All the cryptocrystalline silicates having genesis from sedimentary parental material are in this group. Cherts undergo multiple phases of gneiss and configuration of minerals during their formation, making very difficult to know the provenience (Foradas 2003; Andrefsky 2009). We have not found any sources of chert during our investigations. The chert sources from Sonora probable have undergone relatively isolated genesis due to the silica precipitation from unique sources, such as a volcanic vent pushing through a sedimentary (limestone) deposit, and although it will be difficult to find the quarries because they are typically small, once they are found it will be easier to determine their geochemical properties. Many different classes of chert/chalcedony were used for make 248 Clovis points, end scrapers and blades in Sonora. No chert sources have been found during our research; however, on the geological map limestone is widely present between Fin del Mundo and El Bajio (Figure 5.1); a geological survey focusing on finding chert sources could provide excellent results. Sonoran Clovis Lithic Technology: A View from El Bajío The El Bajío Clovis site is one of the most important localities for the Paleo-Indian/Clovis groups of Sonora. Here an extensive lithic quarry was exploited and at least ten Clovis loci representing camp sites and special activities areas are distributed in a four square kilometer area. As yet, we have been unable to find buried deposits, the vast and diverse collection of tools that have been collected at the site, are an ideal collection for studying the lithic technology organization and obtain information regarding the Clovis hunters and gathers adaptive strategies. The diagnostic Clovis tool-kit is considered to include the lanceolate Clovis point with its distinctive basal flute, large prismatic blades, conical, wedge-shape cores, delicate end scrapers, and a variety of uniface and biface tools (including gravers) manufactured from blades and flakes (Collins and Hester 2001; Haynes 1980, 1987; Stanford 1991). However, the most diagnostic characteristics of the Clovis tool-kit is the skilled reduction process used by Clovis tool makers. Using mostly percussion, they achieved sophisticate and distinctive attributes such as overshot flaking and fluting that are evident in the tools. After Clovis, no other group that inhabited Sonora developed sophisticated flaking lithic industries similar to Clovis, making the Clovis industry 249 relatively easily recognizable and separate from the other industries. Late Paleo-Indian tool-kits are virtually unknown from the southernmost regions of the southwestern United States and Northern México. The subsequent Archaic lithic industries in northwest México and the Southwestern U.S. are much more expeditious in comparison, and there are relatively few formal tools in the assemblages (Carpenter et al. 2002; Sanchez and Martinez 2001). Rock Patina on El Bajío Basalt Tools The natural color of the vitrified basalt from El Bajío quarry is bluish black (GLEY 23/10G) and very dark gray (5Y 3/1), with olivine and other large crystals. The majority of the Clovis diagnostic artifacts collected from the surface show a thick patina. The patina present at El Bajío artifacts is not only a luster; it is a dense surface cover that transformed the artifact texture and physical appearance of the rock, in some tools the patina penetrate all the way to the core of the tool. It is very possible that the genesis of El Bajío patina is a combination of physio-chemical and biological processes, and was developed during a long period of time. None-the-less, the components of the soil matrix and weathering play an important role at the patina formation in the tools. For measuring the amount of patina contains in an artifact, the munsell color chart was employed (Table 1). The biological processes of patina formation produced patinas with more red colors that the chemical ones, these patinas need more time to develop. The thickness of the patina in the El Bajío stone tools, sometimes was used in this study in combination with some technological attributes as indication of there antiquitys, none the 250 less a systematic study of the patina at El Bajío need to be developed to fully understand their formation process. Table 5.1. Patinas at El Bajío Stone Tools. Munsell Code Color Name Patina Thickness GLEY 23/10G bluish black no patina 5Y 3/1 very dark gray very little patina 5Y 6/1 gray some patina 2.5Y 6/2 light brownish gray medium patina/biological process 2.5Y 7/2 light gray medium -heavy patina 10YR 5/4 yellowish brown heavy patina/ biological process 10YR 7/4 very pale brown heavy patina/biological process The Sample and the Analytical Method Clovis projectile points have been the central topic of many studies (Agenbroad 1967; Bamforth 2009; Buchanan and Collar 2007; Anderson and Gilliam 2002; Gains et al. 2009a; Huckell 1982, 2004; North et al. 2005), but the variety of Clovis artifacts comprising the Clovis tool-kit very rarely are studied. According to Huckell (2007:186) Clovis lithic technology can be best understood as a system comprised of four different production subsystems: the biface subsystem; the flake subsystem; the blade subsystem; and the expediency subsystem. Each subsystem begins with raw material procurement and passes through various manufacturing/reduction stages terminating in finished tools; these subsystems are not isolated from each other. After the tools are produced, often they undergo a series of transformations until they are discarded (Andrefsky 2009:66). 251 Lithic studies on non-projectile point Clovis diagnostic tools are very rare, perhaps due to the fact that usually very few lithics are found in Clovis sites. The El Bajío collection is unique for the amount of lithics collected from the site, numbering around 14,000 artifacts. However, all of the artifacts come from the surface, making it difficult to assign them to a particular chronological complex. This study utilizes the existing literature to determine diagnostic Clovis types that have been reported at Clovis sites and are considered affiliated with the Clovis techno-complex by the researchers. The degree of patina is also used as a tool for determining their antiquity. The study presented here relies upon the published literature available regarding Clovis technology (Bradley 1991; Collins 1999a, 1999b, 2003; Crabtree 1966; Gramly 1990; Green 1963; Huckell 2007; Sanders 1990). The El Bajío site has been collected over the last 40 years. Investigations and artifact collections at the site were made by Manuel Robles in the 1960s and early 1970s, by the McIntyres in 1975, and by Julio Montané between 1978 and 1980. Unfortunately, neither draft reports nor other documentary evidence exists for any of the prior investigations conducted at the El Bajío site by Manuel Robles, Marion and Kenneth McIntyre, or Julio César Montané. Furthermore, although these projects produced fairly extensive artifact collections, reflecting both surface finds and subsurface excavations, virtually no information regarding either horizontal or vertical proveniences is available. Julio Montané collected at least 10 boxes of artifacts, although very little is known about the provenience of his artifacts, his collection provides us with an important source of Clovis diagnostic materials. The investigations carried out by the Proyecto 252 Geoarquelogía and Tecnología Litica de los grupos Paleo-Indios de Sonora in 2003 collected artifacts with a precise provenience information, although mostly the majority of the artifacts were collected from the surface. Between the Montané collection and the 2003 collection a sample of 333 artifacts was gathered, comprising a very good size Clovis sample of artifacts (Table 5.2.). The only tools recovered from a subsurface provenience is at Feature 1 in locus 12, a knapping station were square base bifaces were manufactured. The analysis is divided in three industries and three miscellaneous tool classes; a blade industry (N=122), unifacial industry (N=92), biface industry (N=104), expedient miscellaneous cores (N=10) and hammers (N=5). The Montané collection comprises 183 tools, while the AARF 2003 collection contains 150 Clovis diagnostic artifacts. Being able to collect 150 Clovis diagnostic tools in 2003 from the El Bajío was an impressive achievement, given that the site has been so heavily collected for 40 years, and is yet another reminder of the importance of the site. Only twelve diagnostic Archaic projectile points were found in 2003 indicating that the Archaic occupation at the site was not very extensive (Table 5.2). 253 27 18 1 3 15 27 1 2 2 1 15 1 3 16 1 19 1 Figure 5.3. Lithic industry from El Bajío Total 20 10 2 4 Isolated 17 5 3 2 Locus 15 9 2 locus 12 Locus 7 12 4 2 Locus 10 1 Locus 6 Locus 2 Locus 1 1 1 7 Locus 8 154 29 1 Locus 5 59 47 26 42 3 6 Locus 4 Blade industry Unifacial industry Biface industry Miscellaneous cores Hammers Total M-Cerro Rojo Montané Table 5.2. Lithic Industry from El Bajío. 6 2 12 2 1 21 122 90 104 10 5 333 254 The Clovis Blade Technology in Sonora In 1963, F. E. Green defined and described a new artifact type associated with the Clovis complex; seventeen “Clovis blades” were recovered from a gravel pit at the Clovis site in Blackwater Draw, north of Portales in eastern New Mexico (Green 1963). The simple definition of a blade is a piece that is at least twice as long as is wide (Bordes 1961). Blades can occur fortuitously during a flake-core reduction; however Clovis blades are the product of a distinctive blade technology (Collins 1999a). Clovis blade technology is common in central and southeast Texas at the Pavo Real, Keven Davis, and Gault sites (Collins 1999a :4, 2003; Haynes 2002:110; Tankersley 2004:55). The blade technology strategy is diagnostic of Clovis groups. As far as we know later Paleo-Indian groups (e.g. Folsom, Plainview and Dalton) did not have a blade technology. Blade technology refers to the knowledge, strategy, activities and equipment involved in the intentional production of blades, involving an intentional preparation of a core for extracting blades (Collins 1999a:9). In Mesoamerica, during the classic and postclassic period (AD 600-1521), an obsidian blade technology was an essential lithic technological process for tool making employed and controlled by Mesoamerican states to fabricate blades on mass production. The blades and byproducts were sold to the large cities, such as Teotihuacan, Tula and the Gran Tenochtitlan. The physical control of obsidian quarries from the States was fundamental for managed the production and distribution of tools (Pastrana 1998). Ten thousand years earlier, bands of Clovis hunters and gathers fabricate blades employing a technology similar to the Mesoamerican one. 255 Clovis blade technology is common on Clovis sites from Texas (e.g. Gault and Pavo Real sites), however is also present at Blackwater Draw (NM), Murray Springs (AZ) and Adams (KY) (Collins 1999a). The end of Clovis is similarly the end of blade lithic technology in northern North America. Blade technology is the more efficient use of stone in terms of total length and cutting edge produced for a given mass of stone (Collins 1999a; Pastrana 1998). Blade knappers biggest concerns are the angle of flaking and the amount of force they deliver into the core. Blades can be obtained by direct percussion with a sharp blow, the core needs to be hold with one hand, with the foot, and also a second person of a holding instrument can be used. To initiate reduction from a blade core it is necessary to have an acute angular edge to establish a platform. In the case that the core lacks of suitable natural face, a ridge can be produce by bifacial flaking; the flakes that are removed during this procedure are referred as crested blades. The first blades removed from the core will contain much of the natural cortex. As blades are removed from a core, the face is constantly changing as the relationship between the core face and the platform also changes (Collins 1999a). If the angle between the platform and the face of the core is near 90 degrees, it is possible for the toolmaker to move around the entire circumference of the core removing blades, leaving an exhausted conical shaped core as a result. Damage to the platform sometime occurs, and can be repaired by flaking the platform and face, but eventually reaches a point were no more blades can be detached. If sufficient mass remains, a new platform can be made by completely removing the platform by a single large flake from 256 the side, the mass removed is known as core tablet flake. The blades obtained from conical cores in many cases have very narrow platforms and are curved as the angle between the platform and the face is approximately 60 to 70 degrees (Collins 1999a). Another type of core produced by Clovis people to obtain blades was the wedge-shaped core. The blades produced by wedge-shaped core have a more acute angle that the ones from conical cores. These cores generally have a narrow face and the platform is multifaceted. Maintenance of platforms on these cores is much simpler and consists of trimming an acute bifacial edge. Wedge-shaped cores can have opposing platforms. The blades obtained from these cores are not curved (Collins 1999: 51). Following Collins (1999) blades could be divided in three groups: cortical blades, non cortical baldes with prior blade scars and prismatic. Sonora Clovis Blade Industry Clovis blade technology is an important component of the El Bajío lithic collection. A total of 122 artifacts representing all the stages of Clovis blade technology have been collected from the site, including conical cores (n=3), core tablet flakes (n=5), wedgeshaped cores (n=9), crested blades (n=9), cortical blades (n=12), non cortical blades with prior blade scars (n=22), prismatic blades (n=49), flakes for core rejuvenation (n=6), and platform maintenance flakes (n=7) (see Table 5.1). All the artifacts of the blade subsystem were fabricated on El Bajío Basalt, with the exception of three chert blades. 257 2 4 59 1 1 3 3 1 2 5 7 1 1 12 1 2 1 1 3 Locus 12 Locus 10 Locus 7 1 Totals 4 5 5 9 12 18 Locus 6 Locus 5 1 isolated conical cores core tablet flakes wedge-shaped cores crested blades cortical blades non cortical baldes Prismatic blades Blade core error recovery flakes platform maintenance flakes TOTAL Locus 4 CLOVIS BLADE INDUSTRY ARTIFACTS Montané Collection Table 5.3. Clovis Blade Industry Artifacts from El Bajío. 4 3 5 9 9 12 22 49 1 1 4 2 8 9 1 2 17 3 6 1 2 10 2 6 7 6 122 Conical Cores Three conical core fragments were collected at El Bajío from three different loci during 2003. The three conical cores from El Bajío are broken, all with faceted platform. According to Michael Collins (1999a), blades obtained from conical cores have very narrow platform and are curved because the angle between the platform and the face falls between 60-70 degrees. One conical core with a multifaceted platform was collected from the site by Manuel Robles in the 1960s; the core measures 90 mm in length, and is presently housed at the Museo de la Universidad de Sonora, in Hermosillo (Figure 5.4). 258 Figure 5.4. Conical core from El Bajío at the University Museum. 37733 6 core fragment 66 53 52 35 45469 4 core fragment 95 38 48 38 45415 7 core fragment 148.5 30 61 56 Platform Raw material Thickness Width Length (mm) Weight (gr) Condition Locus Bag no. Table 5.4. Conical cores from El Bajío. Bajío basalt with patina (color= 5y 5/2) Bajío basalt with patina (color= 5y 5/2) faceted Bajío basalt with patina (color= 5y 5/1) faceted multifaceted 259 Core Tablet Flake Core tablet flakes are associated with the repair of the platform in conical cores. When damage to the platform occurs, it could be repaired by minor flaking of the platform and face, but eventually reached a point were no more blades can be detached. However, if sufficient mass of the core remains, a new platform can be made by removing the complete platform by a single large flake, known as a core tablet flake. Five core tablet flakes are part of the El Bajío collection. Four tablet flakes were collected by Montané in 1979, and one was found in locus 5 during 2003 (Figure 5.5 and table 5.5) Locus Montané Condition complete Length (mm) 22.1 46 35 30 141 Montané Complete 35.2 72 32 22 1096 Montané complete 170 81 78 40 199 Montané fragment 25.8 44 33 16 37739 Locus 5 complete 24.5 49 43 25 Width Bag no. 1101 Weight (gr) thickness Table 5.5. Core tablet Flakes Raw material Bajío basalt with patina ( 5y 5/2) Bajío basalt with patina (2. 5y 5/2) Bajío basalt with patina (2. 5y 7/2) Bajío basalt with patina ( 5y 5/2) Bajío basalt with patina ( 2.5y 6/2 Exterior face multifaceted Faceted multifaceted multifaceted cortical 260 Figure 5.5. Core Industry: Core tablet flakes in the left corner, wedge shaped core in the left lower corner, crested blades in the up right corner and blades 261 Figure 5.6. Core Tablet flake on El Bajio baslt found at Fin del Mundo Wedge-shaped cores These cores for obtaining blades have a right angle of 90 degrees, between the platform and the core. Wedge-shaped cores from El Bajío have a much narrower and flatter face than those of the conical cores, the platform is multifaceted, and blades are obtained only from one face. The opposite face is terminated by bifacial flaking or retains original cortex. Platform management of wedge-shape cores is much simpler consistin of trimming an acute bifacial edge. According to Collins (1999:51) the blades obtained from these cores are not curved and have bigger platforms than the blades obtained from conical cores. Nine wedge-shaped cores are in El Bajio. All are exhausted cores and blades were detached from only one face. The platforms are faceted or cortical and at least half retain the original cortex on their faces. The complete cores (n=4) with length ranging from 58mm to 82mm. The productivity of these cores is much lower than that of the conical variety, however, the maintenance of the platform and face is much simpler. 262 140 Montané 35432 Montané 35440 Montané complete 153.8 82 67 33 distal 100.6 60 54 39 complete 81.4 58 57 20 complete 71.5 62 49 29 fragment 54.5 52 43 25 complete 147 75 52 35 37550.2 6 45397 10 37550.2 6 fragment 62 31 61 32 195 Montané fragment Montané 5 fragment 72 54 60 24 695B 37007 60.5 51 49 18 Bajío basalt with patina 2.5y 5/2 Bajío basalt with patina 5y 5/2 Bajío basalt with patina 2.5y 5/2 Bajío basalt with patina 5y 5/2 Bajío basalt with patina 5y 5/2 Bajío basalt with patina 5y 5/1 Bajío basalt with patina 5y 6/2 Bajío basalt with patina 5y 6/1 Bajío basalt with patina 2.5y 5/1 Platform Cortex Raw material Thickness Width Length (mm) Weight (gr) Condition Locus Bag no. Table 5.6. Wedge-shape cores. 30% multifaceted no faceted 30% cortex no cortex 25% no cortex 40% no faceted 20% cortex Figure 5.7. Wedge shaped core (bag no 37550) El Bajio. 263 Crested Blades Following Collins (1999:19), the first step for successfully detached blades from a core is to set up the necessary attributes removing and creating important features. If a core lacks of a suitable natural face for the removal of the first blade, a ridge or crest can be produced by bifacial flaking, ones the crest is detached the left over flake, triangular in cross section with the prepared bifacial crest in the exterior face is called crested blade. Crested blades are mostly used in maintenance of conical cores. Nine crested blades of the El Bajío Basalt are part of the collection, six complete and three fragments (Figure 5.6). Raw material Thickness Width Length (mm) Weight (gr) Condition Locus Bag no. Table 5.7. Crested Blades. 695B 1098 193 695B Montané Montané Montané Montané Complete Complete Complete Complete 18.7 22 28 20.5 79 60 59.5 60 24 30 26 25 12 15 21 18 Bajío basalt 2.5y 7/4 Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 Bajío basalt 2.5y 6/2 Bajío basalt 2.5y 7/4 35448 Montané Complete 45.8 87 31 17 Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 45311 37546 7 6 Distal Medial 38 11.5 78 54 30 18 18 8 Bajío basalt 2.5y 7/3 Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 37557 45413 7 7 Terminal Complete 22 21.5 5.6 51 2.6 26 16 18 Bajío basalt 5y 6/3 Bajío basalt 5y 6/3 Platform Preparation/rejuvenation Flakes For the maintenance and rejuvenation of core platforms, distinctive flakes are produce. The dorsal side of these flakes is very distinctive because shows the scars of the 264 multifaceted platform of the core. The core platform rejuvenation produced by the subtraction of this flakes is less intrusive than the core tablet flakes, and probably are the first choice of the knapper for fixing the platform of a core, If this remedy fails, removal of the core tablet will be the next step. Seven platform preparation flakes are part of the El Bajío collection. Exterior face Raw materia Thickness Width Length (mm) Weight (gr) Condition Locus Bag no. Table 5.8. Platform Preparation Flakes. 695B Montané complete 41.7 73 59 9 Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 Faceted 695B Montané complete 46.8 57 70 12 Faceted 1087 Montané complete 64.2 71 70 13 195 Montané split 15 60 30 9 45412 7 complete 49 57 62 12 45508 7 complete 12 55 38 6 37608 5 -ele1 complete 31 55 50 7 Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 Bajío basalto 2.5y 6/3 Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 Bajío basalt 2.5y 7/3 Bajío basalt 2.5y 5/1 Bajío basalt 10yr 5/3 Faceted Faceted Faceted Faceted Faceted Blade Core Error Recovery flakes When a blade hinges or step fractures during blade core reduction, it creates an impediment to further blade removals (Collins 2003:116). Occasionally, this obstacle can be removed by driving a blade beneath the errant spot in the same alignment. In other cases it is necessary to run a flake across the face of the core. Many times the flakes exterior retains the hinged scar. Six error recovery flakes are in the El Bajío collection. 265 Raw material Thickness Length (mm) 35428 Montané Complete 10.5 35 27 10 Bajío basalt 2.5y 5/2 1043 37551 37542 Montané isolated 12 isolated 12 Complete Complete Terminal 15.5 36 19.5 30 46 75 38 39 28 7 14 8 Bajío basalt 5y7/2 Bajío basalt 5y 4/2 Bajío basalt 5y 5/2 37556.2 7 Complete 2.5 48 16 5 Bajío basalt 5y 5/1 37608 5 -ele1 Complete 31 28 55 11 Bajío basalt 10yr 5/3 Width Locus Weight (gr) Bag no. Condition Table 5.9. Blade Core Error Recovery Flakes. Primary Cortex Blades These artifacts represent the initial blades that are obtained from the core. Twelve primary cortex blades are contained in the El Bajío collection (Table 5.10). Ten are complete blades, and two are proximal fragments. The primary flakes retain 50-70% of cortex, and they have at least one cortical facet. The blades show faceted (6), multifaceted (2) and cortical (3) platforms. The lengths of the complete blades falls between 57 and 135 mm and their widths are between 25-60 mm. All the blades, with exception of three are made on the Bajío basalt and all have patina in different degrees. The majority of the blades are flat and only three present some curvature. The degree of curvature measure is the change in course of the fracture in degrees between the proximal and distal end of the blade interior (Collins 2004:120). At least five blades from this group present macroscopic usewear scars along one or two edges, indicative of scraping and cutting tasks; the use-wear scars are covered with patina (these artifacts were collected from the surface). 266 Non-Cortical Blades with Prior Blade Scars Blades lacking cortical surfaces comprise this group. Prior blade scars prevail on the exterior surfaces of such blades. A total of 22 blades and blade fragments comprise this group (Table 5.11). Seven blades are complete; three are proximal fragments. The complete blades vary between 45-86mm long. Their widths range from 17-41mm. At least eight blades in this group bear macroscopic use-wear scars along one or two edges, indicative of scraping and cutting tasks, use-wear scars are covered with patina, nonetheless since the artifacts were collected from the surface Bag no. Locus Condition Weight (gr) Length (mm) Width Thickness Facets Raw material Cortex Degree of Curvature Platform Macro usewear Table 5.10. Primary cortex blades. 1031 Montané Complete 82.5 135 53 12 2 rhyolite 40 % ___ ____ ___ 695B Montané Complete 18.5 66 23 10 35445 4 Complete 39.2 80 45 11. 5 35430 Montané Complete 26.5 85 27 11 35448 asolated 3 Complete 45.8 86 32 19 195 Montané Proximal 37 51 38 18 35440 Montané Complete 161 130 64 695B Montané Proximal 60 48 R 60 16 Bajío basalt patina (color= 2.5y 6/2) Bajío basalt patina 1 (color= 2.5y 6/2) Bajío basalt patina (color= 2.5y 6/2) Bajío basalt patina 1 (color= 2.5y 7/3) Bajío basalt patina 2 (color= 2.5y 7/3) 70 % ___ faceted ___ 45 % ___ Multifaceted + 70 % ___ faceted + 50 % ___ Multifaceted ____ 30 % 10 faceted ___ 2 rhyolite 25 % ___ cortex + Bajío basalt 1 patina (color= 50 % ___ cortex + Cortex Degree of Curvature Platform Macro usewear Raw material Facets Thickness Width Length (mm) Weight (gr) Condition Locus Bag no. 267 50 % 10 faceted/ cortex ____ 60 % 10 faceted + 30 % ___ faceted ___ 50 % 15 ____ ____ _ 5y6/2) 695B Montané Complete 39.5 68 25 16 37544 6 Complete 34 62 46 12 45573 12- ele2 Complete 29 57 20 8 37608 5 Complete 51 98 30 12 Bajío basalt patina (color= 5y6/3) Red/yellow chert 2 (color=5yr 4/3) 1 Bajío basalt patina 1 (color= 10yr 5/3) Bajío basalt patina 1 (color= 2.5y 5/1 1 Macro Use-wear Platform Degree of curvature Raw material Facets thickness width Length (mm) Weight (gr) Condition Locus Bag no. Table 5.11. Cortical Blades with Prior Scars. 1038 Montané distal 33.5 81 30 12 1 Bajío basalt (5y 6/3) ___ + 695B Montané distal 12.1 46 31 9 1 Bajío basalt (5y 7/2) ____ + 35430 Montané distal 10.4 45 23 11 1 Bajío basalt (2.5y 6/2) + 1812 Montané distal 19.9 55 29 16 1 Bajío basalt (2.5y 6/2) mucha patina ____ 35429 Montané medial 6.1 31 22 0.7 1 Bajío basalt (2.5y 6/2) ____ + 1096 Montané proximal 5.2 29 25 7 1 Bajío basalt (2.5y 6/2) cortex + 1840 Montané complete 59 86 36 16 1 Bajío basalt (2.5y 7/2) cortex ____ 35449 695B Montané Montané distal complete 26.5 11.5 64 45 29 24 11 10 1 1 White chert Bajío basalt (2.5y 6/2) ___ faceted ____ ___ 35448 Montané complete 35 75 33 12 2 ____ ____ 695A Montané proximal 30 36 41 11 1 Chert cream and white. *Similar to one at Fin del Mundo Bajío basalt (2.5y 6/2) faceted + + 268 695B Montané complete 7.6 46 29 7 1 Bajío basalt (2.5y 6/2) faceted and cortex ____ ____ 37540 5 distal 53.5 78 38 16 1 Bajío basalt (5y 5/2) 37529 4 complete 30 66 33 22 1 Bajío basalt (2.5y 6/1) faceted + 37629 4 complete 9.5 51 17 7 1 _____ ____ 1 Bajío basalt (gley 1 3/n) Bajío basalt (5y 6/2) 37534 4 distal 25 60 27 15 37561. 1 37561. 1 45312 7 distal 14.5 43 38 10 _____ ____ 1 Bajío basalt (2.5y 7/3) _____ ____ 7 distal 72.5 92 38 20 1 Bajío basalt (2.5y 7/3) _____ ___ 10 medial 1.5 18 16 4 1 _____ ____ 30 28 34 9 17 8 1 1 1 Witeh chert with black lines (2.5y 7/1) Bajío basalt (5y 5/2) 6 Bajío basalt (5y 5/2) Bajío basalto (10yr6/2) 45391 37574 37608 10 10 5 (feat1) complete medial proximal 15 11.5 19 51 50 41 _____ _____ _____ ____ ____ ____ 8 ____ Prismatic Blades Prismatic blades are specialized flakes removed from a prepared core; the blade is at least twice as long as they are wide and exhibit more than one parallel blade scar on their dorsal surface. Such blades have a prismatic, triangular or trapezoidal cross section. Forty-nine prismatic blades and blade fragments are in the El Bajío collection Table 5.12). The majority have trapezoidal cross sections. Twenty three are complete and they have lengths between 40-123mm. The width of these blades falls between 16-40mm. All are made on the Bajío Basalt with the exception of three blades that were manufactured on different kinds of cherts. One such blade was made with the same kind of chert observed in one artifact collected at Fin del Mundo site. At least one large blade indicates bipolar flaking represented by opposite protuberant bulbs. The presence of a bipolar blade in the sample appears to be an unplanned event. Most blades in this group have faceted platforms. Sixteen blades exhibit macroscopic use-wear scars along one or two edges, 269 indicative of scraping and cutting tasks; use-wear scars are covered with patina. None the less the artifacts were collected from the surface. Figure 5.8. Prismatic Blades from El Bajio. Figure 5.9. Prismatic blade from El Bajio. 270 Length (mm) Width thickness Raw material Degree of curvature Protuberant bulb 66.8 1.8 45 18.5 44.3 5.5 26.5 14 68.5 94 102 77.2 38.6 complete 108 17 72 56 88 24 51 35 83 112 106 123 72 59 35 15.5 36 26 32 27 29 35 36 35 38 36.5 31 20 17 4.5 17 10 11 5.5 11 8 20 21 21 15 15 15 2.5y 7/2 chert 5y 6/2 5y 5/2 5y 5/2 5y 7/2 2.5y 6/2 5y 6/2 10yr 7/4 10yr 5/4 2.5y 6/2 10yr 5/4 10yr 7/4 2.5y 6/2 5 __ __ __ __ __ __ __ __ __ __ __ __ __ ___ ____ ___ + + ___ + + ___ bipolar + ___ + ___ 1031 Montané complete 22.6 76 27 12.5 2.5y 6/2 __ ___ faceted 695B 695B 695B 37672 37542 45305 45305 37730 37542 37538 37624 37540 37729 37530 37530 37561.1 45317 45504 45420 Montané Montané Montané Isolated Isolated 6 6 6 Isolated 5 4 5 6 4 4 7 7 7 7 complete complete complete complete complete medial distal proximal terminal complete complete complete proximal distal distal complete dital proximal proximal 5 39.2 34.2 36.8 39 6.5 10.3 50.5 89.5 54.8 12.5 44 17 7.5 19.5 22 17.5 18.5 74 48 105 81 73 82 40 53 69 79 111 60 72 35 28 34 58 50 46 81 16 40 39 36 30 18 25 40 36 38 26 38 30 30 38 __ 8 7 15 6 ___ ___ ___ 10 10 ___ ___ ___ ___ 14 ____ 14 __ __ ___ + ___ + ___ ___ ___ ___ ___ ___ + ___ + ___ ____ + ____ + ___ faceted faceted faceted faceted 22 29 46 7 12 10 12 14 8 9 15 24 12 6 14 12 7 15 22 9 8 16 45506 7 terminal 25.5 24 32 12 __ ___ 37555 37561.1 37560 45447 45314 7 7 7 12 10 proximal distal distal distal dital 1.5 42 37.5 11 6 16 5 85 34 35 18 34 30 30 20 4 13 13 12 5 __ __ __ __ __ ___ 13 12 10 ___ 1847 5y 6/2 2.5y 6/2 2.5y 7/4 2.5y 7/4 5y 6/2 10yr 6/3 5y 3/1 5y 5/1 5y 5/1 5y 6/2 5y 5/1 2.5y 6/2 5y 6/2 5y 7/2 5y 7/2 2.5y 6/1 5y 5/1 2.5y 7/3 5y 6/2 chert purple/white gray chert 5y 6/3 10yr 7/4 10yr 5/3 5y 5/2 Macro usewear Weight (gr) complete medial medial proximal complete medial proximal proximal complete complete completa complete complete complete 695A 695b 35430 35430 35430 695B 695B 695b 35435 Platform Condition 35428 695A Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Bag no. Locus Table 5.12. Prismatic Blades from El Bajío. faceted + faceted + + + faceted faceted cortical faceted faceted faceted faceted cortical + + + + reclamati on + + + + faceted faceted faceted cortical faceted faceted no faceted faceted + + + trampling Condition Weight (gr) Length (mm) Width thickness Raw material Degree of curvature Protuberant bulb 10 10 10 10 10 Isolated 5-ele1 5-ele1 5-ele1 distal complete proximal complete completa proximal complete distal complete 9.2 19.5 13 22.5 53 23 61 13.5 36 72 60 44 62 75 47r 40 28 70 30 30 29 25 38 28 29 28 34 9 9 8 11 25 12 7 14 11 5y 5/2 5y 6/2 5y 5/1 5y 6/2 5y 6/2 5y 6/1 10yr 5/3 2.5y 5/1 10yr6/2 __ 12 __ __ __ __ __ __ 13 ___ ___ ___ ___ + ___ ___ ___ ___ Macro usewear Locus 45392 37574 45394 45315 45395 37657 37608 37608 37608 Platform Bag no. 271 faceted facete trampling trampling trampling cortical faceted faceted tampling + Unifacial Retouched Tools A uniface is a specific type of stone tool that has been flaked on one surface only; scrapers are unifacially retouched tools with a steep, obtuse-angled edge that is suitable for a number of tasks; including scraping hides, planing wood or bone, and cutting like a knife (Whittaker 1994). A total of 90 unifacial tools are part of the El Bajío lithic collection; flakes, blades and sometimes core fragments are blanks transformed into unifacial tools. Thirty end scrapers are in the Bajío collection, 28 lateral scrapers, ten composite scrapers, four denticulate lateral and composite scrapers, three tortoise back scrapers, ten unifacially retouched gravers and five notched tools. Julio Montané collected the largest concentration of unifacial artifacts from a single locality in 1979; a surface concentration of unifacial tools was collected in the northern sector of Cerro Rojo a small hill located in the middle of the El Bajío site (Julio Montané, personal communication 2003). Twenty-six unifacially retouched tools were collected from this locality. 272 47 2 1 1 4 2 1 2 5 1 2 1 1 2 Total Locus 10 1 3 Islolated Locus 8 1 1 1 2 Locus 12 Locus 7 9 7 3 1 3 1 2 26 Locus 6 14 19 3 1 6 4 Locus 5 Montané Cerro Colorado UNIFACIAL TOOLS End scrapers Side scraper Composite scraper Denticulate Gravers Notched tools Circular scrapers Total Montan Collection Table 5.13. Unifacial tools. 30 32 6 4 10 5 3 90 End scrapers End scrapers are diagnostic Paleoindian tools. In the United States, they are extremely important artifact as temporal indicators, like the projectile points (Collins 2003; Frison 1991). End scrapers are not merely diagnostic of Clovis, they are common on all PaleoIndian components (e.g. Clovis, Folsom, Plainview) but there are not present in archaic or later complexes. End scrapers can be described as a triangular end scraper; about 5 cm in length, many of them have a spur at the intersection of the lateral edge and the distal end. Many spurs are broken off the artifacts, presumably though use (Morrow 1997). The Paleo end scrapers were almost certainly hafted. In the state of Coahuila, Mexico, in dry caves such as Cueva de la Candelaria and Cuatro Cienegas, hafted scrapers have been found (Figure 5.12 and 5.13). Although the Coahuila scrapers are of much later age (AD 0-1400) is possible that the Paleoindian scrapers were hafted in the same way that these examples. 273 Figure 5.10. Hafted scraper from Cuatro Cienegas, Coahuila (AD 0-1400 years). A total of 30 end scrapers are present in El Bajío collection. Thirteen are made on prismatic blades and 17 on flakes. Twelve scrapers were made on fine cryptocrystalline cherts that are not locally available and imply several non-local sources of raw material (Figure 5.15). At least two of the chert end scrapers were made on the same cherts used to make two end scrapers and blades at the Fin del Mundo site (Figure 5.16). Furthermore, an end scraper made on a red chert is similar to one scraper found at the Murray Springs site in Southern Arizona (Figure 5.15) [C. Vance Haynes Jr., personal communication 2003]. 274 5.11. End scrapers from El Bajío. Figure 5.12. Fin del Mundo end scrapers. 275 Fourteen end scrapers exhibit one or two spurs, protuberances made by notching, with one formed by a burin spall. The spurs are located at the intersection of the lateral edge and the distal end, which probably function as leather puncher. Eight scrapers have the spur in the left side; four in the right side, and the two scrapers exhibit double spurs. The majority of the El Bajío end scrapers were hafted. Fifteen present notches in the sides of the tools near to the base that appear to be hafting marks. In ten specimens the distal end of the tool snapped probably when they were hafted; at least 12 scrapers have poor lateral edge workmanship compared to the distal end, indication that they were retouched/curated while hafted. 5.13. End scraper in Locus 6,similar tone recovered from the Murray Spring Site, Arizona. 141 Montané Bajío basalt 10yr 7/3 blade Step Termination 1027 1027 Montané Montané Bajío basalt Bajío basalt flake flake was hafted 1069 Montané Gray chert 2.5y 6/2 10yr 7/3 gley 1 4/n flake Hafting marks Spur (dorsal aspect) Function angle Thickness Width Length Attributes Made on Color Raw material Locus Bag no. Table 5.14. End scrapers Attributes. 45.9 32.3 9.5 40 No 20 mm from the base 24.3 30 21.5 18.1 4.9 5.6 20 20 left No Snap 28.8 23.6 15.6 40 left Snap Hafting marks Spur (dorsal aspect) Thickness Function angle Width 2.5y7/4 flake was hafted 30.9 48.5 12.2 45 No Snap 10yr 7/4 flake was hafted 20.5 34.2 11.3 25 No Snap 1096 M-rojo Bajío basalt Pink chert, heat treated **same as FdeM 10r 6/3 flake 28.0 27.5 8.6 70 1 Snap 1272 Montané Bajío basalt 2.5y 5/2 flake 64.1 56.2 12.5 25 No 1847 Montané Bajío basalt 2.5y 6/3 flake was hafted heavily fragmented step termination 51.1 36.9 17.1 55 left 35428 M-rojo Bajío basalt 28.4 8.0 25 M-rojo Bajío basalt was hafted step termination 32.8 35428 2.5 y 6/2 flake 10yr 10/4 flake 59.3 42.0 16.5 30 No buril flake No 18 mm from base 19 mm from the base 35428 M-rojo Bajío basalt 5y 7/2 flake was hafted 38.4 32.8 10.8 30 No 35428 M-rojo Bajío basalt 5y 7/1 blade was hafted 40.0 35.1 9.0 20 left 35428 M-rojo Bajío basalt 2.5y 6/2 flake 54.0 69.4 16.7 30 No 35428 M-rojo Chert, brown 5y 6/1 flake 27.6 25.2 15.4 50 right 35429 Montané Chert, brown 10yr 6/1 flake was hafted step termination and hafted 39.1 39.2 13.8 40 no No 10mm from base 10 mm from the base 35442 isolated Chert, yellow 10yr 7/6 blade hafted 32 29.6 6 23 no Snap 35447 695A isolated Montané Chert, orange Bajío basalt 7.5y 5/8 2.5y 7/2 blade blade hafted hafted 19.8 31 25 22 4.1 6.2 20 25 left 2 695B Montané 2.5y 6/3 blade hafted 32.0 30.5 7.8 30 no 695B Montané Bajío basalt chert ,yellow, **same as FdM flake Step, hafted 27.6 29.0 6.9 40 right 1069 Montané Bajío basalt 2.5y 5/4 10yr 7!10 blade hafted 40 32 11 30 no 35435 Montané Chert, purple 10r 5/2 flake hafted 36 31 13 45 no 695B Montané 2.5y 6/1 blade hafted 20 20 3.5 20 no 37549b 6 Bajío, basalt Chert, red **same as Murray Spring Snap Snap 18mm from base 12mm from the base 12 mm from base 11mm from the base distal end fragment 10r 4/4 blade hafted 37 21 6 20 right 17mm from base 45460 8 Chert, white 10yr 8/1 flake hafted 34 32 8 25 no 37556 7 Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 blade hafted 41 26 7 25 no 45398 10 5y 6/2 blade Step, hafted 49 28 11 40 Right 37574 10 Bajío basalt Chert, pink, heath t** same as FdeM 2.5yr 5/4 blade step , hafted 45 28 8 40 left 35428 M-rojo Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 blade hafted 39 31 5 20 left Locus Attributes Bajío basalt M-rojo Made on Montané 1096 Color 1079 Bag no. Length Raw material 276 No 12mm from base 10 mm from base Snap 17mm from base 22mm from base 25mm from the base 14mm from base 277 Side scrapers Side scrapers may be made on blanks that are blades or flakes (Whittaker 1994:27). The retouched side may be either the left edge or the right edge, or even on both in which case it would be called a double side scraper. Side scrapers are further defined by the shape of the retouched edge, being concave, straight or convex. Thirty-two side scrapers are part of the El Bajío collection; side scrapers are not age diagnostic tools and are common during Paleo-Indian times as well as during the Holocene. During the analysis of the El Bajío collection was decided that the group of side scrapers presented here could be of PaleoIndian age. Some are manufactured on blades, a group of tools was found together with end scrapers from the locality of Cerro Rojo that could indicate their use from the same activity, and most of them exhibit a heavy patina. Most of the side scrapers are made on flakes and three were manufactured on blades. Six are made on a non local chalcedony/chert raw material, one was made of a quartz crystal probably local and the 21 remaining are made in the local vitrified basalt. Fourteen backed scrapers were classified as backed side scrapers, according to Gramly (1990) a backed scraper is a side scrapers that have an edge comfortable and safe for gripping opposite to the cutting edge. The back may have been created intentionally or maybe a natural plane present in the rock that can function as the back. At least four backed scrapers present a spur located at the intersection of the lateral edge and the distal end. Two spurs were manufacture by notching and two were produced by a burin spall. Julio Montané collected seven side scrapers form a locus near Cerro Rojo in the center of the site, four are backed scrapers. The most interesting backed scraper is a specimen made 278 on a 81mm thick flake of a totally transparent quartz crystal, bag number 1094 (Figure 5.19). Figure 5.14. Side scraper on quartz crystal El Bajio. Raw material Color Length Width Thickness Weight functional angle Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Bajío basalt Bajío basalt quartz crystal Bajío basalt Bajío basalt 10yr 7/4 10yr 6/2 transparent 10yr 8/4 5y 5/2 42.4 60 81.0 49.5 67.6 44.2 46 50.0 42.4 49.8 18.1 20 21.5 25.1 24.9 33.4 61.9 106.9 52.3 56.1 40 45 30 45 20 695A 142 1034 35430 35429 192 1069 35440 35429 Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Chert, red Chert, red chert brown Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt 10yr 7/3 2.5y 8/2 2.5 yr 5/4 7.5yr 4/3 10yr 6/4 5y 7/1 10y 7/3 10yr8/1 2.5y 6/3 29.3 44.2 48.9 47.1 27.9 34.9 49.4 61.7 42.5 53.5 38.4 41 33.1 43.1 42.8 31 78.2 27 11.8 13.8 17.6 20.6 14.5 6.9 16 22.8 12.8 20.9 27.8 31.4 34.8 19.9 25 33.4 105.3 19.8 50 1 1 1 30 45 70 45 23 40 50 25 Atributes Locus 1281 695B 1094 1079 35430 Spur Bag no. Table 5.15. Backed side scrapers. backed scraper backed scraper backed scraper backed scraper backed scraper backed scraper in blade 1 backed scraper backed scraper 1 backed scraper backed scraper Color Length Width Thickness Weight chert brown chert brown chert orange chert pink Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt chert white Bajío basalt 10yr 6/3 10yr 4/1 10yr 5/4 10r 6/1 10yr 7/4 10yr 6/3 2.5y 7/1 2.5y 7/3 5y 6/1 10yr 5/2 2.5y 7/1 2.5yr 5/4 5y 6/2 10y 8/2 2.5y 5/3 31 47 46.5 30.6 42.1 54 39.3 55.3 51.4 58 39.5 31 72 12 74 33.8 36 31 52.9 31 42 32.1 39.4 41.2 33.4 34 55 38 20 61 15.1 10 6 7.2 11 14 5.5 16.0 15.7 14.6 13 50 15 5 16 17.5 25 9.2 14.1 17.5 44.7 16.4 42.3 34.5 28 36.2 7 47.5 2.5 87.5 50 30 20 25 25 30 50 70 80 35 30 25 20 1 Atributes Raw material Montané Montané Montané Montané M-rojo M-rojo M-rojo M-rojo M-rojo M-rojo M-rojo 5- e1 7 7 5 Spur Locus 695A 1069 142 142 1096 1095 35428 35428 35428 35428 1096 37007 37555 37563 37540 functional angle Bag no. 279 backed scraper backed scraper backed scraper backed scraper 1 1 1 20 Composite Scraper Lithics defined as unifacial tool with a continuous invasive medium-to-steep retouch in multiple edges (Sliva 1997). Composite scrapers are not diagnostic of any time period or lithic complex in the Southwest and Northern Mexico. Six composite scrapers are part of the El Bajío collection, all made on flakes. Five are made on Bajío basalt and one on an orange chert. In this study we consider the composite, denticulate and circular scrapers described here to have a Paleo-Indian affiliation. None the less, these types of tools are common in Archaic assemblages. However, the thick patina that they exhibit, their spatial association with Paleo-Indian assemblages, prompt us to regard these artifacts as part of the Paleo-Indian assemblage. 280 M-rojo 35428 M-rojo 35428 M-rojo 695A Montané 695B Montané 16 42.3 40 10yr 7/4 46.4 44.0 19.4 47.7 80 5y 7/1 45.3 30.3 12.2 17.4 50 2.5y 6/1 42.8 33.9 13.6 19.2 40/50 5y 5/1 42.1 33.0 18.0 26.6 40-70 7.5yr 5/6 23.2 43.1 9.5 10.2 50-40 Length 55.3 39.4 Color functional angle 1096 Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt chert orange Weight Montané Thickness 141 Width Raw material Locus Bag no. Table 5.16. Composite scraper. Denticulate Scrapers These are scrapers with a morphology that displays one or more edges worked into multiple notched shapes much like the toothed edge of a saw. These tools might have been used as saws, most likely for meat processing and plant processing (Whittaker 1994). Four denticulate scrapers are present at the collection; two are side scrapers and two are end scrapers, one of which presents a spur. endscraper Chert, pink Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt 2.5y 6/1 flake 31.0 20.0 6.0 24.1 2.5y 7/1 flake 44 18 11 10 2.5y 7/4 flake 93 74 16 107 2.5y 6/3 flake 39 25 12 15 sidescraper endscraper sidescraper spur 7 Scraper type 45414 peso 5 espesor 45470 ancho Montané largo 1069 made on M-rojo color Locus 35428 Raw material Bag no. Table 5.17. Denticulated Scrapers. broken spur 281 Circular scrapers Also known as discoidal scrapers, there are usually based on a flake that has a circular shape and scraper retouch completely around the periphery. In many cases circular scraper are resharpened and reworked end scrapers (Gramly 1990:14). Three examples are part of El Bajío collection; all are made on flakes with their bulbs of percussion flaked away. White chert White chert Bajío basalt 2.5y 8/1 2.5y 8/1 10yr 6/4 46.4 44.3 51.8 32.7 41.1 45.3 22 12.3 14.2 Weight (gr) thickness Width Length (mm) M-Rojo M-rojo 12-e1 Color Locus 35428 35428 45565 Raw material Bag no. Table 5.18. Circular Scrapers. 24.4 22.2 .31.3 Figure 5.15. Circular scraper from Locus 12. Notched tools These are unifacial tools that have one or more narrow concavities on its edge that have been created via unifacial retouch. They are similar to scrapers but with a tightly 282 circumscribed working edge. Notches may have been used to plane shafts of small diameter in the manner of spoke shaves (Gramly 1990:34; Sliva 19997:43). All of the specimens are made on flakes. 142 1252 35440 695B 37560 Montané Montané Montané Montané 7 Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt chert pink 2.5y 5/1 5y 6/2 2.5y 6/2 2.5y 5/2 10r 4/4 51 49.7r 65.3 62 28 42 67 54.2 48 22 22 23.04 18.6 21 6 46.3 77.6 63 67.5 25 Spur Weight Thickness Width Length Color Raw material Locus Bag no. Table 5.19. Notched tools. X X Gravers Implements used for perforation; they are flakes and other tools that are transformed by by unifacial flaking or notching in a sharp point. They are known as gravers, borer, perforators (Collins 2003:131; Gamly 1990), Sliva 1997:44). Acording to Sliva (1997) ethnographic documented functions of these artifacts include leather puncher, boring wood, bone and antler, graving wood, bone and antler. Nine of the ten gravers at El Bajío Collection are made in flakes and one in a core fragment. The gravers are not uniform and apparently at least three were used hafted. One was fabricated by removing a burin spall. 283 Figure 5.16. Graver Raw material color Length Montane Bajío basalt 10yr 6/2 37.4 1069 Montane Bajío basalt 7.5yr 6/3 20.3 1031 Montane Bajío basalt 2.5y 7/4 3.1 14 15 695b Montane Bajío basalt 10yr 7/3 60 48 18 56.2 retouch flaking 696 Montane Bajío basalt 5y 7/2 48 34 1099 Montane Bajío basalt 5y 6/3 100 45 18 Graver retouch flaking 1095 M-rojo Bajío basalt 2.5y 7/2 45.2 39 17.1 30 notches and retouch flaking 35428 M-rojo Bajío basalt 2.5y 8/3 67.7 46.2 17.7 38.4 notches and retouch flaking 35428 M-rojo chert pink 2.5y 6/1 54.0 23.0 15.0 19.6 notches (big and masive) 37528 4 Bajío basalt 5y 6/1 52 Boring hafted Weight Width Retouch Locus 1018 Thickness Bag no. Table 5.20. Gravers 17x10 yes 7.8 retouch flaking 13x11 no 6.5 retouch flaking 14x15 yes 112x10 no buril yes 25x15 no 14x12 no 30.5 10.2 12.5 notches and retouch flaking 41.08 12.4 30 9 16.5 burin 14 24.5 notches 3 no 14x13 15x11 no Bifacial Technology A biface is a two-sided stone tool, which displays flake scars on both sides. A profile view of the final product tends to exhibit a lenticular shape; these tools are an essential part of the Clovis lithic technological system (Collins 2003; Gramly 1990; Huckell 2007). In comparison with the uniface and blade industries, the bifaces undergo a specialized production phase that is distinct from the use phase (Andrefsky 2009:74). Six groups of bifaces from El Bajío are discussed here. Primary bifaces (N=16), secondary bifaces 284 (N=36), Clovis preforms (N=15), Clovis points (N=2), square based bifaces (N=33), bifacial gravers (N=2) and overshot flakes (N=2). The manufacture of projectiles is an important part of the biface reduction at the site, however other bifaces were made that were not related to point manufacture but were likely intended for use as knives, gravers and other kinds tools employed in the daily camp activities. All of the bifaces, except for one square-based biface, were manufactured on the local vitrified basalt. 3 1 1 2 2 1 3 2 1 2 2 2 1 5 4 9 2 4 15 1 Total 2 1 Isolated 20 1 locus 12 1 1 1 Locus 10 1 Locus 8 5 6 5 1 3 Locus 15 1 Locus 7 Locus 2 1 Locus 5 14 2 42 Locus 1 1 2 Locus 4 6 18 2 M-rojo BIFACE INDUSTRY Primary bifaces Secondary bifaces Clovis preforms Clovis points Square-base points Gravers Overshot flakes Montané Table 5.21. Bifacial Industry, El Bajío 16 36 15 2 33 2 2 12 106 Primary Bifaces Following Huckell (2007:191), primary bifaces exhibit several large expansive scars of flakes removed in a selective fashion, they are irregular in shape and thickness and they have a generally oval shape with very little differentiation between the proximal and distal ends. There are 16 primary bifaces in the El Bajío collection, eight are complete, and the rest are only fragments. Eight bifaces retain overshot flake scars. Overshot flaking consists in the removal of a large single flake that terminates near the opposite margin of the biface or removes part of it (Huckell 2007). There is a high probability that the eight 285 primary bifaces with overshot flaking were to be transformed into Clovis spear points. However, the remaining bifaces were likely going to be transformed in knives. Retouch type Thickness Basal width Width Length Weight Condition Color Patina Raw material Locus Bag no. Table 5.22. Primary bifaces, El Bajío. 142 Montané Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 complete 81.5 73.3 51.5 41.3 19 1068 Montané Bajío basalt 2.5y 7/3 complete 50.9 68.1 45 16 1840 Montané Bajío basalt gley2 4/5 complete 20.8 51.7 51.7 2.7 1.4 1840 Montané Bajío basalt hue2.5 6/2 complete 43.1 66.2 46 18 35429 Montané 695B Montané Bajío basalt Bajío basalt 2.5y 6/1 5y 6/2 complete 45.4 76.5 Basal 40 43 37.3 32.5 53 33 14.2 Overshot 16 35428 M-rojo Bajío basalt 5y 5/2 Split 28.7 68.2 -- 1.5 35443 Isolated Isolated 37542 12 Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 Basal 82.8 60.8r 57.5 41.7 2.4 Bajío basalt 2.5y 6/4 Basal 203 84.1r 66 52 40.2 37555 7 Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 Split 51 57 41 -- 20 37538 5 35445 4 Bajío basalt Bajío basalt 2.5y 6/4 5y 6/1 Basal 16.1 75.9r complete 76.5 80.5 35445 4 37528 4 Bajío basalt Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 gley1 3/n Basal Basal 93.8 58.4R 69 67 62 60 37529 4 37530 4 Bajío basalt Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 5y 6/2 Basal Distal 80.8 62.6r 27.7 30 35.2 35 -- 78.9 65 47.1 32 59.2 16 51.9 40 50 -- Overshot Overshot Overshot asymmetrical 20 Overshot 21.3 16.9 -Overshot 2 Overshot 12.5 Overshot 286 Figure 5.17. Primary bifaces, El Bajio. Secondary bifaces These represent formal bifaces in which the tip and the basal ends have already been established. The flaking denotes smaller and more closely space scars comparing with the primary bifaces (Huckell 2007:192). A total of 36 secondary bifaces have been collected from El Bajío site. Only six of these are complete, 14 are basal fragments, and the rest are distal fragments. All have concave bases and reveal a side configuration expanding from the base. Eight secondary bifaces present overshot flaking scars creating an asymmetrical ridge in one face with an asymmetrical ridge in the opposite side in the other face (see Figure 5.23). It is probable that the bifaces displaying overshot flaking were going to be transformed into Clovis points, while the rest were likely going to be transformed into other tools. For example, the complete biface, number 35445 (Figure 5.23), with 287 symmetrical overshot flaking appears to be a knife preform and was not likely intended to be transformed to a Clovis point. Bag No. Locus Raw material Color Condition weight Length Width Basal width thickness Retouch type Table 5.23. Secondary Bifaces. 1031 35430 35430 1847 695B Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 5y 6/1 5y 6/2 5y 6/3 2.5y 8/3 basal basal basal basal basal 25.3 40.4 42.8 10.3 55.1 43.2 52.6 47.4 32.5r 46.6r 46 48.7 47 34 63.8 28 22.4 23.7 13 43.6 11 23 14 8 18 overshot 695B 142 1840 197 1069 1069 35430 Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané chert Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt x 2.5y 5/1 5y 5/1 2.5y 6/2 5y 6/3 2.5y 6/4 5y 6/3 distal basal basal distal distal distal medial 6.5 16.2 12.3 7.7 19.6 7.5 53.8 35r 33.7r 28.7 32.5 37.2 48.3 72.5r 26.5 41.2 49.9 27.2 17.3 18.7 $50 x 44 __ 6 8 18 6 11 6 12 1847 695B Montané Montané Bajío basalt Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 5y 6/3 distal distal 28.1 42.7 46.6 55.8r 41.5 46.4 __ 139 140 Montané Montané Bajío basalt Bajío basalt 2.5y 7/3 2.5y5/1 distal distal 13.1 46.1 39.5 60.5 37.5r 49.5 __ 7.8 12 35430 Montané Bajío basalt 5y 6/3 medial 48.6 56.3r 48 __ 12 35430 Montané Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 basal 15.9 28.7r 48.5 22.5 11 35428 M-rojo 1096 M-rojo 37542 isolated 12 Bajío basalt chert red Bajío basalt 2.5y7/3 10r 4/6 5y 6/2 distal 22.5 complete 9.5 basal 42.4 55r 28 45.5r 35 29 50 __ 14 12 8 15 37542 isolated 12 Bajío basalt GLEY24/5B basal 19.2 30.5 36.5 23.5 13 45566 12-ele2 Bajío basalt 5y 5/1 distal 23.7 49 35 no 13 45567 12-ele2 45571 12-ele2 Bajío basalt Bajío basalt 5y 4/1 2.5y 6/2 distal distal 7 25 41 51 27 40 45575 12-ele2 37670 10 Bajío basalt Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 distal basal 6 73.8 33r 78 25 52 37574 10 37558 7 35445 4 Bajío basalt Bajío basalt Bajío basalt 2.5y 7/3 5y 6/2 5y 5/1 split 114 medial 7.1 complete 83.7 98 50 112 35445 4 Bajío basalt 5y 5/1 basal 35.4 35445 4 Bajío basalt 2.5Y 6/3 basal 25.3 __ 16 16 7 12 35 6 12 38 17 45 35.5 25 6 13 49.5r 48.6 18.2 10 38.5 43 29.5 14 overshot overshot asymmetrical overshot asymmetrical overshot asymmetrical overshot asymmetrical overshot asymmetrical overshot and basal thinning overshot asymmetrical overshot asymmetrical overshot asymmetrical overshot overshot asymmetrical overshot symmetric overshot asymmetrical Length Width thickness Retouch type complete 62.5 68 54 17 37634 4 Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 complete 43 53 41 14 37632 4 Bajío basalt 5y 6/2 split 38.5 66 36 28 14 overshot asymmetrical overshot asymmetrical overshot asymmetrical 37516 2 Bajío basalt X basal 27.8 40.3 42 26.6 13 Basal width Condition 5y 6/2 weight Color Bajío basalt Locus 37624 4 Bag No. Raw material 288 Figure 5.18. Secondary Bifaces, the lower row is ready for channel flaking. 289 Clovis Points and Preforms Defined as lanceolate bifaces, strongly biconvex cross section, these tools display a more or less concave base, sides that expand from the base, and basal fluting as their principal attributes, and were undoubtedly used as spear points (Gramly 1990; Collins 2003). More has been written about fluting than any other lithic retouched techniques, it is an unusual technique that was utilizedvery early on the prehistory of North America. Fluting probably had a practical function in thinning the base for easier hafting, but it is not a necessity and in some points fluting was carried to extremes of perfection (Whittaker 1994:234-235). Projectile points are among the few artifacts that were produced for a well-planned activity, and the shape must approximate a mental template just looking for symmetry and the efficiency of the point (Andrefsky 2009). Seventeen Clovis performs and Clovis points are part of the El Bajío collection. Clovis Preforms. Fifteen Clovis preforms that were broken or discarded during the manufacture are part of El Bajío collection. All have convex bases and the sides expand from the base. Ten of the Clovis preforms present asymmetric overshot pattern that form an unbalanced ridge on one or both faces of the artifact. They exhibit basal fluting very early during the technological process with the purpose to thin the biface. Early fluting has been seen in other site collection, but at El Bajío was extensively used. 290 Flute width 20 16 55 25.3 43 21 33.5 15.5 32 10 basal fluting 43 20 medial 43 30 12 basal fluting 38 18 5y 6/3 basal 52 36.7 31.4 8.8 25.5/30 19.6/14.4 7 5y 5/2 basal 41 46 46 12 16 21 37740 5 5y 7/2 medial 34 39 basalt fluting /overshot basal fluting /overshot basal fluting 35075 4 5y 5/2 basal 51r 40 37.2 11 30/39.1 26/24 35086 4 2.5y 5/1 basal 49r 41 28.1 11.5 38 18.2 35086 4 2.5y 6/2 basal 41r 41 26 7.5 38/36 25/18 35086 4 2.5y 7/2 basal 73.4r 55 44 13.2 basal fluting both sides, overshot basal fluting, overshot basal fluting both sides, overshot basalt fluting 67 28 basal 30.5r 42.3 33.7 11.5 basal 50r 50.5 30 14.7 2.5y 6/4 basal 47.3 36 24 10 35449 isolated 9 Isolated 5y 7/1 basal 55.7 56.9 20.2 13.8 35086 38048 2.5y 4/1 basal 63r 42.3 30 12 37819 15 5y 6/1 basal 37.4 49.2 22.3 37668 10 2.5y 6/3 distal 45 45313 10 10yr 6/3 37566 8 37559 695B 695A 37667 Locus Montané gley2 3/10b Montané 2.5y 7/4 Bag no. Thickness 17.5/19 Basal width 31/38 Width 16.5 Length 28.5 18.9 basal fluting, overshot basal fluting both sites, overshot basalt fluting /overshot basalt fluting /overshot basalt fluting /overshot basal fluting Condition Flute length Retouch type Bajío basalt /patina color Table 5.24. Clovis preform attributes. 10 291 Figure 5.19. Examples of Clovis preforms with channel flute. 292 Figure 5.20. Drawing of the Clovis preform d, e, f. 293 Clovis Points. The measures of two Clovis points are presented here, one finished Clovis base was found at the El Bajío site in 2003 and one complete Clovis point is in the local museum in Carbó. At least a dozen more Clovis points have been collected at the site. All the Clovis points collected from El Bajío are manuifactured from El Bajio basalt with excepción of one Clovis base made on obsidian. Collected by Julio Motane. The complete Clovis point at the Carbó Museum is 88mm long and 29mm of maximum width and small fluting in both sides and grinding at the base and sides, the point made on El Bajío basalt however do not exhibit the characteristic patina that all the artifacts at El Bajío site have. The collector of the point has been deceased for over fifteen years and nobody knows the provenience of the point. 37628 Carbo 4 gley1 4/10b basal 2.5y 7/3 complete 88 30.8 38.7 23.5 7 29 27 7 flaking type Flute width Flute length Retouch type Thickness Basal Width Width Length Condition Bag no. Locus Bajío basalt/patina color Table 5.25. Clovis Points, El Bajío. 22.5/22.5 13.2/13.1 fine retouch 20/22 10/8 small annel falke grinding basal and lateral grinding basal and lateral 294 Figure 5.21. Clovis point from El Bajío at the Museo Municipal de Carbó. Figure 5.22. Clovis base found in 2003 295 Square-Based Bifaces Thirty-three lanceolate/triangular square-based bifaces were collected from the El Bajío site. They are lanceolate/triangular bifaces with sharp corners and more or less straight sides. A Clovis-like reduction process was carried out to manufacture the square-based bifaces. The blade of the biface is reduced by overshot flaking to facilitatee hafting the tool, several channel-like flakes were removed from the base of the tool. The squarebased bifaces from El Bajío are comparable to Plainview points; however overshot flaking and the use of direct percussion for reduction of the biface appear to indicate that these artifacts are more likely correlated with a Clovis technology. In six examples the sides sharply contract toward the tip making a triangular shaped point, five exhibit very strait sides with equivalent base and maximal widths, and in eleven samples the sides expand from the base. Some square-based bifaces are broken in a transversal angle that appear to indicate that at least some of them were hafted and probably they were used as knives more than projectile points but at least two present grinding in the base and sides. A comparison of the basal width and the maximum width of the specimens (Figure 5.30) indicate that only five tools have a wider base than the maximum width of the shaft. The rest of the bifaces exhibit parallel sides and bases, similar of the Clovis points. Square-based points and knives are not part of the traditional Clovis lithic repertoire; however at El Bajio they seem to be related to Clovis. It is important to note that James Warnica (1966:249) reported three similar square-based points for the gray sands that he attribute to Clovis. 296 Locus 12 is a tool making station partially excavated in 2009. This work area specialized in the making of lanceolate square base bifaces, at least 9 artifacts have been recovered (four complete and five fragments), at least 30 fragments that maybe can be refit in the future, and 4000 retouch flakes bifaces were recovered. Flute Length Flute width 15 fluting and overshot bifacial thinning fluting and overshot 27.5 X 14 16.6 X 14 4.8 bifacial thinning 8.4 fluting and overshot 17.3 20 1280 Montané 2.5y 6/2 basal X x 43 9.3 1840 35431 Montané 2.5 5/3 Montané gley2 3/10b complete 64.8r 36 basal 46.5 x 36 8 37.5 5.5 695A Montané 5y 6/1 basal 23.6r 44 34.4 13 139 139 139 139 1831 Montané Montané Montané Montané Montané basal basal basal basal basal 31.8r 40.3 34 39 28.7r 35 27.6 39 29.8 29.6 41 34.3 33 28 28 1831 Montané 5y 6/2 basal 27r 19.5 22 1831 Montané chert basal 42.3r 32 695B 139 Montané gley1 3/10gy Montané gley2 3/10b basal basal 45.5 38.6 33 41.3r 40.4 X 695B Montané isolated 14 isolated isolated isolated gley2 3/10bg basal 39.3 30 34.4 8 gley2 5/10g gley25/10bc 5y 6/2 gley1 4/5y basal basal basal basal 38.2r 36.5 4.7r 36.5 34 37.5 3.1 x 41 34.6 3.1 42 isolated 12-e1 12-e1 5y 6/2 5y 4/2 5y 4/2 basal basal distal 42 40 41 x 38 30 39 12-e1 5y 4/2 complete 71 30 32 7 12-e1 5y 4/2 complete 64 26 26 7 fluting and overshot asymmetrical fluting and overshot asymmetrical 12-e1 12-e1 12-e1 5y 4/2 5y 4/1 5y 4/1 complete 48 distal 41r basal 51 24 29 43 24 5 7 11 overshot asymmetrical overshot ovsershot 37681 35449 37693 37843 37917 45541 37962 2 frag. m15m16 2 frag. m15-18 3 frag. en m16) 45549 45545 gely1 3/n gley2 4/10bg gley1 4/5gy rhyolite gley1 6/10gy 31 36 Retouched type Thickness 21 Basal width 18/20 fluting and overshot Width 26/25 9 6.4 6 9.1 16.4 Length 11 X Condition 22 X Locus overshot asymmetrical overshot asymmetrical fluting both side, overshot Bag no. Bajío Basalt /Patina Color Table 5.26. Square-based points and knives from El Bajío. 11.5 7 fluting 2 faces fluting 2 faces overshot fluting and overshot asymmetrical overshot 7 8 1.12 7 fluting overshot, basal/lateral 7.5 grinding 8 overshot asymmetrical 7 X X 27/26.5 12/13 15/16 13/12 24 X 12.3 X 15 18 no no No 17/21 11/14 13 11 no No 20 24 Bag no. Locus Bajío Basalt /Patina Color Condition Length Width Basal width Thickness Retouched type Flute Length Flute width 297 45548 12-e1 5y 4/1 basal 16r 38 34 8 fluting and overshot 14 9 45551 12-e1 5y 5/2 basal 40r 43 48 8 18 22 37569 35445 37632 8 4 4 gley1 3/10gy gley2 3/10b gley1 4/n basal basal basal 41.5r 41.4 37.2 9 21.5 x 42 8.1 40r 38 10 fluting and overshot 5 flakes forming the fluting fluting overshot 21.4 X 17 20 37636 4 5y 5/2 complete 50 37504 1 gley2 4/5bg basal 3.4 30 30 7 33 5 several flakes make the fluting 18/19 Figure 5.23. Comparison between basal width and maximum width. 298 Figure 5.24. Square-based bifaces excavated at Locus 12, El Bajío.. 299 Figure 5.25. Drawing of the bifaces in figure 5.31. Bifacial Drills Two bifacially retouched drills are reported from the site. Both were found in Locus 12/Feature 2 and appear to be byproducts of the manufacturing process of the square base bifaces. The two examples have a central drill 20 mm long and it is likely that they were hafted (Figure 5.33). 300 Figure 5.26. Bifacial Drills Overshot Flakes Two overshot flakes were found in the Montane´s collection. They are flakes with a step termination and it is possible to observe at the exterior face long scars with an asymmetrical ridge consisted with overshot flaking. Figure 5.27. Overshot Flakes. 301 Table 5.27. Overshot flakes. Bag no. Locus Type 695B Montané overshot flake 695B Montané overshot flake Raw material Length Width Bajío basalt 2.5y 5/2 49 28 Bajío basalt 5y 5/2 48 48 Thickness Weight 7 8 8 19 Miscellaneous Cores and Core-tools Eleven miscellaneous cores of probable Paleo-Indian association were collected from the site. Compared with the other three industries, this is a more informal tool making process. Three single platform nuclei, three multiple platform cores, two bifacial cores, two core fragments and one single platform core converted into a plane are including in the assemblage. Three of the cores are made from chert, the rest are made of El Bajío basalt. Flakes obtained from these nuclei were transformed into scrapers and another tools. One exhausted bifacial core that was curated into a graver tool was made on a distinctive pinkish chert (the same pinkish chert definitely from the same source as exploited at the Fin del Mundo site to make one end scraper and a blade) (see Figure 5.40). Hammers and Abraders At the Cerro La Vuelta quarry (Locus 22) many hammers and abrader were observed, but they were not collected. However, hammers and abraders were collected from Locus 6 302 and Locus 12. Tool making was an important activity at these two localities, containing at least two knapping stations. Three tools are combination hammer/abrader. Table 5.28. Miscellaneous nuclei. Bag no. 1031 695A 1069 35441 140 Raw Material white Montané chert brown Montané chert Locus El Bajío Montané basalt El Bajío Montané basalt El Bajío Montané basalt El Bajío 140 Montané basalt isolated El Bajío 37682 14 basalt isolated El Bajío 37542 12 basalt 45416 37549 45505 7 Red chert black 6 chert El Bajío 7 basalt Color Lithic Class 2.5y 7/1 10yr 4/3 core fragment multiple-platform core 2.5y 5/3 5y 6/3 single platform core bifacial core 5y 5/3 multiple-platform core 84 46 25 109.4 5y 5/3 multiple-platform core 63 42 20 70.3 2.5y 5/1 single platform core 62 58 41 151.6 5y 6/2 single platform core bifacial core with one spur ***same pink chert from Fin del Mundo 74 61 28 210 38 33 15 18.5 core fragment 31 18 13 6 Plain core 50 58 33 568 5yr 5/3 5y 4/1 2.5y 5/2 Length Width Thickness 38 18 13 12.5 45 40 18 45 80 50 64 64 Weight 33 20 176.5 81 Table 5.29. Hammers and Abraders. Bag no. Locus Raw material Type 37541 isolated 2 granite Length Width Thickness Weight hammer and abrader 68 56 31 167.5 37548 6 quartz crystal hammer and abrader 83 79 47 305.5 37550 6 dense basalt Hammer 74 63 37 293 37545 6 Lutite hammer and abrader 73r Fragment of abrader 61r 45552 12- ele 1 Rhyolite 4 147.5 28 60 303 Figure 5.28. Hammers. Sonoran Clovis Lithic Technological Organizacion The manner in which toolmakers and users organized their lives and activities with regard to lithic technology could be observed at El Bajío site. The only large lithic quarry of fine materials known in Sonora is located at Cerro La Vuelta at the El Bajío site area. Although, cobbles from the arroyos and cores from very small sources of material suitable to be transform in tools are distributed all over Sonora; the restricted size and quality of the raw material from these sources, constrain the kinds of artifacts that can be manufacture. In extensive sources of raw material the tool maker has more freedom in the design of the artifacts and the shapes are more uniform. If mobile human groups find a large source of lithic raw material, they will surely make this resource an important part of their exploitation strategy. Although much more work needs to be carried out at El Bajio, and more intact archaeological contexts need to be located, based upon the analysis 304 of the stone tool assemblage, some preliminary inferences regarding the Clovis lithic technological process, the activities carried out at the site,the land use of the Sonoran Clovis groups, and the relationship between the Clovis assemblage from Sonora ans other regions can be proposed. Site Localities and Specialized Activity Areas Up to the present, Julio Montané has collected the greatest number of artifacts at El Bajío site. Unfortunately the provenience of the artifacts he collected is mostly unknown, with the exception of his collection made at the north side of Cerro Rojo/Cuarzo that he bagged all together. The 2003 Clovis collection is spread out in ten loci. Six loci have most of the Clovis artifacts (Table 5.28) and a pattern of distribution could be observed between loci. The Cerro Rojo Locus appears to be a specialized area of hide and wood working; a total of 26 scrapers are concentrated in this area. Nine end scrapers and seven side scrapers, denticulate tools, circular scrapers are represented. The scrapers at the Locus Cerro Rojo have been used and curated, and the locality appears to reflect a special activity locality (Figure 5.38). Loci 4, 5 and 6 are very close to each other and it is possible to observe a distributional pattern between the loci (Figure 5.38 and Table 5.29). Locus 4 contain many bifacial tools, in the northern end of the locus three secondary bifaces were found together, probably cached or stored. Bifaces were produced in Locus 4 and they were also used (Figure 5.39). Locus 5 and 6 show a specialization in blade production; five blade cores were collected from and 13 blades. Feature 1 at locus 6 is a concentration of artifacts on a 3x6 meter area; here sub-angular blocks were brought from the quarry, and 305 core fragments and flakes for the preparation of blade cores and blades are present, at least five finished blades are part of the feature (Figure 5.39). 1 1 1 1 1 1 9 2 2 2 2 1 5 16 36 15 2 33 2 2 3 5 9 9 12 22 4 2 49 6 2 1 4 5 5 9 12 1 1 3 18 2 3 1 2 5 1 1 1 2 1 1 3 4 1 9 7 3 1 3 1 2 6 154 29 2 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 3 8 1 6 2 1 3 1 1 2 2 1 3 2 1 27 18 16 26 1 1 3 16 19 Total Isolate 4 1 2 2 Locus 15 locus 12 Locus 7 1 Locus 6 Locus 2 1 5 6 5 1 3 Locus 10 4 14 19 3 1 6 4 14 1 Locus 8 platform mantenance flakes End scrapers Side scraper Composite scraper Denticulate Gravers Notch tools Circular scrapers Hammers Miscellaneous cores 1 2 Locus 5 6 18 2 Locus 4 Primary bifaces Secondary bifaces Clovis preforms Clovis points Square base points Gravers Overshot flakes conical cores core tablet flakes wedge-shaped cores crested blades primary cortex blades blades with sub-paralel blade scar blades with two subparalel blade scars Blade core error recovery flakes Locus 1 M-rojo Montané Table 5.30. Spatial Distribution of the El Bajio Lithic Technology. 1 2 1 24 7 30 32 6 4 10 5 3 5 10 333 Locus 7 appears to be a camp site were some daily activities proper of a camp area were carried out. Ten blades were recovered from the loci, all of them have use-wear damage, end scrapers on blades are also present, as well as, some bifacial tools. Clovis artifacts are very well preserved and apparently they were recently exposed; further 306 investigations needed to be carried out at this locality (Figure 5.38 and Table 5.29). Locus 10 appears to be a camp area. At least 10 blades and two end scrapers were collected, the artifacts have been damaged by trampling, and as the granite bed rock is exposed on the surface, it would be difficult to find an intact deposits at this locality; apparently, the Clovis points collected by Manuel Robles were obtained from this locus (Julio Montane, personal communication 2003). Locality 12 is a specialized activity area where El Bajío square-based points were being produced. The workshop is located within a 5x3 meter area consisting of at least nine square base bifaces, at least 20 biface fragments and 4,000 bifacial thinning flakes. Figure 5.29.Distribution of Clovis tools at the sites (Locus in red). 307 Table 5.31. Distribution of the Lithic Industries by artifact clases at the site loci. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 Mcuarzo Primary bifaces 1 Secundary bifaces 2 Locus 1 Locus 2 Locus 4 Locus 5 Locus 6 Locus 7 Locus 8 Locus 10 locus 12 Locus 15 5 1 Clovis preforms and Clovis 6 Square base bifaces and points 1 conical, wedges and tablets cores 1 1 6 1 1 1 3 1 3 3 3 1 1 4 primary cortex blades 1 1 blades with two subparalel blade scars 3 2 3 5 End scrapers 9 Side scrapers 7 2 Composite, denticulated, notched, circular scraper 6 1 Gravers -unifacial and bifacial- 3 1 Hammers 4 2 1 crested blades, and error recovery blades with one sub-paralel blade scars 2 1 1 9 1 2 4 8 1 1 1 3 3 6 1 1 2 1 2 3 1 Based upon the distribution and types of the lithic artifacts at the El Bajioi, it is possible to propose that El Bajio site was not only a quarry for tool making. Although tool making is the principal and more important activity at the site, a series of camp sites are located at the El Bajío and different activities were carried out. In the encampments the artifacts show abundant use and curation, many of them are modified and converted in artifacts with additional functions such as gravers and notches. More studies at the site will be necessary for understanding this complex site and learn more about the forager strategies of the Clovis groups. 308 Sonoran Clovis Foragers Group Interactions and Land-Use The lithic technological organization of the Paleo-Indian sites in Sonora could provide some insight to the human groups’ interactions and their land-use. Only two percent of the artifacts at El Bajío are made from non local raw material other than the El Bajío basalt. Twenty-five percent of the end scrapers and side scrapers are manufactured on different kind of chalcedony/cherts; however, only three bifacial tools and seven blades are manufacture in non local raw material, mostly chert. Because El Bajío is a quarry that was used to make all types of tools, the artifacts made on non-local raw material appear to indicate interactions between forager groups. Figure 5.30. Non local raw materials vs El Bajío basalt. 309 A regional survey focused upon the lithology of the area is a must for future investigations in order to understand interactions between the sites. Observing a geologic map of the region, it is evident that the sources of raw materials are concentrated in discreet distributions. El Bajio basalt is distributed close to the El Bajío site; two sources of rhyolite are located close to Fin del Mundo, a basalt raw material source is located close to El Gramal. South of El Bajio in the sierrita between the Río San Miguel valley and the Río Zanjón alluvial plain, a complex array of fissures containing metamorphic materials of different ages is observed (Figure 5.40). Between El Bajío and Fin del Mundo, the geologic map shows a concentration of very old limestone; chalcedony/chert being developed from sedimentary rocks such as limestone (Figure 5.40). Five different kind of cherts used to manufacture scrapers at El Bajio site were identified at a macroscopic level as the same cherts used in four artifacts at Fin del Mundo. The utilization of the same raw material for making tool between El Bajio and Fin del Mundo (materials probably located in the region but not locally available), appear to indicate that the forager human groups interact and maybe share the same land-use pattern. It is odd that the raw materials for manufacturing Clovis points and bifacial tools are not shared between the sites. At Fin del Mundo, the majority of the bifaces are made of rhyolite, and the Clovis points are made on chert, quartz crystal and quartzite; we have yet to find a biface at Fin del Mundo manufactured of El Bajío basalt. All the bifaces and Clovis points and preforms at El Bajío site are made on the local basalt. According to 310 Andrefsky (2009:69), projectile points have very discrete production and use phases, they represent the only tools that have to be made with precision, the shape and the technological characteristics will determine the efficiency of the projectiles. It is possible that each hunter makes their own projectile points in order to control all the attributes for better success during hunting. Figure 5.31.Tools from El Bajio and Fin del Mundo, made with the same chert/calcedony. 311 Technological Inferences and Comparisons with other Clovis Industry Three major Clovis industries were distinguished at El Bajio site: 1) a blade industry (n=122); 2) a biface industry (n=104); and 3) a uniface industry (n=90). An informal core-flake industry much smaller and maybe related to the uniface industry (n=10). Biface Industry. According to Collins (1999:45) biface production is ubiquitous and remarkably uniform over the entire continent during the Clovis period; the El Bajío site is not the exception. A comparison between the width of the primary bifaces, secondary bifaces and Clovis preforms indicates that primary bifaces were transformed into both Clovis preforms and secondary bifaces serving as blanks for additional types of tools (Figure 5.32). The secondary bifaces are reduced by removing broad extensive flakes and overshot flakes; bifacial flaking removal is performed in a serial fashion. Once the knapper established an appropriate lateral and longitudinal cross section, the fluting can begin (Crabtree 1966; Huckell 2007). Channel flakes are obtained by making small platforms in the basal edge by making a straight, beveled edge or by making a small platform or nipple. The El Bajio bifacial industry is comparable with several Clovis sites, including the Adams, Murray Springs and Gault sites. A unique projectile point/knife at El Bajio are the square-based points; lanceolate to triangular in shape and they are retouched the same way that Clovis points using overshot flaking; Twenty four of them have sharp straight corners and in five, both sides are contracting toward the tip (Figure 5.37). It is possible that at least five square-based bifaces represent knives instead of projectiles, but the remainder appears to be projectile 312 points. Although we do not know if the square-based points are contemporaneous to Clovis points, they were reported by James Warnica (1966:249) for the gray sands at the Clovis site. There is a possibility that the square-based points could be of late PaleoIndian age, however, more research needs to be conducted at the site. Clovis preforms at El Bajio have convex bases; a convex base is fundamental for fluting and it is very common at the Gault site (Dickens 2007). The square-based points from El Bajío never had a convex base, and very early in their manufacturing process the base was plain and had straight and sharp corners; the base is thinned by removing three or four small flutes and a concave base was unnecessary. Square-based points have been recovered from different sites in Sonora; at Fin del Mundo four square-based points were made on rhyolite. Figure 5.32. Width of primary bifaces, secondary bifaces and Clovis performs. 313 Figure 5.33. Basal outline of the Bifaces Blade Industry. The Bajío basalt at the quarry is presented in sub-angular blocks that naturally contained acute angles and ridges making the preparation of blade cores easier. The Paleo-Indian tool makers at El Bajío prepared the core removing crested blades and forming ridges. Multifaceted platforms are the most common way to prepare the cores. The longest complete blade is 135mm, however there are blade fragments of about 108mm in the collection that most derived from blades of about 200mm. An assessment of the three types of blades (cortical, non-cortical and prismatic blades) reveal that they are part of the same reduction process, the cortical blades are longer and wider, and the tabular/prismatic blades are shorter and slim (Figure 5.6 and 5.7). Nine of the 23 prismatic blades present the typical curvature of the Clovis blades. One third of the blades 314 from El Bajío are fragments that exhibit heavy patina in the broken ends suggesting that were broken during used. Some blades were used without any further modification and some were transformed into end scrapers. 160 140 Prismatic blade Blades without cortex Primary blades Lenght of Complete Blade in mm 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Number of Blades 15 16 17 18 19 20 Figure 5.34. Blades lengths. 21 22 23 315 70 60 Primary Flakes Blades without cortex Blade width in mm 50 Prismatic Blades 40 30 20 10 0 1 3 5 7 9 11 13 15 17 19 21 23 25 27 29 31 33 35 37 39 41 43 45 47 Number of blades Figure 5.35. Blades widths. Blade technology is an important part of the Clovis contexts in several sites of North America. True blades have never been found associated with Folsom or other late Paleo-Indian assemblages, and are presumed to be unique to Clovis occupations (Collins 1999). At Murray Springs, Arizona, Huckell (2007:205) reported 13 blades. Most of the blades presented a prepared platform and were unifacially retouched. From Black Water Draw, New Mexico, Green (1963) reported 17 blades, presumably part of a cache site. At the Adams Site in Kentucky, Sanders (1990) reports 2,000 blades, conical and wedgeshape cores. The Gulf Coastal Plain in Central Texas is the region with the most reported of Clovis blade artifacts. Gault, Pavo Real, Kincaid and Keven Davis Cache sites contained Clovis blades, conical and wedge-shape cores, core tablets and other lithics 316 associated with blade making technology (Collins 1999, 2003 and Hester 2003). At the El Bajío Clovis site all of the artifacts associated with the blade technology have been found. The El Bajío site represents the most important locality outside of central Texas with evidence of blade technology. End Scrapers. In the Sonora collection, end scrapers could be considered a significant diagnostic Paleo-Indian tool that was an important product in the interaction between Clovis groups. At least 25 percent of the scrapers at El Bajío are made of fine non-local materials that are also utilized at other sites. The artifacts collected by Julio Montané at the north end of the Cerro Rojo appear to indicate that the area represents a locality specialized in activities related to hide and wood working. End scrapers have been found associated with Clovis assamblages as well as Later Paleo-Indian sites (e.g. Folsom, Plainview and Dalton) contexts. At the El Bajío site, late Paleo-Indian assemblages have not been identified. Approximately half of the end scrapers are made on Clovis prismatic blades. End scrapers of the Clovis complex are unique and distinctive and the ones made in blades are pretty much alike between the sites, the end scrapers at El Bajío are similar to the Murray Springs, Arizona, Fin del Mundo, Sonora, and Pavo Real, Texas. Final Considerations The lithic technological organization at El Bajio indicates that the Cerro la Vuelta quarry was, for the Clovis groups of Sonora, the most important landmark of the region. The quarry is presented in sub-angular blocks easy to reduce and they vitrified basalt have the 317 best quality for tool making. Presently, Cerro la Vuelta represents the only large quarry of fine materials in Sonora, and provides the principal reasons for the exploitation of the quarry and the distribution of camp sites and workshops in a four kilometer perimeter of Cerro La Vuelta. In El Bajio blades were manufactured utilizing conical cores and wedge shaped cores The blade industry is comparable with Pavo Real, Gault site and Adams site all quarry sites, the blades at El Bajío could be compared with the blades found at Murray Springs because many of them are modified into end scrapers and lateral scrapers. The Clovis preforms with long and deep flutes made in the early stages of the process, appear to be a local technological marker of the El Bajío tool makers however it is not exclusive, at the Adams site in Kentucky early fluting is very common, and could be related with the hardness of the raw material; experiments will have to be completed in order to confirm this possibility. It is feasible that in quarry sites more early fluting is present because the bifaces are discarded at the site and are found. There is no doubt that the El Bajío artifact collection is one of the most important Clovis assemblages that exist in western North America. Future intrasite investigations, regional studies focus on the relationship between sites, and experiments on lithic technology, will make a great contribution to our knowledge of the Late Pleistocene Clovis occupation of the continent. 318 CHAPTER 6 REGIONAL AND PANREGIONAL INTEGRATION AND INTERACCION OF THE SONORAN CLOVIS GROUPS Land Use, Demography, Territory and Timing of the Sonoran Clovis Culture The archaeological record of the first Americans in Mexico is poorly known and somewhat confusing. However, the state of Sonora presents a remarkably pristine setting for studying the late Pleistocene occupation of North America. The early archaeological record in Sonora is stunning in terms of its relative abundance and only within the past ten years has this fact become evident. The rapidly deflating surfaces, due in part to overgrazing, might be one reason that these sites are extraordinarily visible. Nevertheless, the Sonoran landscape, the environment along with the essential resources required by Paleo-Indian groups definitely contributed to making this region especially attractive to these early groups. Based upon the current research, some propositions regarding forager land use, economic strategies, and interactions between hunter and gatherer groups of the late Pleistocene occupation of Sonora can also be addressed. The Paleo-Indian sites are concentrated in north-central Sonora on and surrounding, the Llanos de Hermosillo, a more or less flat alluvium-filled landscape that slopes gently down to the west-southwest into the Gulf of California. It is very probable that lakes and playas existed here during the late Pleistocene forming a savanna-like environment with abundant water for large animals. The Llanos de Hermosillo are surrounded to the east and south by intervening basins containing diverse biotic communities that at the end of the Pleistocene probably presented a mosaic of plant communities with high return rates. 319 The Clovis groups that inhabited the Llanos de Hermosillo and surrounding areas exploited an extensive territory of approximately 25,000 square kilometers; surley they have an extensive knowledge of the territory and were able to organize and exploit a large and pristine landscape. Although, their territory contains a fine lithic quarry of considerable dimensions at El Bajío, their vast knowledge of the region allow them to utilized a variety of raw materials for tool making, including different cherts, quartzite, quartz crystal, rhyolite, obsidian and basalt. Their social organization and the fact that Sonora was an empty niche permitted this type of settlement pattern at the end of the Pleistocene. Clovis groups likely were organized in family groups of 25-40 members which residential mobility, congregation in specific localities, and assemble of the groups for specific activities were possible because they maintained significant social ties with the regional group, that in part is observed in the homogeneity of the Clovis points and the lithic assemblage in general. Although acquiring food is essential for the survival of the groups, water sources and lithic material for tool making likely determined residential mobility. El Bajío is the most important site of the region; it is ideally situated at the edge of the Llanos de Hermosillo and also at the edge of the Rio San Miguel valley that provided a natural corridor. It is an extensive and complex site where family groups congregated to exploit the region’s most important lithic quarry. Access to suitable raw material for tool production is an essential resource for hunter-gatherers, and can determine mobility strategies unrelated to food procurement; with the time and energy invested in procuring 320 raw materials and tool production directly affecting the time available for subsistence activities (Kuhn 1991:250). At the El Bajío site, the family groups congregated predominantly for tool making activities, however hide working activities and extensive camp areas are present at the site. The Bacoachi basin north of the Llanos de Hermosillo offers an important source of subsurface water and many springs born in the mid section of the basin, the Fin del Mundo site is located in a spring area where a cienega was formed at the end of the Pleistocene, although we do not have an environmental reconstruction yet, an open pineoak biotic community should have existed at the site that was a paradise for vegetarian mammals as proboscidian, horse and deer. Fin del Mundo is a site that contains all of the critical resources; permanent water, lithic sources for tool making and animals for hunting. The El Aigame site is located in the southeast corner of the Llanos de Hermosillo, the site is composed by two camp areas. During the Pleistocene, several spring-fed cienegas existed at the site supporting open grasslands where proboscidians likely ranged. We have documented two Clovis sites in the Llanos de Hermosillo, at El Gramal and Cerro Izabal. These are hunting localities, and they contain only broken and worn out Clovis projectile points, and there is no evidence that encampments existed in these locations. The fundamental resources for hunter and gatherer groups, permanent water and lithic raw material for tool making are two indispensable in a given territory. The Llanos de Hermosillo and surrounding areas offered the Clovis groups all the necessary 321 resources. The El Bajío quarry site probably was persistently utilized by Clovis groups who left a considerable amount of debris and tools over a four square kilometer area. One of the important activities carried out at El Bajío was the manufacture of blades: at least a 100 blades have been collected at the site. Bifaces and Clovis points manufacture is also well represented. Five blades and two core rejuvenation tablet flakes collected at Fin del Mundo were made on El Bajío vitrified basalt, located approximately 150 kilometers. The presence of tablet flakes from El Bajío basalt appear to indicate that cores from the El Bajío quarry were transported to the camp site at Fin del Mundo, and blades were obtained there. The relationship between sites at the regional level can be observed between Fin del Mundo and El Bajío. End scrapers are important tools of the Clovis assemblage at both sites. Examination under the binocular microscope of this type of tools reveled that at least eight artifacts from El Bajío and seven artifacts from Fin del Mundo (locus 5) were made with the same kind of raw materials, obtained from five different raw material sources. Although, it will be difficult to find the quarries, once they are found it will be easier to determine their geochemical properties. We do not know if Clovis people from Fin del Mundo and El Bajío were sharing the raw material source or they were exchanging finished artifacts. At least two of the end scrapers from each site appear to have been obtained from the same core. The utilization of the same raw material for making tool between El Bajío and Fin del Mundo (materials probably located in the region but not locally available), indicates that Clovis forager groups had a vast 322 knowledge of their region, interacted in communal activities (e.g. hide processing), and perhaps shared the same land-use pattern. The interactions between Clovis groups can also be observed to the north in Arizona. One end scraper found at El Bajío made of a red chert appears to be identical to one found at Murray Springs. Further research should focus in the study of the regional interactions between Sonora and Arizona Clovis groups. In sum, the settlement patterns identified in Sonora appear to indicate that Clovis groups were generalized hunter and gatherers that exploited a wide range of environments, and that their diet was based upon a wide variety of foodstuffs. The Clovis groups of Sonora developed a sophisticated settlement pattern and land use determined by the location of lithic sources for tool making, water sources, large prey animals and a mosaic of edible plants and small animals. Exploiting an extensive territory probably permitted them to remain in the same region for longer periods of time with sufficient caloric returns. Unfortunately, until today we only have one radiocarbon date (11,050 +/580) from the Clovis occupation of Sonora, obtained from Fin del Mundo. In Sonora, the majority of the Clovis sites contain Archaic components, suggesting that the Archaic land use overlapped the Clovis occupation. El Gramal site is the only Clovis site that probably contains a later Paleo-Indian occupation, represented by diagnostic points (Dalton and Plainview like points) (Gaines et al 2009). The presence of only few late Paleo-Indian diagnostic points could represent the decrease of population density in Sonora, but most likely it is an indication that after Clovis a regionalization of the hunter and gather groups took place in Sonora. An early Archaic subsistence appears 323 to have evolved soon after the Clovis occupation of the Sonoran Desert as previously proposed by Cordell (1997) and Mabry (Mabry and Faught, 1998). At about 5,000 yrBP the onset of the altithermal permitted a rise in the population density and promoted the establishment of sedentary agriculture communities. The Sonoran Lithic Industry in the Clovis World Several types of sites have been associated with the Clovis occupation of North America. Camp sites kill sites, caches, workshops, and quarries among others have been documented. Different site types are associated with different tool assemblages. At El Bajío, all the aspects of the Clovis lithic industry is represented due to the fact that is a multi-activity site. Finished tools, discarded tools, unfinished artifacts and debitage are present. Only three other Clovis sites, Adams , Gault and Pavo Real sites are comparable with the El Bajío site. The Adams site is a unique site representing a single Clovis occupation, without later cultural complexes (Sanders 1990). The Gault site is a multicomponent site with an extensive Clovis, later Paleo-Indian and Archaic occupations. Clovis workshops, camp areas and quarries activities are present at the site (Collins 1999a, 1999b). The Pavo Real site is an encampment where tool making was carried out with a lithic raw material procurement source (Collins 2003). The technological method utilized to produce blades, bifaces and unifacial tools is very similar between El Bajío and these sites. Blades were obtained from wedge-shaped cores and conical cores, the blades are long, some are curved and triangular in cross section. Many blades were transformed into end scrapers 324 and side scrapers. End scrapers are very uniform between Clovis sites. The bifacial technological process to manufacture Clovis points varies between sites. The use of fine grain rocks is prevalent. In Sonora, many Clovis points are made of basalt, rhyolite and quartzite; the use of local materials to manufacture tool indicates that Clovis groups remain longer in the region. Only two finished Clovis points are part of the El Bajío collection and it will be difficult to compare them with points from the San Pedro River Valley. Clovis performs at Adams, Gault and El Bajío, show that the technological process for making Clovis points is very similar between sites. Discarded Clovis performs at El Bajío and Adams sites show that fluting was done very early in the process. The technological consistencies and the similarities between the lithic assemblages among sites in different regions, appear to indicate that the craftsmen shared a single lithic tradition. Clovis Interaction and Integration between the Regions Current investigations in Sonora permit us to reconstruct tentative Clovis settlement patterns. Clovis groups utilized an extensive territory (25,000 km2) in and around the Llanos de Hermosillo. Here a variety of site types are present. Lithic procurement sites, encampments, lithic workshops, megafauna hunting sites, and an extensive distribution of isolated Clovis projectile points. Clovis caches are very common in the United States and more than one hundred have been reported, however, there are no Clovis cache sites in Sonora and they do not appear to be an important part of the settlement pattern. Although, the largest and more important Clovis sites in Sonora are located at the Llanos de 325 Hermosillo landscape, Clovis points have been also found between Caborca and Trincheras, the Río San Pedro and the Río Sonora. In both Arizona and Sonora Clovis sites and isolated points are restricted to the Sonoran Desert physiographic province. The Clovis archaeological record of Arizona is represented by 150 isolated Clovis points, two small sites containing a handful of artifacts, and a series of sites (Naco, Lehner, Murray Springs, Scapule and Navarrete), distributed in a very compact are of 31 linear kilometers in the San Pedro River Valley of southern Arizona. The San Pedro sites depicted punctual events of very short duration related to megafauna hunting activity (Haynes and Huckell 2007). The Clovis occupation of New Mexico is represented by 350 isolated Clovis projectile points and two important sites. The Black Water Draw site contains a Clovis and later Folsom occupation, at least two bison kill localities and two encampments could be associated with the Clovis occupation. The Mockingbird Gap site contains a camp area. The Murray Springs could be compared to the Fin del Mundo, in both sites a hunting event is presented with an associated camp area. However, Murray Springs represents only one event and Fin del Mundo was visited several times. The exploitation of the local quartz crystal source appears to indicate that Clovis groups had an extensive knowledge of the region as a result of their constant utilization. The geoarchaeological investigations on the Mexican side of the Río San Pedro (Gaines 2005) were unsuccessful in producing an archaeological record similar to that in Arizona. This study produced a haft dozen isolated projectile points in private collections and one small site composed by one Clovis point and 2 artifacts. Apparently the Mexican side of the San Pedro River 326 experience periods of deposition and erosion that destroyed the late Pleistocene depositional history (Gaines 2005). The lack of archaeological record in the Río San Pedro in Sonora limits the direct comparison between Arizona and Sonora. The Clovis occupation of Sonora can be distinguished from that of Arizona and New Mexico, due to the presence of a large quarry site. Lithic raw material procurement is of fundamental importance within a given territory. The El Bajío quarry functioned as a communal locality for the regional group that was visited and utilized several times a year. Annual residential mobility probably was planned taking into account the El Bajio lithic source, together with the localities with permanent water. The Gomphothers found at Fin del Mundo are puzzling, they have never been found at any other site in North America. It is very probable that Clovis groups in Sonora encountered fauna and flora that they had never seen before, along with a better climate. These conditions likely prompted them to inhabit Sonora. 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