SOUTHWEST CLIMATE RESEARCH AND EDUCATION: INVESTIGATING THE

SOUTHWEST CLIMATE RESEARCH AND EDUCATION: INVESTIGATING THE

SOUTHWEST CLIMATE RESEARCH AND EDUCATION: INVESTIGATING THE

NORTH AMERICAN MONSOON IN ARIZONA AND TEACHING CLIMATE

SCIENCE ON THE TOHONO O’ODHAM NATION

By

Casey Curtiss Kahn-Thornbrugh

________________________

Copyright © Casey Curtiss Thornbrugh 2013

A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the

SCHOOL OF GEOGRAPHY AND DEVELOPMENT

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

For the Degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

In the Graduate College

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

2013

THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA

GRADUATE COLLEGE

As members of the Dissertation Committee, we certify that we have read the dissertation prepared by Casey C. Kahn-Thornbrugh entitled Southwest Climate Research and Education: Investigating the North American

Monsoon in Arizona and Teaching Climate Science on the Tohono O’odham Nation and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement for the

Degree of Doctor of Philosophy.

_______________________________________________________ Date: 3/29/2013

Dr. Andrew C. Comrie

_______________________________________________________ Date: 3/29/2013

Dr. Joseph G. Hiller

_______________________________________________________ Date: 3/29/2013

Dr. Stuart E. Marsh

_______________________________________________________ Date: 3/29/2013

Dr. Nancy J. Parezo

_______________________________________________________ Date: 3/29/2013

Dr. Stephen R. Yool

Final approval and acceptance of this dissertation is contingent upon the candidate’s submission of the final copies of the dissertation to the Graduate College.

I hereby certify that I have read this dissertation prepared under my direction and recommend that it be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement.

_______________________________________________________ Date: 3/29/2013

Dissertation Director: Dr. Andrew C. Comrie

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STATEMENT BY AUTHOR

This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at the University of Arizona and is deposited in the University Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of the Library.

Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by the copyright holder.

SIGNED: Casey Curtiss Kahn-Thornbrugh

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

There are many who deserve a proper acknowledgement for their assistance and support as I have completed this journey through my doctoral program and in the completion of this dissertation. I would first and foremost, like to extend a special gratitude to my advisor Dr. Andrew Comrie for his support, advice, and guidance along the way. Dr. Comrie has supported me through the dissertation process and a project that deals with somewhat disparate topics. Although the human and societal aspects have been considered for quite some time in climate science, bringing in the historical experiences of Indigenous peoples with education, academic research, and considering their unique epistemologies while doing the climate science is a formidable challenge.

Dr. Comrie has stood by my side along the path less traveled. I would also like to thank

Dr. Selso Villegas (Tohono O’odham Nation Water Resources Department), a Tohono

O’odham mentor of mine and a role model for myself and other Native students in science who must balance our tribal values, epistemologies, and Indigenous knowledge with our training, expertise, and knowledge in Western science. I am also grateful to the other members of my committee – Dr. Joseph Hiller (American Indian Studies) for his support and for keeping me grounded while at the same time challenging me to make a positive impact in Native communities and in the tribal colleges, Dr. Steve Yool and Dr.

Stuart Marsh (School of Geography & Development) for their enthusiasm for the curriculum project in this dissertation, and for being role models to me as they are both very thoughtful and dynamic instructors of physical geography, and to Dr. Nancy Parezo

(American Indian Studies) for sharing her knowledge of American Indian history and education as well as her perspectives and all her recommedations for strengthening this dissertation.

For the North American Monsoon System aspect of this dissertation I am grateful to

Dr. Stephen Bieda and the other co-authors on the North American Monsoon paper – Dr.

Andrew Comrie, Dr. David Adams, Dr. Michael Crimmins, Lee Byerle, and John “JJ”

Brost. I am especially grateful to Dr. Bieda for keeping me intellectually active in the monsoon research world: working with you has been both a privilege and a pleasure.

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I must thank the community advisory board members, other community members, and educators who have guided me along in the curriculum development aspect of this dissertation. Special thanks go to Eugene Enis, Felicia Nuñez, and Tony Burrell from the

San Xavier District, Andrea Ahmed and Teresa Vavages from the Sells District, Derrick

Patten and Francisco Jose from the Schuk Toak District, Jana Montana from the San

Lucy District, and Carol Lyons from the San Lucy District Education Center. I am grateful to all of you for your enthusiasm for the project, volunteering your time to meet with me, and your constant support and encouragement of the Tohono O’odham college students who also participated in the curriculum development project. A special thank you to the Tohono O’odham Community College (TOCC) faculty and students who also assisted with the curriculum and its activities: TOCC Tohono O’odham history, culture and language instructors Phillip Miguel, Ron Geronimo, and the late Danny Lopez;

TOCC student interns Duran Andrews, Sara Francisco, Hilario Pio-Martinez, and

Matthew Saraficio. Also, a special thanks to Dr. Ofelia Zepeda for welcoming me in her

Tohono O’odham language class, and for assisting me with O’odham language terms.

Finally I must thank all those who contributed resources for the “activities” integrated into this dissertation research – a TOCC student internship and weather and climate workshops offered on the Tohono O’odham Nation. I would like to give special thanks to Susan Brew, Dr. Barron Orr, Chandra Holifield Collins, and the University of Arizona

NASA Space Grant Office staff for supporting a University of Arizona and TOCC partnership and supporting the TOCC student internship. I would also like to thank Dr.

Rajul Pandya and the Sparks program staff at the University Corporation for Atmospheric

Research (UCAR) for their support of the TOCC student internship and their recognition of the need for more educational opportunities for Native students. I would like to thank

Dr. Katy Garmany and the Kitt Peak National Observatory (KPNO) staff for always welcoming my students and me, and her effort to remind those visiting the observatory that they are on a mountain held sacred by the Tohono O’odham. I also want to thank Dr.

Maria Teresa Velez, Donna Treloar, and the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation Indigenous

Graduate Partnership students for supporting me throughout my doctoral program.

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DEDICATIONS

To my wife Carmella Kahn-Thornbrugh for keeping my life in balance throughout my doctoral program: You are my best friend and partner in science and keeping our tribal traditions and knowledge alive. I would not have completed this journey without you.

To my parents, Cheryl and Curtiss, and my sisters Shawna and Lisa, for supporting my scientific interests as a child and teaching me the values of patience and respect.

To my Dad and Uncle Thomas for grilling me with practice questions on my dissertation.

To my Uncle Chuckie (Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe Natural Resources Department) in

Mashpee for sharing his wisdom on our Wampanoag history and stories, and for keeping me connected to “home.” To my late Uncle Laurie, you will always be remembered.

To my other family, my in-laws: thank you to my mother-in-law, Lorraine for supporting me with wisdom, laughter, and happiness these past few years.

To Belin and Leona Tsinnajinnie: thank you for many years of friendship, intellectual growth, and joy. And lastly, thank you to the members of the Pumpkin Vyne Singers drum group who have given me much peace of mind and friendship while I have lived in

Tucson during my program. No matter where life should lead me, know I will always be a part of your family.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES……………………………………………………………………...12

ABSTRACT……………………………………………………...……….…………...…13

CHAPTER 1 – INTRODUCTION………………...…………………….………………15

Explanation of the Issue……...………………………………………..……..……….15

Approach……………………………...………………………………………………29

Organization of the Dissertation…….……………………………………..…………34

CHAPTER 2 – PRESENT STUDY……………………………………………………...38

Interannual Variability of the NAMS and Climate Change………………...……...…38

Climate-based Research in Indigenous Communities………….…….………...…….40

The Development of a Tohono O’odham Climate Science Curriculum……...……....43

Study Conclusion and Recommendations…….……………………………...……….45

REFERENCES ………..………………………………………………………………...50

APPENDIX A: THE NORTH AMERICAN MONSOON SYSTEM…………………...63

ABSTRACT………………………………………………………………………......64

Introduction………………………………………..……….………………………....65

Human and Ecological Dimensions of the NAMS………….…………………..……67

The Convective Environment……………………………………………………...…73

Thermodynamic Environment…………………………………….…………….…74

Diurnal Cycle of Precipitation and Topography………………….……..………...77

Cloud Microphysics, Precipitation Processes and Convective Storm …………………..

Morphology…………………………………..…………………………...……….…79

Intraseasonal Variability…………………………………………...……………..…..83

Gulf Surges………………………….……………………….…………...……..…84

Upper-Tropospheric Lows/Inverted Troughs……………………….…………......86

Tropical Cyclones……………………………………………………..….…….…87

Mesoscale Convective Systems (MCSs)……………………………………..……88

Moisture Recycling and Vegetative Feedback………………………………….…90

Data Collection and Mesoscale Modeling…………………………………..….....91

Interannual Variability and Climate Change………………………..……………...…93

Antecedent Winter Snowpack and Precipitation………………………...….….…94

Sea Surface Temperature Anomalies and Teleconnections………..………….......95

Paleoclimate and the NAMS………………………………………………………98

Climate Models of the NAMS and Climate Change…………………………..…101

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Concluding Discussion…………………………………...…………………………105

References…………………………………………………………………………109

Tables……………………………………………………………………………...129

Figures………………………………………………………………………….…130

APPENDIX B: FROM THE ARCTIC TO THE U.S. SOUTHWEST: CLIMATE- -

BASED RESEARCH IN NATIVE COMMUNITIES …………………..……………155

ABSTRACT.………………………………………………………………………...156

Introduction……………………………………………………………………….…156

Academic Research and Native Communities……………………………..……….164

Climate-Related Research in Arctic Native Communities……...…………………..168

Research Principles…………………………………………………..………..…173

Researcher obligations….……………………………………………..…………174

Obligation of researchers from the communities ………….……………….…....174

Climate Research in Tribal Lands in the U.S. Southwest………………….……….185

Differing Policies Regarding Indigenous Peoples in the Arctic and the U.S.

............

Southwest………………………………………………………………………..185

Indian Land Tenure in the Southwest………………..……………………….…188

Climate Research and Climate Change in the Southwest…………..…………...190

Climate Data Network on Tribal Lands………………………...……………..…197

Differing Worldviews on Appropriate Behavior on the Land…………………...201

Southwest Climate Research Partnerships with Tribes………………………..…204

Indigenous-led Climate-related Research……..……………………………….……208

Native Students as Scientists and Researchers…………..……...………………..208

Research in the Tribal Colleges and Universities…………………….………….211

Tribal Elder Involvment and Guidance…………………………………………..213

Conclusion…………………………………...…………………………………...…215

References………...……………………..……………………………………….…220

Figures………………………………………………………………………………237

APPENDIX C: DEVELOPING A TOHONO O’ODHAM WEATHER AND CLIMATE

CURRICULUM…………………………………………………………………….…240

ABSTRACT……………………………..………………………………………..…241

Introduction………………………………………………………………………….242

High Context and Culturally Responsive Curriculum…………………..…….…242

Culturally Relevant “Climate Science” Curriculum Initiatives……………...…..248

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Background and Socio-Cultural Context……………………………………………253

Pre-Existing Curriculum and Project Motivation……………………..………….253

The Tohono O’odham: A Brief Cultural, Geographic and Historic Overview..…256

Tohono O’odham Community College…………...……….…….………….……260

TOCC Science Classes & Related Activities.………..……….……………….…262

Research Approach………………………………………………………………….262

Research Premises, Objectives and Questions…………………………...……....262

Participatory Action Research………………………………………...………….264

Methods……….……………………………………………………………………..266

Literature Search………………………..…………………..……………………267

Pre-Assessment Surveys………………………………………….………..….…269

Informal Interviews…………………………………………………………....…272

Educational Outreach Workshops……………………………………………..…272

Results…………………………………………………………………...………..…273

Literature Review Findings and Considerations…………………………..…..…273

An Overview of Tohono O’odham Epistemology from the Literature………..…276

Pre-Assessment Survey Results……………………………………………………..279

Demographical Information………………………...…………………………....280

Access to Information………………………………...……………………….…280

Favorite School Subjects: Past or Present……………...…………………….…..280

Observing the Weather..………………………………………………………….282

Weather and Climate Topics of Interest……………………………………….…283

Interview…………………………………………………………………….……285

The Curriculum and the Workshops…………..…..…..……………………...……..285

The Curriculum Activities.……...………………………..………………………285

The Workshops………………………………………...……..……………….…287

Evaluations…….….…………………………………………………………...…289

Applying the Curriculum: Teaching Geo 101 at TOCC Fall 2012………………292

Conclusion……….…….………………………………...……………………….…293

Recommendations………………………………………………………..………296

Remaining Challenges…………………………………………………...……….298

References………………..…………………………………...…………………..…300

Tables…..…………………………………………………………...……………….309

Figures…..…………………………………………………………..………………326

APPENDIX D: INDIAN EDUCATION AND SCIENCE: A PERSONAL, ………………

HISTORICAL AND MODERN PERSPECTIVE…………………………………...…362

Personal Introduction………………………………………………………………..363

Native Students and Science Education……………………………………………..369

Clashes between Indigenous and Western Epistemologies………………...……….373

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Differing Indigenous and European Perceptions of the Natural World……….....374

Tohono O’odham Indigenous Knowledge and Science…………………….……377

What then is Indigenous/Native Science?..............................................................380

U.S. Federal Trust Relationship and Indian Education…………………………..382

Conflicting Standards on Education………………………………………...……384

Progression of Indian Education through the 20 th

Century………………………….390

Indian Education: 1900-1970………………………………………..…...............390

Indian Self-Determination in Education: 1960s-Present……………………..…..393

Tribal Colleges and Universities…………………………………………...…….395

Modern Native Communities and Education…………………….…………….……402

Native Languages…………………………………..……………………….……404

High School and College Persistence…………………………………………….405

Indian Education and Modern Life Realities…………………………………….406

Concluding Discussion…….………………………………………………….…….409

References…………………………………………………………………….…….413

APPENDIX E: WEATHER AND CLIMATE STORY CARTOON…………………..426

APPENDIX F: PRE-ASSESSMENT SURVEY……………………………………….432

APPENDIX G: O’ODHAM LANGUAGE DESCRIPTIONS OF WEATHER ….………..

(CENTRAL TOHONO O’ODHAM NATION DIALECTS)…….……………………443

APPENDIX H: O’ODHAM LANGUAGE DESCRIPTIONS OF WEATHER …….……..

(WESTERN TOHONO O’ODHAM NATION DIALECTS)….....……………………444

APPENDIX I: THE WATER CYCLE (TOTOKWAÑ DIALECT)……...……………445

APPENDIX J: THE WATER CYCLE (HU:HUHLA DIALECT)…..…...……………446

APPENDIX K: EVALUATION SURVEY………………………….…...……………447

APPENDIX L: CURRICULUM ACTIVITIES FOR GEO 101: INTRODUCTION TO ….

WEATHER AND CLIMATE FALL 2012…………..……………….…...……………451

APPENDIX M: DISTRICT RESOLUTION FOR PROJECT APPROVAL: SAN LUCY ..

DISTRICT……………………………………….………………………...……………464

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

APPENDIX N: DISTRICT RESOLUTION FOR PROJECT APPROVAL: SAN ……….

XAVIER .

DISTRICT……….…………………………………………………………467

APPENDIX O: DISTRICT RESOLUTION FOR PROJECT APPROVAL: SCHUK ……

TOAK DISTRICT……..………………….……………………………………………469

APPENDIX P: DISTRICT RESOLUTION FOR PROJECT APPROVAL: SELLS ………

DISTRICT………………………………………………………………………………471

APPENDIX Q: RESOLUTION FOR PROJECT APPROVAL: LEGISLATIVE …………

COUNCIL OF THE TOHONO O’ODHAM NATION…………………..……………473

12

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE 1 Health and Human Services Billboard on the Tohono O’odham Nation…....17

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ABSTRACT

Western science and Indigenous knowledge understand Southwest climate and the

North American monsoon from different cultural perspectives. However, scant literature exists relating to climate and Indigenous communities in the Southwest. On the contrary, substantial climate research has occurred with Arctic Indigenous communities; however, a general aspiration among communities is Indigenous-led climate research and education. This requires more Native scientists and culturally responsive climate science curricula. Southwest Indigenous communities are primed to do this. This dissertation examines 1) the current scientific understanding of the North American monsoon, 2) the state of climate research in Indigenous communities, and 3) the development of culturally responsive climate science curricula. The first paper synthesizes the current scientific understanding of the monsoon and its interannual variability. Pacific Ocean-based teleconnections, such as ENSO-PDO combined indices do add skill in early-season monsoon forecasting. However, general circulation models continue to deal with computational-spatial resolution limitations challenging their application in future climate change projections of the monsoon. The second paper focuses on climate-related research in Indigenous communities in the Arctic and the Southwest to highlight lessonslearned. Climate researchers working with Native communities must exercise cultural considerations for Indigenous relationships with the climate and Indigenous protocols for acquiring and disseminating knowledge. Furthermore, increasing the number of Native students in science and Native scientists are ways to improve climate-related research in

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Indigenous communities. The third paper is a participatory action research approach to develop a culturally responsive climate science curriculum for Tohono O’odham high school and college students. This project worked with a community advisory board as well as Tohono O’odham Community College instructors and student interns. Preassessment surveys were given to community members learn of the most relevant weather and climate topics. The curriculum was developed incorporating local, culturally relevant topics. Climate workshops were offered in the communities using activities developed for the curriculum. Workshop evaluations were positive; however, they also addressed the need for more culturally relevant examples. The overlapping theme for these dissertation papers is cultural understanding for climate research and education in

Indigenous communities toward a means for Indigenous-led climate research/education within their own communities.

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CHAPTER 1 – INTRODUCTION

Explanation of the Issue

In an Indigenous context, “climate understanding” always begins with a “cultural understanding.” The climate of southwestern North America can be said to be understood through two, fairly disparate knowledge systems: Indigenous knowledge and

Western science. More specifically in southern Arizona, the North American monsoon and the climate are understood through the “lenses” of Western science, but also by the

Tohono O’odham or the “Desert People” who are indigenous to the Sonoran Desert.

Embedded in Western and Indigenous knowledge systems are also the unique epistemologies or “ways of knowing” the climate, which carry with them the human relationships and values, framed by the culture of the knowledge holders (Cruikshank

2001; Novak 2007). Southwestern North America is where multiple cultures have now converged upon a region with an arid-to-semiarid climate. Historically, the primary cultures of the region have consisted of Indigenous peoples as well as Spanish-speaking and Euro-American societies (Sheridan 2000). However, the modern U.S. Southwest especially within its urban areas also resembles somewhat of a “global community” with multiple cultures calling this region home and attempting to understand its climate.

Understanding the climate of the Southwest from multiple cultural perspectives is ever more important because the climate is changing (Weiss and Overpeck 2005; Novak 2007;

Pachauri and Reisinger 2007; Seager et al. 2007; Coles and Scott 2009; Collins et al.

2009; Redsteer and Begay 2009) and because human societies must now adapt to these changes. Although climate change will impact all societies in the region, cultural

16 perspectives on the “climate itself” vary among different peoples. Climate change research, education, and adaptation strategies also stem from the various historicalcultural contexts among different human societies. The urban society in the Southwest is relatively new, one-to-several generations back while the Indigenous societies are ancient by comparison. The new, more urban society is still coming to understand the climate through the lenses of Western science while ancient societies have long understood the climate through Indigenous knowledge. Both the new and Indigenous societies must both confront climate change, but with different cultural priorities in mind. Southwest urban societies are confronting climate change with a focus on mitigating and adapting while sustaining a strong economy and a high quality of life for individuals. Indigenous societies have an additional priority: Adapting to climate change and sustaining our tribal cultures-languages and ways of life. For example, a billboard visible from Highway 86 on the Tohono O’odham Nation (Figure 1), frames an Indigenous sentiment very clearly,

“We have lived and survived in this desert for over 500 years. Will we survive the next

500?” Across North America, Indigenous people have increasingly participated in the

“climate science discussion;” however, they have yet to hold a central role in climate research and education, even when it concerns climate issues within their own communities, lands, and sea-ways (Cochran et al. 2013).

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Figure 1. This billboard was posted adjacent to Highway 86 on the Tohono O’odham

Nation. The context of the question pertains to the Tohono O’odham Nation and its ability to be resilient and address all the challenges faced in its communities. The climate is also a key factor in the health of the desert, which is also critical to the health “of a desert people.” Photo by C. Kahn-Thornbrugh, 2011.

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In the Southwest the most prominent climate feature is the “summer monsoon,” which is referred to in the literature as, the “North American monsoon” (Adams and Comrie

1997; Sheppard et al. 2002; Bieda et al. in prep). The monsoon contributes to over 50% of the annual precipitation within its domain from July-September (Douglas et al. 1993;

Adams and Comrie 1997; Bieda et al. in prep). Western science understanding of the monsoon has developed for over a century, and this knowledge has been disseminated through hundreds of studies and peer-reviewed publications, which have been synthesized in Adams and Comrie (1997) and Bieda et al. (in prep). A few examples include: 1) understanding the monsoon through observation and record keeping

(Campbell 1906; Beals 1922; Reed 1933; Ives 1949; Jurwitz 1953; Green and Sellers

1964; TenHarkel 1980; Carleton 1985; Douglas et al. 1993; Comrie and Glenn 1998; Hu and Feng 2001; Liebmann et al. 2008); 2) paleoclimate studies of the monsoon (Wells

1979; Davis and Shafer 1992; Poore et al. 2005; Stahle et al. 2009; Truebe et al. 2010;

Griffin et al. 2011; Lyle et al. 2012); 3) experimental observations of the atmosphereoceans-soils before and during the monsoon (Hales 1972; Watson et al. 1994; Maddox et al. 1995; Shaffrey et al. 2002; Higgins and Gochis 2007; Bieda et al. 2009; Vivioni et al.

2010); and 4) experimental atmospheric-oceanic climate model simulations of the monsoon (Arritt et al. 2000; Yang et al. 2001; Xu and Small 2002; Bosilovich et al. 2003;

Saleeby and Cotton 2004; Seager et al. 2007; Lin et al. 2008; Gutzler et al. 2009;

Dominguez et al. 2010; Chan and Misra 2011; Castro et al. 2012). Despite numerous studies, a more complete understanding of the factors contributing to the interannual variability of the monsoon remains to be established. This has enhanced the ongoing

19 research effort and has defined a Western science aim to understand the monsoon for the purpose of prediction and seasonal forecasting of summer precipitation (Carleton et al.

1990; Gutzler and Preston 1997; Higgins and Shi 2000; Yu and Wallace 2000;

Krishnamurti et al. 2002; Mo et al. 2005; Zhu et al. 2005; Grantz et al. 2007; Kursinski et al. 2008; Bieda et al. 2009; Schemm et al. 2009; Hu et al. 2011; Castro et al. 2012; Bieda et al. in prep). In addition, more recent scientific inquiries have focused on how the monsoon will respond to climate change (Seager et al. 2007; Seth et al. 2011; Cavazos et al. 2012). A further motivation for understanding the monsoon results from it being a relatively “new” climate feature for those who are “new” to the Sonoran Desert (Ingram

2000; R. Pulwarty, personal communication, July 2, 2013). Furthermore, there is the need to provide information for societal sectors impacted by the monsoon, such as emergency response, agriculture, public health, water management, aviation, and rangeland/ecosystem management (Ray et al. 2007).

The most prominent climate feature for the Tohono O’odham and other Indigenous peoples in the Southwest is also the monsoon (Underhill et al. 1979; Nabhan 1982;

Dozier 1983; Fontana 1989; Erickson 1994; Zepeda 1995; Sheridan 1996; Parezo 1996;

Moreillon 1997; Ingram 2000; Sheridan 2000; Manuel and Neff 2001; Villegas 2004;

Lopez 2005; Miguel 2005; Novak 2007; Chana et al. 2009; TOCA 2010; Tohono

O’odham Nation 2012). The Tohono O’odham call the summer monsoon jujkiabig

mamṣad or the “rainy months.” Indigenous understanding of the monsoon and the climate has developed over millennia and is most demonstrated through “relationships” that Indigenous cultures have with natural world including its weather, climate, and

20 seasons. The Tohono O’odham in Arizona for example, have a deep understanding and relationship with the monsoon, which is evident in community-held rain ceremonies called ju:jkida or “rain-calling/rain-making” (Fontana 1989; Sheridan 1996; Moreillon

1997; Lopez 2005; Chana et al. 2009; TOCA 2010). In addition, there is the acknowledgement of a physical and spiritual “renewal” of life and the natural world, which is considered the “Tohono O’odham New Year” and begins with the onset of the monsoon rains (Zepeda 1995; Sheridan 1996; Moreillon 1997; Villegas 2004; Lopez

2005; Chana et al. 2009). Generally speaking, Tohono O’odham perspectives are less concerned with the seasonal prediction of the monsoon and more concerned with understanding how to live with the climate and its variability (Nabhan 1982; Zepeda

1995; Ingram 2000; Miguel 2005). For many traditional Tohono O’odham elders, as well as adults and young people with traditional values-belief systems, the monsoon rains arrive when communities hold their ceremonies and acknowledge or “renew” their relationship with the land, mountains, atmosphere (i.e., winds-clouds), and the ocean

(Lopez 2005; Miguel 2005: Chana et al. 2009; TOCA 2010). Information related to the monsoon, such as weather and climate impacts on emergency response, or agriculture, public health, ecosystem health, and water management are also very relevant on the

Tohono O’odham Nation, just as they are throughout southern Arizona. However,

Indigenous-Tohono O’odham motivation for understanding the monsoon is driven more by the need to sustain a balanced relationship with the climate and the natural world

(Nabhan 1982; Sheridan 1996; Lopez 2005; Miguel 2005; Chana et al. 2009; TOCA

2010). Hence for the Tohono O’odham climate understanding begins with a cultural

21 understanding or more specifically, understanding, living, and practicing their Himdag or

“way of life” in sync with the climate (Lopez 2005; Chana et al. 2009).

Beyond the Southwest Western science and Indigenous knowledge have been obliged to reconcile one another within the activities of climate-related research, which has occurred mostly in the Arctic, but also in other regions of the globe (Fox 2000;

Riedlinger 2001; Krupnik and Jolly 2002; Newton et al. 2005; Ford et al. 2007; Novak

2007; Turner and Clifton 2009; Gearheard et al. 2010; Green et al. 2010; Lemlin et al.

2010; McNeely 2012; Voggesser et al. 2013). Indigenous input and participation in climate-related research began in the Arctic and the Far North in the late 1990s, as a response to climate change observations and impacts. Climate-related research, interactions between Western scientists and Indigenous people have opened a dialog between Western and Indigenous knowledge systems (Krupnik and Jolly 2002).

Furthermore, these interactions have increasingly highlighted Indigenous knowledge or

“Traditional Ecological Knowledge” (TEK) as a valid form of knowledge for Western scientific audiences (Wenzel 1999; Huntington 2000; Henri et al. 2010); although, TEK has always been a valid form of knowledge for Indigenous peoples (Pierotti and Wildcat

2000). However, these interactions have also raised questions on the equity of the distribution of tangible and intellectual benefits between the Indigenous communities who share their knowledge and the scientific research communities who collect it

(Bielawski 1995; Gunderson 2008; Cochran et al. 2013). Indigenous historic and contemporary experiences with scientific/academic research whether health-based, historical, cultural, or environmental, have been those where the benefits serve the

22 scientific/academic research community more so than the communities where the research was done (Macaulay 1994; Smith 1999; Austin et al. 2000; Rubin 2004; Madsen

2008; Wilson 2008; Galliher et al. 2011). This issue also relates to “cultural perceptions on knowledge” or more specifically, acknowledging that there are different paradigms and ideas on the appropriate means of acquiring and disseminating knowledge

(Cruikshank 2002; Novak 2007). From many Indigenous cultural perspectives, Western scientific/academic research can seek knowledge rather aggressively (Bielawski 1995;

Cajete 2000). For example, in a recent workshop “Rising Voices of Indigenous Peoples in Weather and Climate Science” Samoan elder, Papalii Failautusi Aveglio, stated, “The fear of our elders is that knowledge is running faster than wisdom” (personal communication, July 1, 2013). There can also be the assumption from Western science perspectives that the knowledge of Indigenous peoples should always be integrated into science to produce more generalizable knowledge (Wenzel 1999). This can counter some

Indigenous views on knowledge as that which is meant for specific peoples/tribes/nations for their own physical and cultural survival (Green et al. 2010). Indigenous concerns about “intellectual property rights,” such as those related to historical and cultural research (e.g., Madsen 2008) are also being voiced in climate-related research (P.

Hardison, personal communication, July 1, 2013). Many of these concerns for equitable benefits and the appropriate handling-dissemination of knowledge have fueled this notion highlighted by Cochran et al. (2013): There is a need for more Indigenous people/organizations to “lead” and define the terms of climate-related research that concerns their communities, lands, seaways, and especially, Indigenous knowledge.

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In order for more Indigenous-led climate research, there is a need for more Native students educated both in Western science and Indigenous knowledge, hence more

“Native scientists” (Deloria and Wildcat 2001; Aikenhead 2001; James 2001; Brayboy et al. 2008; D. Ferguson, personal communication, October 22, 2009; Cochran et al. 2013).

Therefore, another activity where Western science and Indigenous knowledge have begun to intersect is in “climate education” (Elmore et al. 2010; Mitchell et al. 2011;

Reynolds and Kern 2012; Roehrig et al. 2012; Kahn-Thornbrugh et al. in prep). A major historical context related to education and Indigenous peoples in North America is that over the past four decades American Indian/Alaska Native tribes have been working to

“re-gain” control over education within their own communities since this was taken from them during the forced cultural assimilation policies and practices imposed by the colonial powers (e.g., Spain, England) and the U.S. from the 17 th

-early 20 th

centuries

(Adams 1995; Szasz 1999; Tippeconnic 2000; Szasz 2007). Cleary and Peacock (1998),

Szasz (1999), Tippeconnic (2000), Deloria and Wildcat (2001), Bergstrom et al. (2003), and Faircloth and Tippeconnic (2010) all discuss the historical consequences of

“education for assimilation” policies including: reduced fluency in Native languages, negative student experiences in schools, lower high school completion rates, and a disproportionately small pool of students eligible for college and degrees in science compared to other U.S. groups. However, substantial progress has been made toward including Indigenous knowledge in science curricula serving Native students at the K-12 level (Allen 1997; ANKN 1998; Thomas and TOED 1999; Stephens 2000; Agbo 2001;

Ollerenshaw and Lyons 2002; Demmert and Towner 2003; Riggs 2005; McCoy et al.

24

2011; Reynolds and Kern 2012; Roehrig et al. 2012). Additional progress has been made in American Indian higher education (Semken and Morgan 1997; Cajete 1999; Thomas and TOED 1999; Ollerenshaw and Lyons 2002; Blackhorse et al. 2003; Elmore et al.

2010; Mitchell et al. 2011). This has occurred under efforts to develop and implement

“culturally responsive curricula,” or that which: 1) reinforces the Indigenous knowledge of the tribe/community, 2) uses the local Indigenous language, and 3) seeks to balance

Western and Indigenous knowledge in education. The primary challenge in culturally responsive education has been to establish a true balance between the utilization of

Western and Indigenous forms of knowledge (Semken 1997; Aikenhead 2001; Deloria and Wildcat 2001; Dyck 2001; Brayboy et al. 2008). While it is often expressed that

Western science and Indigenous knowledge are both valid (Aikenhead 2001; Demmert and Towner 2003; Barnhardt and Kawagley 2005), Western science is far more utilized in science education serving Native students (Cleary and Peacock 1998; Deloria and

Wildcat 2001; Brayboy et al. 2008). Many educators agree that Native students need to learn Western science concepts in order to be competitive and to effectively deal with the

“outside world” (ANKN 1998; Cajete 1999; Deloria and Wildcat 2001; Dukepoo 2001;

Kawagley 2001; James 2001; Poodry 2001; Demmert and Towner 2003; Beck 2004;

Brayboy et al. 2008). However, in science education Indigenous knowledge has been secondary to state/federal education standards for both K-12 and higher education

(Deloria and Wildcat 2001; Brayboy et al. 2008). This has made Indigenous knowledgebased curricula/activities more “supplemental” instead of serving a “central” or

25

“foundational” role in the education of Native students (Kawagley 1995; Cleary and

Peacock 1998; Deloria and Wildcat 2001; Brayboy et al. 2008).

There are many factors inhibiting a true balance between Western science and

Indigenous knowledge in science education. However, there are three very prominent issues, which are: 1) historic, residual effects of Indigenous knowledge-language suppression in American education (i.e., “American educational standards” trumping

“Indigenous educational standards;” Cleary and Peacock 1998; Tippeconnic 2000;

Pewewardy 2001; Brayboy et al. 2008); 2) concerns tribes/communities have for including Indigenous knowledge within “formal education” settings (Lipka 1989;

Kawagley 1995; Allen 1997; Dukepoo 2001; Lujan 2001); and 3) the lack of Native

“science” teachers in both K-12 (Kawagley 1995; Allen 1997; Cleary and Peacock 1998;

Yazzie 1999; Agbo 2001; Demmert and Towner 2003; Manuelito 2003; Pewewardy and

Hammer 2003; Brayboy et al. 2008; Wright 2010) and in higher education institutions

(Shangreaux 2001). Outside of Indian tribes and Native communities there is support education. For example, the U.S. does have a trust responsibility to continue to provide financial support for Indian education programs (O’Brien 1993; Austin et al. 2000;

Canby 2004; Hiller 2005; Gautam et al. 2013). Furthermore, current support and funding

(e.g., grant opportunities) for the improvement of science education for Native students is higher now than in any other point in U.S. history. However; the caveat is that this support focuses more on enhancing a pipeline of students into a national science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) workforce, over local Indigenous-based agendas to foster a balanced education for improvement within their own communities

26

(Deloria and Wildcat 2001; James 2001). On the one hand, exceptional science opportunities are available from the outside for students; and on the other hand, local communities often face “up-hill battles” to educate their own in Indigenous knowledge and languages.

Although the days of U.S. policies overtly suppressing Indigenous knowledgelanguages in education are in the past, K-12 schools still must prioritize state/federal education standards in order to receive funding to operate. Furthermore, to maintain accreditation American Indian tribal colleges must, above all, meet the Higher Learning

Commission (HLC) educational standards. An additional question comes directly from the perspective of American Indian/Alaska Native tribes and communities: Should

Indigenous knowledge be included in “formal education settings,” such as in curricula and in the schools, or should it stay more in “informal settings,” such as with the students’ families and/or within community activities? Because most K-12 and tribal college educators of Native students are non-tribal members of the communities where they teach, there is frequently the concern for Indigenous knowledge to be used and

“taught out of context” (Lipka 1989; Kawagley 2001; Dukepoo 2001) or to “leave the community” and be used inappropriately (Allen 1997; Lujan 2001). Kawagley (1995) also voices a concern that Yup’ik tribal elders have in teaching Indigenous knowledge when teacher “turn-over rates” are so high in the schools. This leads to third issue, the lack of Native science teachers/instructors. Theoretically, the context of Indigenous knowledge is more likely to be maintained when taught by someone from the same cultural frame of reference and life experiences as those of the students (i.e., tribal

27 members from the community). However, based on the Alliance for Excellent Education

(2008), only 16% of teachers are Native in public schools serving Native communities.

Efforts for the development of culturally responsive “climate science” curricula have begun over the past few years (e.g., Elmore et al. 2010; Mitchell et al. 2011; Reynolds and Kern 2012; Roehrig et al. 2012; Kahn-Thornbrugh et al. in prep). Specific examples include 1) culturally relevant geoscience courses at the University of Oklahoma (e.g.,

Indigenous knowledge of local weather and climate) to attract Native college students to geoscience majors (Elmore et al. 2010), 2) a climate change curriculum from an

“Indigenous perspective” for use at tribal colleges (Mitchell et al. 2011), 3) defining a

“culturally congruent” climate curriculum for K-12 schools serving Native students in the states of Washington and Idaho (Reynolds and Kern 2012), and 4) defining a “culturally relevant” approach to climate education in Anishinaabe (Ojibwe) communities in

Minnesota (Roehrig et al. 2012). These efforts all have faced the aforementioned challenges of 1) meeting state/federal standards, 2) tribal/community concerns over

Indigenous knowledge in the schools, and 3) the lack of Native science teachers.

However, some additional unique challenges also arose among these efforts. Elmore et al. (2010) noted an increase in the number of Native students taking geoscience classes; however, the number of Native geoscience “majors” did not increase. Mitchell et al.

(2011) dealt with a conundrum of developing an Indigenous-based curriculum model that could be applicable to various tribal colleges whether these colleges served students from specific Indigenous cultures, such as College of the Menominee Nation, Diné College or

Tohono O’odham Community College, or served students from multiple Indigenous

28 cultures, such as Haskell Indian Nations University and United Tribes Technical College.

Reynolds and Kern (2012) noted that initially (i.e., the “pre-assessment” phase of their study) most K-12 teachers had little or no contact with tribal experts or elders in the communities where they taught, thus local Indigenous knowledge examples were absent from the curricula they used.

Indigenous-led climate-related research and culturally responsive climate education are highly needed in the Southwest. Climate change in the Southwest is occurring at rates nearly comparable to those in the Arctic and Far North (e.g., in terms of temperature increase; Pachauri and Reisinger 2007). Furthermore, 25% of the land area in the

Southwest consists of federal Indian reservation lands, which includes two of the largest reservations in the U.S., the Navajo reservation at 27,400 square miles and the Tohono

O’odham reservation at 4,400 square miles. According to the U.S. Census Bureau

(2010), approximately 490,000 or 6% of the population in the Southwest is American

Indian/Alaska Native, which is the higher than other region in the U.S., besides the combined northern Great Plains states (e.g., Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, and

Wyoming; ~ 6%) and individual states, such as Alaska (15%) and Oklahoma (9%).

There is also a relatively high Native college student enrollment in the four-year universities, community colleges, and the five tribal colleges in the Southwest (Diné

College, Institute for American Indian Arts, Navajo Technical College, Southwest Indian

Polytechnic Institute, Tohono O’odham Community College). Thus there are tremendous opportunities for the development and implementation of culturally responsive

29 environmental/climate science curricula at the K-12 and higher education level in institutions serving Native students.

Indigenous societies have lived with the monsoon and the Southwest climate for over millennia, developing long term knowledge, understanding, and reciprocal relationships with the climate system and its associated meteorological phenomena. The Southwest climate and the summer monsoon have helped sustain Indigenous societies and their cultures through maintaining ecological productivity-cycles and supporting dry-land agriculture, both of which provide sustenance in arid lands. Winter precipitation and upland snowpack have provided water sources via rivers, intermittent streams, ponds, and mountain springs. Yet, until recently, Indigenous participation has been largely absent from climate-related research and education in the Southwest. Therefore, the central research question posed for this dissertation is: How can Southwest climate research and education occur for the benefit of Native communities and enable Indigenous people to

“lead” the research and educational agendas? This dissertation and its chapters addresses a larger purpose to understand the climate in the Southwest from Western science and

Indigenous perspectives, but to also ensure that Native students have the opportunity to learn climate science from both Western science and their own Indigenous knowledge systems. This scholarship is timely due to the increasing number of Native students pursuing environmental and geosciences degrees who must reconcile different epistemologies drawn from Indigenous and Western knowledge systems.

Approach

30

Climate change is being observed and creating impacts on American Indian tribal lands in the Southwest. How the North American Monsoon System (NAMS) will respond to climate change remains a question, and this is also very relevant to Indigenous communities in the Southwest. Yet, just as in the Arctic, Indigenous people in the

Southwest have not had the opportunity to lead the climate-related scientific research or education that concerns their lands and communities. This circumstance persists even though it is acknowledged that climate change will have particularly unique impacts on

Indigenous communities, and will warrant different cultural considerations and adaptation strategies (Maynard 1998; Bennett et al. 2013). Research institutions have been approaching American Indian tribes and communities proposing to partner on climate-related research concerning tribal lands. However, the issue with these partnerships is that they are being proposed before tribes and Indigenous communities have had the opportunity to lay their own “climate science foundation,” which includes setting the terms for climate research based on their own priorities, relationships with the climate, and cultural concepts of knowledge acquisition/dissemination. Furthermore, what has yet to be included in an Indigenous climate science foundation is the development and implementation of culturally responsive education, thus a means to enhance climate expertise within Indigenous communities.

This dissertation is not simply just a “bridge” between Western science and Indigenous knowledge. More accurately, this dissertation attempts to “bridge the gap” between

Western science approaches to understanding Southwest climate and Indigenous climaterelated research concerns and priorities, including the need for more Indigenous-based or

31 culturally responsive climate education. This research aims to address the following fundamental questions related to the NAMS as well as Southwest climate and Indigenous participation in climate research and education:

1) According to the Western science literature, what are some of the controls and physical mechanisms contributing to the interannual variability of the NAMS?

2) Why are interactions between climate-geoscientists and representatives from

Native communities regarding “research” a major challenge with regard to establishing trust? What is the historical context behind Indigenous people and research?

3) What are the other historical issues and the social factors that challenge fruitful partnerships between Western science research institutions and Indigenous communities?

4) What needs to be done in order for Indigenous communities to begin driving their own climate research and education agendas?

5) What are some steps to making climate science education more culturally responsive for Native students so that it balances Indigenous knowledge

(including Indigenous-based relationships, epistemologies, and tribal languages) with Western scientific knowledge of climate?

The answers to questions “two” and “three” may be trivial to scholars in American

Indian studies or history. However, many scientists who seek to develop research partnerships with tribes are largely unaware of the depth to which historical issues run and are often caught off guard when confronted with Indigenous concerns and frustration

32 related to research. Questions “four” and “five” seek to address building an Indigenousbased foundation in climate science research and education.

This dissertation research begins with a synthesis of the past 15 years of peer-reviewed studies on the NAMS. Adams and Comrie (1997) conducted a literature synthesis on the

NAMS for work that had been published 1906-1997. However, since 1997, research on the NAMS has increased substantially, with almost 200 articles published 1997-2012 as well as more articles continuing to emerge frequently through 2013. In a segue into climate research and education in Indigenous communities, this research also reviews the published literature on climate-related research involving Native communities in the

Arctic and Far North as well as climate related research on American Indian tribal lands in the U.S. Southwest. It also reviews the scholarship of science education and Native students and the concept of culturally responsive education. Examples of culturally relevant climate education are specifically addressed.

The next part of this research is the development of a culturally responsive weather and climate curriculum for instructors of Tohono O’odham high school and college students.

The contextual setting for this research is the Tohono O’odham Nation and the local tribal college, Tohono O’odham Community College (TOCC). The author/principal investigator has served as an adjunct geography instructor at TOCC, teaching a class on weather and climate 2008-2012. As with other American Indian tribes and Indigenous communities, the Tohono O’odham Nation’s members and tribal government representatives have voiced concerns over their involvement in academic research.

Therefore, this research was presented as a proposal before communities within four

33 districts on the Tohono O’odham Nation. The research proposal was presented orally at community and district council meetings and was approved by the districts of San Lucy,

San Xavier, Schuk Toak, and Sells via district resolutions (Appendices M-P). The research was also presented before and reviewed by the Water Resources, Natural

Resources, Cultural Preservation, and Human Resources Development committees of the

Legislative Council of the Tohono O’odham Nation (i.e., the tribal government). Final approval for the curriculum development project was given by a full session of the

Legislative Council (Appendix Q).

This research then took a participatory action research (PAR) approach, organizing community advisory boards; and establishing a weather and climate internship for TOCC students, involving them in the project and supporting them in their own research and climate science education. Community members in the San Lucy, San Xavier, Schuk

Toak, and Sells districts were surveyed on their own interests related to weather and climate. With this information as well as TOCC student intern and community advisory board input, a curriculum was developed. The curriculum’s learning activities were tested at weather and climate educational workshops offered in communities on the

Tohono O’odham Nation during the summer of 2012. Upon completion of this project, the curriculum and survey data collected have been turned over to the Tohono O’odham

Nation and TOCC, and are considered Tohono O’odham intellectual property.

Ultimately, the aim of this research was to increase the participation of Indigenous communities, such as the Tohono O’odham Nation in climate education in the Southwest.

34

This is a means toward Indigenous-led climate-related research and culturally responsive climate education initiatives.

Organization of the Dissertation

This dissertation consists of a second chapter “Present Study” and four manuscripts found in Appendices A-D. Chapter two describes the present study, its research highlights and recommendations. The first manuscript, Appendix A entitled “The North

American Monsoon System” will be submitted to the journal Bulletin of the American

Meteorological Society. This is a co-authored manuscript co-led by Dr. Stephen Bieda

III of the National Weather Service – Pendleton, Oregon office and Casey Kahn-

Thornbrugh, the author of this dissertation. Dr. Bieda has also included this jointly authored manuscript as an appendix in his dissertation, “Flash Flood Causing

Mechanisms of the North American Monsoon Systems in the Sonoran Desert.” Section two “Human and Ecological Dimensions of the NAMS” was co-written by the author of this dissertation along with Dr. Michael Crimmins. Section six “Interannual Variability and Climate Change” is a sole contribution by the author of the dissertation. This section includes the subsections of “Antecedent Winter Snowpack and Precipitation,” “Sea

Surface Temperature Anomalies and Teleconnections,” “Paleoclimate and the NAMS,” and “Climate Models of the NAMS and Climate Change.” Dr. Bieda wrote the abstract, section five “Intraseasonal Variability,” and section seven “Concluding Discussion.” The other co-authors of the manuscript contributed to the remaining sections: section one

“Introduction,” section three “The Convective Environment,” and section four “Cloud

35

Microphysics, Precipitation Processes and Convective Storm Morphology.” This manuscript represents the most comprehensive synthesis of scientific understanding of the North American monsoon to date since Adams and Comrie (1997).

The second manuscript, Appendix B entitled “From the Arctic to the U.S. Southwest:

Climate-Based Research in Native Communities” is a single contribution by the author of this dissertation and is intended for the American Indian Culture and Research Journal.

This manuscript was originally prepared and presented by the author as a paper for the seminar “Research with Respect: Ethical Approaches to Native American Cultural

Research and Archival Practices” held at the University of Arizona November 2, 2010.

Although the general topic of ethical approaches to Native American cultural, archival, and health-related research has been focused on heavily, much less has been attention has been given to environment or climate-rleated research in Native communities. This manuscript explores the climate-specific questions: What are the considerations for climate-related research with Native communities? What are the opportunities for

Indigenous communities to lead climate-related research?

The third manuscript, Appendix C entitled, “Developing a Tohono O’odham Weather and Climate Curriculum” was written by the author of this dissertation and will be submitted to the Journal of American Indian Education. The data were collected and analyzed also by the author of this dissertation. TOCC student interns Duran Andrews,

Sara Francisco, Hilario Pio-Martinez and Matthew Saraficio, as well as University of

Arizona Mel and Enid Zuckerman College of Public Health (MEZCOPH) DrPh student

Carmella Kahn-Thornbrugh, are all co-authors on the manuscript. These individuals

36 contributed many hours on the curriculum project through 1) contributing ideas on curriculum activities, 2) engaging community members at weather and climate outreach and workshop events, 3) “leading” weather and climate workshop activities, and 4) contributing their own insights on what weather and climate means for the Tohono

O’odham through their own personal research projects. The involvement of the TOCC student co-authors is further discussed in the manuscript, and has also been summarized in the spring 2013 edition of Tribal College Journal (e.g., Lee 2013). The author of this manuscript also acknowledges the assistance, advice and input from community advisory board members Andrea Ahmed, Tony Burrell, Eugene Enis, Francisco Jose, Jana

Montana, Felicia Nuñez, Derrick Patten, and Teresa Vavages, as well as Tohono

O’odham Nation Water Resources Department Director Dr. Selso Villegas, who contributed advice on the curriculum materials.

The final is a supplemental manuscript, Appendix D entitled, “American Indian

Education and Science: A Historical and Personal Perspective” was written by the author of this dissertation and is intended to provide a historical context on Indian education and science, as well as some personal insight from the author, a Native student (Mashpee

Wampanoag Tribe) in the field of physical geography and climate science. The first section discusses issues revolving around Native students’ experiences with science education. The following section provides an introduction to Indian education with a discussion on Indigenous knowledge, values in education, and experiences dealing with

Western ideals of education imposed on Indigenous peoples. This manuscript then deals with Indian education during the 20 th

century including the establishment of tribal

37 colleges and universities (TCUs) and the positive impacts these have had for many

Native communities. The manuscript concludes with an assessment of the current status of Indian education and science in the United States and tribal-based efforts in Native language preservation that are providing significant opportunities for the development of

Indigenous/Native science in education. The topics discussed in this paper may be more or less trivial information for scholars in American Indian history; however, those wishing to better understand the historical context of Indian education as well as the experiences of Native students in K-12, higher education, and in science may find this information especially useful.

38

CHAPTER 2 – PRESENT STUDY

The following is a summary of the most important findings in this dissertation. This research contributes to the current knowledge of our understanding of North American

Monsoon Systems (NAMS) interannual variability. This research also contributes valuable insight into the necessary considerations for climate research collaborations with

Indigenous communities, and an example for developing a culturally responsive climate science curriculum at an American Indian tribal college. Below are the summaries from appendices A-C.

Interannual Variability of the NAMS and Climate Change

Understanding the climate controls on the strength and position of the subtropical monsoon high also known as the “subtropical ridge” or (STR) have been deemed valuable for seasonal forecasting. It has been hypothesized that antecedent winter and spring precipitation and snowpack can influence the STR via a “land-atmosphere memory effect” where heavy snowpack would delay the development and the northward progression of the STR with a subsequent delay in the monsoon onset, and vice-versa for below average winter-spring snowpack. Actual observations of this relationship have only held true for the years 1960-1990 where after the statistical relationship decays.

Since the El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO) has been found to influence winter precipitation in the Southwest it has also been investigated for its relationship to monsoon onset and precipitation. Studies linking ENSO the NAMS interannual variability have

39 been inconclusive. However, studies applying a combined tropical Pacific (i.e., ENSO) with a North Pacific sea surface temperature index, such as the Pacific Decadal

Oscillation (PDO) have identified a Pacific-based teleconnection with NAMS interannual variability. Research has found that the La Niña (El Niño) phase of ENSO coupled with a negative (positive) phase of the PDO can shape quasi-stationary Rossby waves (i.e., upper tropospheric air flow patterns) over the Pacific to favor conditions for a northward

(southward) displacement of the STR and an early (late) onset of the NAMS and above

(below) average early monsoon (i.e., June-July) precipitation over the U.S. Southwest.

However this relationship does not determine mid-to-late season monsoon variability thus its forecasting skill is constrained to the early part of the monsoon.

Paleoenvironmental data suggest that the NAMS was wetter with a larger regional extent than in modern times. The explanation for this is that during the early Holocene,

Earth’s orbital orientation relative to the Sun placed the Northern Hemisphere in a position to receive more summer insolation, thus leading to greater land surface heating and an enhancement of the STR. The influence of the NAMS 17 000-14 000 BP extended well into the U.S. Great Basin Desert, a region, which in modern times is quite dry during the summers. Although previous studies have suggested that dry winters are likely to be followed by wet summers (i.e., an enhanced NAMS) and vice-versa for wet winters, tree-ring studies covering the period of 137 B.C. - 2004 A.D. have identified

“perfect drought” or “perfect pluvial” scenarios of dry winters followed by dry summers and wet winters followed by wet summers respectively.

40

The NAMS has been simulated in general circulation models (GCMs), but with varying degrees of success. GCM model horizontal resolution is a primary limiting factor, with the application of appropriate convective parameterizations as a secondary issue. GCMs are able to simulate a summer monsoon precipitation “signal” in southwestern North America. However, they still have some degree of error, such as overestimation of precipitation in the core region of the NAMS (i.e., over the western slopes of the Sierra Madre Occidental). GCM simulations for the peripheral region of the

NAMS (i.e., the U.S. Southwest) have yielded even less accurate results, often significantly underestimating observed precipitation. Some degree of improvement in modeling the NAMS has come about through higher resolution-downscaled GCMs, high resolution regional climate models (RCMs), or nested RCMs in a GCM. Until GCMs are equipped to produce accurate estimations of the monsoon precipitation across the entire

NAMS domain, understanding of how the NAMS will respond to climate change remains a challenge.

Climate-based Research in Indigenous Communities

There is a rich literature documenting climate-based research projects with Indigenous communities in the Arctic and Far North, which begins in the late 1990s and continues through the first decade of the 21 st

century. However, there are fewer documented examples of climate-based research with Indigenous communities in the U.S. Lower 48 or in the U.S. Southwest. There are two primary for this reasons. First, climate change impacts have been rather exceptional in Arctic Indigenous communities (e.g., permafrost

41 melting and relocation of villages, and impacts on the ability for ice-based travel and subsistence hunting), which has prompting much of the research focus over that region.

Secondly, Indigenous peoples have had many negative experiences with academic or scientific-based research that has included them and their communities such as the removal of information and knowledge for the benefit of individuals and organizations outside of the community/tribe, or at worst the misuse of the knowledge bringing social harm to the community. The impact from negative experiences with academic/scientific research has hit Indian tribes and Native communities in the Southwest particularly hard.

For example, an academic research incident involving the Havasupai Tribe (described in more detail in Appendix B) became somewhat of a threshold crossed, prompting many

Southwest tribes to cease involvement in any academic or outside-based research, until such time as tribes could develop their own regulations and research protocols (e.g., the

Navajo Nation Institutional Review Board or the Tohono O’odham Research Code).

Many climate or geoscientists unaware of these circumstances are caught off guard when confronted with negative perceptions that Indigenous people have of research. Also, many current potential research collaborations involve a growing number of Native researchers who must negotiate their academic research training with tribal-based research protocol and their own Indigenous values.

Climate-related research projects in Arctic Indigenous communities have provided some examples of fruitful research collaborations between research institutions and

Native communities. Part of this can be attributed to the Alaska Native Science

Commission (ANSC) guidelines for research established in the late 1990s, which

42 required “participatory research” approaches, otherwise known as “participatory action research” (PAR) where the communities are involved in the stages of the research. Many of the Arctic climate research projects provided benefits to local communities, such as compiling local knowledge for curriculum and bringing technical resources into communities. However, in recent years continued climate-based research in Arctic

Indigenous communities is increasingly being perceived as ‘overkill’ and as no longer adding practical benefits to the communities.

Although not as widely publicized, there are some climate change impacts in rural

Native communities in the Southwest, such as those related to drought, which has been significantly warmer than previous droughts in the 20 th

century. However, with regard to research collaborations with Indigenous communities, the Southwest has lacked PARbased research examples such as those in the Arctic (e.g., the ANSC). Austin et al.

(2000) is one of the few papers discussing climate research with Indian tribes in the

Southwest. Climate-based studies have actually occurred on Indian tribal lands in the

Southwest throughout the 20 th

century. However, these studies focused more on addressing the climate data needs of academic/scientific research rather than benefitting

Native communities where the data was collected. Furthermore, community involvement was also quite limited beyond “research permits” or “guides” assisting the researchers.

However, in the Southwest there are a growing number of Native students in natural sciences, such as hydrology, geosciences, and climate science who have aspirations to work with regional tribes and/or their own community. A positive direction in climatebased research in Native communities and on tribal lands is the development of

43

Indigenous-led research. This is developing with the increasing number Native scientists and in the development of geo-environmental programs and departments within the tribal colleges. In such circumstances 1) local research needs can be identified, 2) benefits can be directed toward the community, and 3) tribes/communities can define the terms for collaboration with outside universities or research institutions.

The Development of a Tohono O’odham Climate Science Curriculum

A research need in many Native communities is the development of locally relevant and culturally responsive science curriculum for K-12 and tribal college students. Many who work in tribal departments and in Native communities recognize a need for more

Native scientists with local knowledge (e.g., TEK), Indigenous values, but who are also trained in Western science concepts and research methods, so they may address environmental issues faced by the community. Tohono O’odham Community College

(TOCC) is a tribal college serving members of the Tohono O’odham Nation, as well as students from other American Indian tribes and other cultural backgrounds. TOCC has a mission to graduate students with both local knowledge and adequate knowledge needed to work with the outside world or the “global community.” In addition, TOCC science faculty members have been working with language and cultural instructors to make their respective classes more culturally responsive and aligned with the Tohono O’odham

Himdag or “culture.”

Culturally responsive curriculum development in K-12 schools and in tribal colleges serving Native communities has been a major challenge because of a persistent issue in

44

Indian education: the prioritizing of American educational standards over Indigenous standards. In addition, most teachers/instructors, and especially science educators of

Native students, are not from the community and are not familiar with the local tribal language and culture or do not stay long enough to become familiar with the languageculture. Two solutions to this are more Native teachers, and also increased involvement of teachers (both non-Native and Native teachers) with the local community to learn of relevant topics and appropriate ways to develop and deliver a culturally responsive curriculum.

A research project focusing on the development of a locally relevant and culturally responsive weather and climate curriculum was accepted by Tohono O’odham local communities, tribal departments, and the tribal government (i.e., the Legislative Council) as a valuable and needed research project, and it therefore was approved. The PAR approach, drawing from the guidelines of the ANSC and research in Arctic Native communities, was a way to keep community members involved in all steps of the research and to ensure immediate benefits. Surveys administered in communities on the

Tohono O’odham Nation indicated that cultural knowledge including traditional stories and language related to weather and climate, were of the highest interest. Yet, Western scientific knowledge was also of high interest particularly that which related to locally relevant climate features such as the monsoon and related weather events like thunderstorms.

The TOCC weather and climate curriculum has been developed and improved substantially with more Tohono O’odham language examples and culturally relevant

45 topics. The greatest areas of improvement include a lesson on the hydrological cycle in the O’odham language with the appropriate dialects for the proper communities and region of the Tohono O’odham Nation, and the development of locally relevant context with a greater focus on the summer monsoon, oceans (e.g., Gulf of California), solar energy, thunderstorms, and severe weather. Evaluations of the curriculum’s activities and lessons from the weather and climate workshops on the Tohono O’odham Nation indicated that the curriculum’s activities were able to teach about weather and climate both from Western and Indigenous-Tohono O’odham perspectives. However, the evaluations also indicated that more work is needed in order to deliver more Tohono

O’odham culturally relevant information related to weather and climate. Thus, we are as educators are continuing to strive for a balance in delivering Tohono O’odham

Indigenous and Western scientific knowledge of local weather and climate.

Study Conclusions and Recommendations

There remains more to be investigated in understanding the climate controls on the

NAMS in order to improve seasonal forecasting. However, the efforts toward seasonal prediction of the NAMS have largely been driven by the needs of the broader society, such as aviation, water resources, public safety, commercial ranching and agriculture, as well as the National Forest and National Park Service hydro-ecological information needs. For the larger, primarily urban, society in the Southwest there is much at stake in relation to both winter and summer precipitation variability. The Tohono O’odham, however, have a much older society and have adapted their communities and developed

46 their epistemology in alignment with the desert climate and its variability. The Tohono

O’odham have lived through many climatic events including what scientists would call

“perfect droughts” or “perfect pluvials,” thus their society has focused on adapting to what each season had in store for them (i.e., more dry or more wet) rather than a heavy focus on seasonal prediction. However, the O’odham (e.g., Tohono O’odham, Akimel

O’odham, Hia C’eḍ O’odham) of the Sonoran Desert are experts on the desert with knowledgeable people who do predict or address the probability of events that may unfold. For example, the abundance or change in behavior of certain desert insects is often an indicator of approaching meteorological events. Tohono O’odham knowledge understands that desert fauna are highly in-tune with fluctuating short-term weather and long-term conditions for survival purposes. For example, animals are less likely to reproduce in abundance if there is not enough water or food for them or their litters (S.

Villegas, personal communication, Feb 1, 2011). Climate science studies on the NAMS debated in the 1950s-1990s as to whether most of the moisture came from the Gulf of

California or the Gulf of Mexico, whereas as O’odham have always known that for their specific area in the northern Sonoran Desert, the Gulf of California was an important source or moisture. The Tohono O’odham have had a knowledge system, which includes a scientific component (i.e., a method of systematic inquiry, observation, and classification of phenomena in the natural world). They have practiced a very interdisciplinary science by modern standards, and Tohono O’odham K-12 and college students need to be reminded of this in the beginning of every science class they attend.

47

One circumstance larger societies and the Tohono O’odham are experiencing together is climate change in the Southwest. It is known that the desert has been getting warmer since the 1950s. There are still occasional hard freezes, but the length of winter season with its first and last freezes is shortening (Weiss and Overpeck 2005). It is still unclear what climate change means for the NAMS, whether more heating will enhance the

NAMS and increase summer precipitation, as was apparent during the late Holocene, or whether atmospheric circulation will alter the NAMS to produce less precipitation in the region. The GCMs are continuing to struggle with simulating the modern day NAMS precipitation for the U.S. Southwest. The Tohono O’odham are going to adapt to whatever the outcome will be. However, larger societies can take lessons from the

Tohono O’odham and other Indigenous peoples in the Southwest. The best lesson is to learn to think and act Indigenous. This means continuing to do science and to develop communities, but in ways that honor and does not waste local resources, such as water.

For example, much science, technology, and energy have been put into Southwest water diversion projects (e.g., the Central Arizona Project or “CAP”) to draw water from other locations, some hundreds of miles away. As innovative as these systems are, their design has historically taken from other places such as the Colorado River or regional Indian tribes via drawing water from the Gila, Salt, and Santa Cruz rivers. The paradox is these water systems now divert water to Indian tribes who lost water to earlier historical diversions. In the Southwest, thinking Indigenous is learning to live with what the environment and climate have to offer and maintaining a reciprocal relationship with the environment and the climate. Whether the Southwest can actually support millions of

48 people on its minimal water resources is a fair question. However, unless the thinking behind existing policies and institutions (e.g., “using more resources than the environment and the climate have to offer”) changes, different versions of the same problems will continue to arise.

Climate science inquiries into the variability of winter precipitation in the Southwest, such as ENSO/PDO teleconnections, and the improvement in winter seasonal forecasting have provided extremely valuable knowledge for communities and stakeholders in the

Southwest. Water resources managers, agricultural industries, wildland fire managers, and others have truly benefitted from such climate research. There is also the potential for benefits for stakeholders from improved climate understanding of the variability of summer precipitation and the ability to forecast the NAMS. However, once the knowledge of these relationships is known and when these forecasts are more reliable, communities and stakeholder still need to live with and prepare to deal with the climate and NAMS variability.

When there is a strong relationship between the scientific research community and regional stakeholders, the science can become rich, relevant, and exciting. The scientists learn from the stakeholders on what the research needs are, and how they can use the knowledge and information produced. Indigenous societies, until very recently, have not benefitted from such strong, positive working relationships between scientific researchers and their communities. Indigenous communities, until very recently, have not had their own members “be the scientists” addressing environmental and climate issues on their lands. This can be improved at the educational level: a science education that honors

49

Indigenous knowledge and supports more Native geo-environmental scientist, as well as develops geo-environmental programs at the tribal colleges. There can even be

Indigenous geo-environmental programs embedded in the larger four-year universities

(e.g., Applied Indigenous Studies at Northern Arizona University) and at the community/governmental level. These can be relationships where research collaborations with Native communities have a strong understanding of Indigenous history, experiences, culture, and values as related to research; and where Native researchers are employed to lead the research and ensure its benefits are equitable and long-term for all parties involved.

50

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63

APPENDIX A

THE NORTH AMERICAN MONSOON SYSTEM

Stephen W. Bieda III, Casey C. Kahn-Thornbrugh, Andrew C. Comrie, David K. Adams,

Michael A. Crimmins, Lee A. Byerle, and John J. Brost

Paper was prepared to submit to the Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society

64

THE NORTH AMERICAN MONSOON SYSTEM

ABSTRACT

The North American Monsoon System (NAMS) is a significant weather and climate phenomenon that brings critical rainfall to northwestern Mexico and the southwestern

United States. We review, synthesize and update the major research of the NAMS literature since the last comprehensive review 15 years ago (Adams and Comrie 1997).

We investigate the role of topography on the initiation and organization of deep convection, storm morphology, precipitation processes, and underlying interannual variability and longer-term change on monsoonal precipitation in the NAMS. The

NAMS plays a vital role in the ecology and economy of the area and is the predominant source of warm-season precipitation. Monsoon impacts are documented for agriculture, ranching, electric power delivery, water resources, and wildfires. Understanding mesoscale convective organization and nocturnal activity over southern Arizona and northwestern Mexico during the monsoon is a function of gulf surges interacting favorably with the mid-latitude high-pressure circulation and various triggering mechanisms (e.g. upper-level tropospheric low, Madden-Julian Oscillation, heating, topography). Despite advances in understanding interannual monsoon variability (e.g. oceanic indices and antecedent winter snowpack), the production of reliable seasonal climate forecasts and useful climate change simulations remains a challenge. The North

American Monsoon Experiment (NAME) of 2004, a major field campaign and modeling study focused of the core NAMS region, helped address many of these issues and showed

65 the value of improved observations and model simulations at both seasonal and interannual time periods. Overall, we note important advances in understanding and highlighting the relative uncertainty concerning the respective roles of moisture sources, gulf surges, convective activity, and oceanic oscillations to NAMS variability.

1. INTRODUCTION

The North American Monsoon System (NAMS) is a significant regional feature of the continent’s weather and climate. It brings critical summer rains to the southwestern

United States and northwest Mexico, contributing more than half the annual precipitation over large parts of its seasonal domain (Figure A1; Carleton et al. 1990; Douglas et al.

1993; Higgins et al. 1997; Adams and Comrie 1997; Mitchell et al. 2002; Sheppard et al.

2002). In addition to rainfall, monsoon thunderstorms are routinely responsible for locally severe weather including flooding, hail, wind, dust storms and lightning. It is a highly variable phenomenon, both day to day and seasonally, due to complex relationships between the atmosphere, land surface and oceans (Castro et al. 2007a; Bieda et al. 2009). Daily forecasts are challenging while seasonal forecasts remain poor and climate change projections are uncertain at best (e.g. Mo et al. 2007; Cerezo-Mota et al.

2011).

Nonetheless, scientific understanding of the NAMS has expanded steadily in recent years and research on many aspects of the phenomenon has proceeded rapidly. In fact, there has been an order of magnitude increase in peer-reviewed publications about the

NAMS since our group first reviewed the literature on the North American monsoon

66 fifteen years ago (Adams and Comrie 1997). Given this rapid growth in the field, there have been numerous publications of field observations and modeling results from the

2004 North American Monsoon Experiment (NAME) and the 2006 Cumulus

Photogrammetric, In-Situ and Doppler Observations (CuPIDO), along with numerous other regional modeling and diagnostic studies. In addition, the strong geographical bias towards the southwestern United States based on literature reviewed in Adams and

Comrie (1997) has been greatly diminished, with studies from Mexico taking a prominent role. We provide a thorough and comprehensive review of major developments, specifically advances made since the first review, in the understanding of monsoonal deep convective environments, cloud and precipitation processes, dynamics and largerscale variability through synthesis of established knowledge and new findings noting salient changes as well as areas for future research.

The initial review (Adams and Comrie 1997) was simply titled The North American

Monsoon. At the time there were several other names for the phenomenon (e.g. Arizona

Monsoon, Mexican Monsoon, Southwest Monsoon etc.), and the choice of title reflected a geographic inclusivity that had recently come into use and has since become the standard terminology. The reader will note that we have added the word System to the present title, not only to distinguish it from the earlier work but also because we seek to emphasize that the NAMS is indeed a system, an integrated set of interconnected components that have general structure and behavior as well as specific processes and patterns of climate and weather (e.g. Shaffrey and Hoskins 2002). Furthermore, the

NAMS is now recognized as one of several global monsoon systems, including those

67 over Asia, Indonesia-Australia, South America and Africa. Vera et al. (2006), for example, describe the NAMS and the South American Monsoon System (SAMS) as two extremes of the same cycle (see their Figure 1).

The outline for this paper is as follows. Section 2 describes the human and ecological dimensions of the NAMS in the southwest United States and northern Mexico. Section 3 assesses the convective environment, specifically the thermodynamic environment and the diurnal cycle of convection in relation to regional topography. Section 4 covers the cloud microphysics specific to precipitation processes and convective storm morphology.

Section 5 discusses the daily storm evolution process and the nature of convection within the NAMS region (i.e., Arizona, New Mexico, southeastern California, southern Nevada,

Sonora, Chihuahua and Sinaloa), as well as the factors that can influence precipitation variability on a daily to monthly timescale. Section 6 describes our present understanding of NAMS interannual variability, its paleoclimatology, the extent of NAMS climate forecasting capabilities, and our understanding of NAMS under future climate change. A concluding summary and discussion are provided in Section 7.

2. HUMAN AND ECOLOGICAL DIMENSIONS OF THE NAMS

The North American monsoon is an important and dominating climate feature across the southwestern United States and northern Mexico around which ecosystems and humans have organized for millennia. Several ecoregions in northwest Mexico (e.g.,

Sonoran-Sinaloan subtropical deciduous forest and the Sierra Madre Occidental pine-oak forest), as well as ecoregions in the southwestern United States (e.g., Chihuahuan and

68

Sonoran deserts, higher elevation grasslands, pinyon-juniper woodlands, and ponderosa pine forests) are strongly tied to the regularity of the summer rains associated with the monsoon. Many Indigenous societies across the region also have a deep cultural connection with the summer monsoon rains, a connection which is maintained through tribal and community-based ceremonies (Parezo, 1996; Sheridan, 1996). Spanishspeaking societies in northern Mexico and the southwestern United States also have close cultural connections with the monsoon, especially during the San Juan Feast Day, June

24 th

(i.e., the approximate NAMS onset time for precipitation in northern Mexico)

(Rivera-Ashford 2007). To the present, all societies living in the region rely on the arrival of the monsoon to break the oppressive heat of early summer and delight in the impressive and unique displays of lightning with monsoon thunderstorms. Specific benefits from the summer monsoon include:

Ecological: The onset of summer rains end the fore-summer dry season and establish relatively moist conditions, which is critical for species reproduction. The

NAMS promotes a suitable environment for a breeding season for insects and amphibians, optimal conditions for mass hatching/birthing of reptiles, and an opportunity for consumption and fat storage for mammals and migratory birds

(Hanson and Hanson 2000). The greening, flowering, and fruit production of desert flora in response to monsoon moisture is also essential to sustaining this ecological cycle.

Atmospheric Conditions: A distinguishing characteristic of the NAMS region from the arid regions further to the west (e.g., Mojave and western Sonoran Desert) is

69 that mid-to-late summer heat is alleviated somewhat by increased cloudiness during the monsoon. Arid locations outside of the NAMS region (e.g., southwestern

Arizona, southeastern California, southern Nevada, and far northwestern Sonora,

Mexico) usually experience persistent, excessive heat well into August. In addition, higher relative humidity levels during the monsoon are inversely correlated with particulate matter (PM) pollution in the southwestern United States, hence NAMSrelated precipitation events may act to filter some PM from the atmosphere (Wise and Comrie 2005a&b; Ray et al. 2007).

Farming and Water Use: The monsoon rains have sustained Native American traditional, dry land agriculture passed down over countless generations (Figure

A2c). Although traditional rain-fed Native American farming has declined historically (Navajo Nation Department of Water Resources 2006; Tohono

O’odham Community Action 2012), Native American communities and organizations continue to work revitalizing traditional farming techniques utilizing monsoon rainwater (Di Cintio 2012; Tohono O’odham Community Action 2012).

This has also addressed needs to reduce dietary health disparities and continue cultural traditions (Di Cintio 2012; The Hopi Foundation 2012; Tohono O’odham

Community Action 2012). In Mexico, NAMS precipitation also provides precious surface water particularly to the Rio Grande and Rio Bravo river systems, which is used to irrigate summer agriculture (Climate Prediction Center 2006). In addition to large scale agriculture, practical usage of rainwater (e.g., landscaping, gardening)

70 via “water harvesting” is also a growing in urban and rural communities in the southwestern United States (Waterfall 2004).

Ranching and Range Management: Warm season grasses cover much of the rangeland areas of the southwestern United States and northern Mexico. They are a critical component of rangeland ecosystems in these regions and provide forage for both wildlife and livestock. Summer is the growing season for these native perennial grasses and they rely on monsoon precipitation to support growth and the accumulation of biomass that can be eaten by grazers (Figure A2a&b) (Coles and

Scott 2009).

Wildfire Mitigation: The arrival of significant monsoon rains can also mean a substantial decrease in wildfire activity across the state. The average number of wildfire starts decreases rapidly in early July, coinciding with the arrival of the monsoon (Mohrle et al. 2003; Evett et al. 2008). Precipitation, higher dew points and lower temperatures can inhibit the growth of new fires and limit the spread of actively burning fires. In some years, however, early-season dry lightning and intermittent precipitation can lead to an increase in wildfire activity, albeit temporarily (Brandt 2006).

Water Resources: Monsoon precipitation can in rare cases provide boosts to water storage in reservoirs when thunderstorms are widespread through a watershed and produce large amounts of runoff for the northern NAMS region, while being an important water resource in northern Mexico due to the NAMS providing a significant majority of annual rainfall (Ray et al. 2007). However, usually

71 thunderstorms are localized and produce runoff that either infiltrates quickly or evaporates. High afternoon temperatures and full sunshine can quickly cause the previous day’s rainfall to reenter the atmosphere through evaporation or plant transpiration. Due to these factors, monsoon precipitation typically does less to alleviate long-term drought conditions or improve groundwater or reservoir water levels as opposed to winter precipitation.

On average the North American monsoon brings a great deal of beneficial precipitation to the NAMS region, but it can also bring extreme weather events that cause property damage and create risks to human lives (Ray et al. 2007). Lightning, high winds, and flash flooding associated with monsoon thunderstorms can inflict property damage and cause risk to human lives (Shoemaker and Davis 2008). Examples of societal impacts related to NAMS weather and climate phenomena include:

Electric Power Delivery: The delivery of electric power through above-ground transmission lines is especially vulnerable to damage by monsoon thunderstorms.

The combination of high wind events and intense cloud-to-ground lightning activity can cause transmission lines to fail. One particularly devastating summer thunderstorm event in 1996 downed electric power lines across the Phoenix metropolitan region, knocking out power to over 250,000 customers (Haro and

Green 1996). Some customers were without power for over a week.

Lightning: The monsoon brings with it rather spectacular displays of lightning, especially those observed during desert thunderstorms in the early evening hours.

Between 1997 and 2011 Arizona and New Mexico had on average 648 981 and

72

879 282 cloud-to-ground lightning strikes per year, respectively (National

Lightning Detection Network 2012a). From 1959 to 2011 Arizona had 74 lightning fatalities and New Mexico had 90 (National Lightning Detection

Network 2012b). Watson et al. (1994) confirmed lightning frequency to mimic the diurnal cycle of convection with maximum activity in the midday over high terrain and early evening over the lower desert valleys. In addition to human injury, lightning strikes can knock out electrical power delivery and ignite wildland fires (Minnich et al. 1993).

Flash Floods: The intense and localized nature of monsoon thunderstorms coupled with geomorphic features of the desert Southwest create the perfect environment for flash flooding events where dry washes can quickly become raging rivers in a matter of minutes. Most road systems cross washes without bridges leading to situations where motorists can become trapped in rising waters during flash flooding situations (Figure A11f; National Weather Service Forecast

Office Tucson 2012).

Dust Storms: Dust storms (also known as jegos to the Tohono O’odham) that form on the outflow of thunderstorms are common during the early part of the monsoon season before dry soils have been stabilized with wetting rains and growth in summer vegetation (Figure A1e). These dust storms can disrupt transportation networks (National Weather Service Forecast Office Tucson 2012) and temporarily impact air quality conditions across urban areas (Maddox et al.

1995; Vasiloff and Howard 2009).

73

Agriculture: Farming is an important economic activity in both Arizona and New

Mexico, generating revenues in excess of $3.2 and $2.1 billion in 2007 (USDA

2012a, 2012b). The arrival of the monsoon can impact agricultural crop production negatively. Precipitation and high dew points, in addition to aiding crop growth, create moist conditions that are also favorable for the development of insect pests and plant diseases (Olsen and Silvertooth 2001). The high relative humidity values associated with the monsoon can also cause heat stress in plants, by reducing the ability of plant leaves to cool themselves through transpiration

(Silvertooth 1998). Typical thunderstorm weather impacts including high winds, flooding and hail can also inflict damage to crops directly.

3. THE CONVECTIVE ENVIRONMENT

As with all monsoonal regimes, large influxes of maritime tropical air and strong surface heating are the basic ingredients that fuel cumulonimbus clouds and deep precipitating convection (Figure A3). Each monsoonal region, to include the NAMS, has its particulars in terms of atmospheric dynamics, land surface characteristics, and topography (Johnson et al. 2010). However, the convective environment and the resulting precipitation of the NAMS are so intrinsically tied to topography that they are difficult to untangle and isolate. Two particular field campaigns, CuPIDO and NAME, were conducted to better characterize the thermodynamic environment, its relationship to the diurnal cycle, and the role of topography in determining stability, cumulus dynamics,

74 as well as the microphysical properties of deep convective precipitation (Higgins et al.

2006; Damiani et al. 2008).

Thermodynamic Environment

Although the NAMS region extends northward beyond the tropics (e.g., northern

Mexico and southwestern United States), the thermodynamic characteristics of the region during the summer are typical of those of a tropical convective regime with strong dependence on influxes of low-level moisture, surface heating and weak static stability

(Collier and Zhang 2006; Kursinski et al. 2008; Adams and Souza 2009; Nie et al. 2010).

With the presence of deep low-level moisture, in many cases associated with the gulf surge phenomenon from the Gulf of California (see Section 5 “Gulf Surges”), the limited convective inhibition energy of the morning hours is easily overcome as high afternoon surface temperatures are reached with temperatures often greater than 40°C in the lowlands (Becker and Berbery 2008; Adams and Souza 2009). However, the detailed evolution of the convective boundary layer and transition from shallow-to-deep convection is complex and topography-dependent. CuPIDO studies of convection over the Santa Catalina Mountains north of Tucson, Arizona argue that the shallow-to-deep transition results from the modification by shallow cumulus clouds of the thermodynamic environment above the convective boundary layer. These shallow cumuli, in turn, are forced by orographically induced “toroidal” circulations due to anabatic flow converging over the mountainous terrain during morning hours (Zehnder et al. 2006, 2007; Damiani et al. 2008; Demko et al. 2009, 2010a,b; Geerts et al. 2008). Specifically, prior to the

75 transition to deep convection, shallow cumulus may act to moisten the midlevels of the atmosphere thus weakening the deleterious effects of entrainment of environmental air.

This may further result in destabilization from adiabatic cooling above the cumulus cloud tops due to forcing from gravity waves, allowing for transition to deeper convection

(Zehnder et al. 2006, 2007).

Further south in the core NAMS region of northwestern Mexico, atmospheric thermodynamic characteristics are closely tied to the diurnal, thermally forced Gulf of

California land-sea breeze and upslope flow over the Sierra Madre Occidental (Sierra

Madres hereafter; Johnson et al. 2007; Zuidema et al. 2007; Ciesielski and Johnson 2008;

Johnson et al. 2010). At the highest reaches of the Sierra Madres (> 2 000 meters), thermodynamic instability (i.e., convective available potential energy or “CAPE”) may be reduced as the result of decreased moisture in the boundary layer (Ciesielski and

Johnson 2008; Nesbitt et al. 2008; Johnson et al. 2010). Although local measures of the thermodynamic environment at these elevations are lacking, observed cloud depth and precipitation rates are indicative of reduced convective intensity (Gochis et al. 2007;

Lang et al. 2007; Rowe et al. 2008; Nesbitt et al. 2008; Rowe et al. 2011; Wall et al.

2012). Greater convective instability is found along the western slopes of the Sierra

Madres (500 – 2 000 meters) resulting from greater moisture availability over the coastal plains along the Gulf of California. However, the Gulf of California does experience lower relative humidity, resulting in cloud-base heights that are higher with decreased precipitation efficiency (i.e., more frequent occurrence of “virga” and evaporating precipitation; Nesbitt et al. 2008). Increased CAPE along the coastal plains and the Gulf

76 of California is high, though convective inhibition is high enough that a strong lifting mechanism is necessary in order to initiate or maintain convection in the region (e.g., outflow boundaries from westward propagating mesoscale convective systems; Lang et al. 2007). Furthermore, at the lowest elevation of the foothills nearest to the coastal plains, the strength of the thermally forced diurnal cycle is also influenced by vegetation green-up (see Section 5 “Moisture Recycling and Vegetative Feedback”). This green-up results in a reduced thermal contrast between the Gulf of California and the foothills of the Sierra Madres, which weakens the sea-breeze, confining it closer to the coast

(Cielsielski and Johnson 2008). Clearly, the above-described topographic distribution of the thermodynamic environment is greatly modified for days following large organized convective events such as, mesoscale convective systems (MCSs; see Section 5

“Mesoscale Convective Systems”) propagating off of the Sierra Madres (Figure A4)

(Johnson et al. 2010).

Over the core region, in addition to low-level thermodynamic conditions, elevated stable layers may influence the growth of convective towers (Figure A3). Similar to other tropical regions, something akin to a tri-model distribution in echo-top heights (i.e., convective inhibition at the 5km, 9km, and 12km levels) was also observed. Enhanced stability at 5km and 12km were believed responsible for limiting cloud growth, while the limit at 9km was believed due to dry air entrainment (Rowe et al. 2008). Large dynamical features over the core regions, such as tropical upper-tropospheric troughs

(TUTTs; see Section 5 “Upper-Tropospheric Lows/Inverted Troughs”) can also modify thermodynamic stability through divergence and rising motions aloft thereby enhancing

77 the growth and organization of deep convection. However, TUTTs were actually found to be less influential in modifying the thermodynamic environment compared to modifying the shear environment (Newman and Johnson 2012).

Diurnal Cycle of Precipitation and Topography

One of the most notable characteristics of the NAMS is the close link between the diurnal cycle of precipitation and the topography of the region (Adams and Comrie

1997). Understanding this relationship was a fundamental driving factor for NAME.

Over most of the NAMS region, convection initiates in the early afternoon for elevated regions and then propagates over the valleys toward the evening (Balling and Brazel

1987; Maddox et al. 1995; Bowen 1996; Becker and Berbery 2008; Johnson et al. 2010).

Given thermodynamic instability and proper dynamical forcing (e.g., a strong low-level shear in the easterly flow), organized convection may propagate into the low desert regions and the Gulf of California through the night and into the morning hours (Farfán and Zehnder 1994; Johnson et al. 2010).

Over the core NAMS region, the Sierra Madres exert an enormous influence on the observed diurnal flow regime and moisture advection that results in the initiation, growth, and organization of convection (Douglas et al. 1998; Nesbitt and Zipser 2003; Zou and

Zheng 2004; Collier and Zhang 2007; Johnson et al. 2007; Lang et al. 2007; Ciesielski and Johnson 2008; Kursinski et al. 2008a; Nesbitt et al. 2008; Johnson et al. 2010). The observed precipitation frequency and intensity as a function of topography over the

NAMS region has been well identified through surface precipitation networks (Gochis et

78 al. 2004; Nesbitt et al. 2008), radar studies (Lang et al. 2007; Williams et al. 2007; Rowe et al. 2008; Lerach et al. 2010; Rowe et al. 2011; Rowe et al. 2012), satellite climatology

(Wall et al. 2012), model or reanalyses data (Becker and Berbery 2008), or in some combination of the aforementioned (Gebremichael et al. 2007; Nesbitt et al. 2008; Becker and Berbery 2008). The diurnal cycle of convective activity as a function of topography is well-documented to follow the following sequence of events. 1) Early afternoon convection typically initiates over the highest elevations of the Sierra Madres, is most intense during early afternoon, and wanes during the early evening hours (Figure A4). 2)

The most intense convection is found downslope of the western foothills and greatly diminishes at higher elevations by late afternoon or early evening. 3) Overnight convection is greatest over the coastal plains and the Gulf of California, often in association with long-lived westward propagating MCSs (Figure A4). As a result of these findings, it is noted that deep convection over the Gulf of California is 12 hours out of phase with the highest regions of the Sierra Madres (Figure A4; Lang et al. 2007;

Rowe et al. 2008). Ciesielski and Johnson (2008) and Johnson et al. (2010) found this characteristic diurnal precipitation cycle to be consistent with the temporal evolution of regional surface wind confluence, which propagates downward from the high elevations of the Sierra Madres towards the Gulf of California coastal plains into the evening.

Accounting for the diurnal cycle of precipitation and its links to local topography is critical because attempts to simulate NAMS convection via computer modeling must properly initialize land-surface conditions (Gochis et al. 2003; 2004) as well as reproduce the elevation dependent microphysical properties of precipitating convection. As with

79 other tropical continental regions, difficulties in modeling the diurnal cycle have been noted for the NAMS region (see Section 6 “Climate Models of NAMS and Climate

Change;” Gutzler et al. 2005; Lee et al. 2007a; Janowiak et al. 2007). One such example of the difficulties include strong sensitivities to the convective parameterizations schemes employed, with each yielding different results in the model (Gochis et al. 2003; Liang et al. 2004; Collier and Zhang 2007). Likewise, model precipitation has also been shown to be out of phase with observations over the west coast of Mexico (Collier and Zhang

2007). The results from the NAME experiment have aided greatly in capturing the critical elements of the diurnal cycle, with Higgins and Gochis (2007) noting that better observations of surface moisture flow up the Sierra Madres are critical and still needed.

A study by Wall et al. (2012) also showed a similar topography/diurnal cycle relationship as observed via satellite from the Tropical Rainfall Measuring Mission (TRMM) climatology over the southwestern United States.

4. CLOUD MICROPHYSICS, PRECIPITATION PROCESSES AND CONVECTIVE

STORM MORPHOLOGY

Within tropical meteorology deep precipitating convection is typically divided into maritime and continental regimes, each characterized by differences in intensity (e.g., precipitation rates, vertical velocity or lightning frequency) and the dominance of either

“warm cloud” (i.e., clouds composed entirely of liquid water) or “cold cloud” (i.e., clouds composed of ice in the upper portions; Figure A3) microphysical processes. The NAMS is found to encompass both maritime-warm cloud (though in smaller proportion) and

80 continental-cold cloud convection (Lang et al. 2010). Accurate assessment of cloud microphysics over the NAMS is critical for not only determining the vertical distribution of latent heating that impacts larger dynamics, but also for satellite-derived precipitation estimates in remote locations such as the Sierra Madres or the Gulf of California (Nesbitt et al. 2008; Lang et al. 2010; Rowe et al. 2012). A large component of the NAME campaign was aimed at characterizing warm cloud rain (i.e., collision-coalescence) and/or cold cloud ice-based (i.e., Bergeron) precipitation processes and their relationship to deep convective cloud morphology as well as the organization of mesoscale convection (Lang et al. 2007; Lang et al. 2010; Rowe et al. 2012). The high spatial and temporal resolution microphysical data gathered from the suite of NAME radar data has been particularly useful for characterizing the topography/microphysics relationship over the core region (Lang et al. 2007; Williams et al. 2007; Rowe et al. 2008; Lerach et al.

2010; Rowe et al. 2011; Rowe et al. 2012).

The elevational variation in precipitation intensity in the core NAME region has been observed from rain gauge results (Gochis et al. 2003, 2004; Nesbitt et al. 2008) from the dominant microphysical/precipitation processes occurring within the deep convective clouds (Rowe et al. 2008; Lang et al. 2010; Rowe et al. 2011, 2012). In addition to elevational dependence, distinguishing microphysical characteristics are found between land-based convection (e.g., Bergeron and mixed phase precipitation processes) and Gulf of California convection (e.g., collision-coalescence dominated precipitation processes).

Warm-cloud, collision-coalescence layers are found to be very shallow for the highest elevations of the Sierra Madres, as well as clouds having less total water available,

81 resulting in less intense precipitation (Rowe et al. 2008; Lang et al. 2010; Rowe et al.

2011). This is opposed to the deeper convective cells and cold cloud, Bergeron processes over the foothills or coastal plains, which also have a deeper warm cloud, collisioncoalescence layer at the cloud base resulting in more intense precipitation (Rowe et al.

2011).

. However, short, very intense showers can also be observed at the highest elevations, though the intensity is associated with the melting of larger ice hydrometeors owing to riming processes (Rowe et al. 2011, 2012). The longest-lived and most intense precipitation is found, although with less frequency compared to the highest reaches of the Sierra Madres, over the lower elevations (1-2 km) and coastal plains (Gochis et al.

2006; Lang et al. 2010; Rowe et al. 2011, 2012). For these elevations, convective clouds are deeper with greater water mass, allowing for a prominent role for warm-rain, collision-coalescence processes and larger rain drops in the lower cloud levels (Lang et al. 2010; Rowe et al. 2011) and the role of Bergeron and mixed phase processes in the upper levels. This occurs as strong updrafts lift supercooled water droplets upward, whereby freezing and growth by riming lead to the formation of large ice hydrometeors and concomitant increase in total rainfall intensity (Rowe et al. 2011).

The microphysical characteristics of core region deep convection, specifically organized convection, are not solely a function of elevation but depend on the largerscale meteorological conditions such as wind shear and changes in stability, which act to organize convection (Lang et al. 2007; Rowe et al. 2012). Depending on the propagation characteristics of the organized convection and its relation to the Gulf of California,

82 microphysical processes can vary in the dominance of warm-rain versus ice phase processes and raindrop size (Lang et al. 2010). Propagating MCSs over the Gulf of

California coastline, associated with these disturbed conditions, have notably more maritime characteristics with large increases of liquid water but slightly smaller drop size when compared to inland convection (Lang et al. 2010; Rowe et al. 2012). At the highest elevations of the Sierra Madres, little change in cloud microphysics and precipitation was observed under disturbed conditions with droplet size distribution, as ice and total liquid water masses remained the same (Lang et al. 2010).

Organized convective systems (e.g., MCSs) and mesoscale convective complexes

(MCCs; e.g., large MCSs >100 000 km

2

) account for a large portion of severe storms and flooding incidences in the northern NAMS region, including the southwestern United

States (Magirl et al. 2007; Griffiths et al. 2009). Despite the near daily occurrence of isolated convective showers along the Sierra Madres, MCSs not only account for the majority of the precipitation, but also the most intense precipitation due to overall greater liquid amounts and ice mass size (Rowe et al. 2012). Rowe et al. (2012) have indicated that microphysical processes are important for upscale growth and propagation of convective organization at the mesoscale level. Convective showers that organize along the Sierra Madres during the late afternoon are characterized by precipitation produced due to melting ice (i.e., ice created from the Bergeron process). This melting ice, in addition to descending rear inflow characteristic of MCSs, create a large surface “cold pool” which propagates downslope of the Sierra Madres and forces new convection along the leading edge of the propagation. Given disturbed environmental conditions (e.g.,

83 increased vertical wind shear), ice formation and melting continues at the lower Sierra

Madres elevations leading to continued outflow and propagation of this cold pool into the night and early morning (Figure A5). Cold pool formation and propagation of MCSs from elevated regions has been noted to be important in other tropical regions (Rowe et al. 2012).

5. INTRASEASONAL VARIABILITY

The within-season variability of NAMS precipitation has remained a significant research and forecasting challenge. The NAME field campaign in the summer of 2004 targeted this issue as it employed wind profilers, radars, radiosondes, research vessels, buoys, event-logging rain gauges, in situ soil moisture sensors, GPS meteorological sites and research aircraft to help fill data void regions (NAME Science Plan 2004; Higgins and Gochis 2007). Research undertaken before and after NAME has focused on increasing our understanding of a variety of monsoon-associated phenomena such as gulf surges, upper-level troughs, tropical cyclones and their remnants, MCSs, the Madden-

Julian Oscillation (MJO), moisture recycling and soil moisture, causes of nocturnal convection maxima, and the representation of the aforementioned features in mesoscale models and forecasts (e.g., Fuller and Strensrud 2000; Zehnder 2004; Higgins et al. 2004;

Higgins et al. 2006; Lang et al. 2007; Watts et al. 2007; Nesbitt et al. 2008; Bieda et al.

2009; Ritchie et al. 2011). It is these features that pose a challenge for operational assimilation systems that, ideally, require real time analyses with a high degree of confidence; many of the dynamical and physical causes of these weather phenomena tend

84 to occur over data-sparse areas (e.g., over the Sierra Madres) or are modified by underlying terrain and deep convection. We now review current understanding of each of these phenomena, alone and in combination, pertaining to their impacts on NAMS precipitation.

Gulf Surges

At the time of the previous review (Adams and Comrie 1997), the gulf surge phenomenon was understood to be a key element of the NAMS (Hales 1972; Brenner

1974). However, due to data constraints (Zehnder 2004) further research was suggested, with NAME placing more emphasis on understanding the dynamics of gulf surge initiation and evolution in 2004 (NAME Science Plan 2004; Higgins et al. 2006; Higgins and Gochis 2007). During the monsoon the Gulf of California (“Gulf” hereafter) sea surface temperature (SST) is warm (~30°C/87°F) with a mean northward flow extending over the Gulf owing to the divergent flow at its mouth combined with convergent flow over the land surrounding it (Figure A6). This typically results in a mean flow characterized by a low-level southerly moist jet, strongest over the northern Gulf that peaks at 13Z (6:00 AM MST) with speeds of 8 m s

-1

(~ 18 mph) at about 950 hPa (~500-

600 m or 1 600 – 2 000 ft. above sea level; Johnson et al. 2007). As this mean flow is typically not sufficient in itself to bring deep moisture flow into northwestern Mexico and southern Arizona, some mechanism must enable a deeper penetration of moisture into the core monsoon region. This moisture intrusion, termed a “gulf surge”, occurs approximately six times in July and August during the monsoon season where a deeper

85 and faster northward-propagating mass of moist air (Figure A7 & A8) moves into northwestern Mexico and southern Arizona (Strensrud et al. 1997; Fuller and Strensrud

2000; Douglas and Leal 2003; Higgins et al. 2004a; Zehnder 2004; Dixon 2005; Johnson et al. 2007; Svoma 2010).

Gulf surges, some researchers argue, may cause much of the precipitation in Arizona and northern Mexico during the monsoon (Berbery and Fox-Rabinovitz 2003; Higgins et al. 2004; Dixon 2006; Becker and Berbery 2008), with Higgins and Shi (2005) finding that roughly 50% of rainfall during July and August can be linked to gulf surges. Other investigators, though, suggest that the wetter regions of southeastern Arizona and along the Sierra Madres in the core monsoon region are not necessarily as dependent on gulf surges (Douglas and Leal 2003; Higgins et al. 2004). The largest rainfall totals resulting from gulf surges tended to occur either in association with a gulf surge in northern

Mexico or in Arizona 2 to 4 days after the event, and in the presence of a strong low level jet at 925 hPa (Figures A9 & A10), with documented potential for significant flooding

(Vivoni et al. 2006; Magirl et al. 2007). The known catalysts of gulf surges remain largely unchanged since Adams and Comrie (1997), with researchers finding passage of easterly waves (Fuller and Strensrud 2000), tropical cyclones approaching the mouth of the Gulf (Anderson et al. 2000; Higgins and Shi 2005; Becker and Berbery 2008), and, more recently, phase changes of the MJO (Lorenz and Hartmann 2006; Abatzoglou et al.

2009) as triggers of gulf surges. However, other investigators have noted that the presence of upper-tropospheric lows may also be possible catalysts in causing a gulf

86 surge, directly or indirectly (Douglas and Leal 2003; Pytlak et al. 2005; Rogers and

Johnson 2007; Bieda et al. 2009; Newman and Johnson 2012).

Upper-Tropospheric Lows/Inverted Troughs

The role of subtropical upper tropospheric lows (also termed upper level lows or inverted troughs; Figure A11) in modulating the coverage and intensity of NAMS thunderstorm activity has only been recognized recently. Three types of uppertropospheric lows are of particular interest: one kind developing in the Gulf of Mexico or

Atlantic Ocean in or near the tropical upper tropospheric trough (TUTT; Erickson 1972;

Kelley and Mock 1982; Whitfield and Lyons 1992), another kind are cold-core uppertropospheric lows that form in the central Mississippi Valley and wrap around the equatorward side of the subtropical ridge over the southwestern United States (Thorncraft et al. 1993; Pytlak et al. 2005), and the third kind are upper-tropospheric lows that form due to leeside cyclogenesis to the west of the Sierra Madres (Figure A12; Bieda et al.

2009). Studies that focus on the impact of these transient synoptic systems are quite limited in number and scope. Researchers hypothesized that two possible and distinct areas of upper-level divergence and midtropospheric upward vertical-motion exist, with favorable divergence on both the leading (west) and trailing (east) quadrants of these upper-tropospheric low (Pytlak et al. 2005; Douglas and Englehart 2007). However, later case studies found cold air advection, northeasterly flow at the mid-levels and enhanced northeasterly shear induced by the approaching upper-tropospheric low may have been the contributing factors for convective organization, possibly refuting the previous

87 hypothesis (Finch and Johnson 2010; Newman and Johnson 2012). Despite the noted differences (as accounted for in Figure A14), thunderstorm development can be further enhanced by the presence of an upper-level cyclone (Johnson et al. 2007) that, under favorable steering conditions, can allow convection to propagate out over the hot deserts in the late afternoon and evening (1800-0900 Z) according to Bieda et al. (2009). Even more intriguing is the presence of these features along with other mesoscale or synoptic forcing features, such as gulf surges and/or tropical cyclones, which would greatly enhance convective activity over the core NAMS region (Finch and Johnson 2010;

Newman and Johnson 2012).

Tropical Cyclones

Adams and Comrie (1997) stated that decaying tropical cyclones (TCs) provided a contribution to regional variation of total summer precipitation, particularly over Sinaloa,

Sonora and the southern tip of Baja California. Research conducted since that study has shown that tropical moisture from TCs originating over the northern tropical Pacific

Ocean or the Gulf of Mexico may be advected over the southwestern United States and northwestern Mexico, or be involved as a catalyst for gulf surges into those regions, given favorable synoptic conditions (Collins and Mason 2000; Higgins and Shi 2005;

Farfan and Fogel 2006; Cavazos et al. 2008; Corbosiero et al. 2009; Ritchie et al. 2011).

An investigation by Higgins and Shi (2005) found that approximately half of gulf surge events (65 of 132) recorded over Yuma, AZ that occurred between July-August 1979-

2001 (except 1992, due to missing data) were as a result of TC activity (whether directly

88 or indirectly). Supporting conclusions from NAME by Farfan and Fogel (2007) suggest that enhanced mid- to low-level moisture advection tended to be strongest over the southern Baja California Peninsula ( 23°–28°N) in association with the eastern flank of

TCs that passed within 650 km of their study point ( 25.4°N, 111.6°W) . Both studies noted that such surges occurred in association with significant enhancement of precipitation totals, usually in direct association with the surge and TC influence, or within the days following the surge (Figure A12).

Instances of TCs affecting the NAMS region are not limited to gulf surge activity. In studies by Corbosiero et al. (2009) and Ritchie et al. (2011), TCs (or their remnants) can enter or pass near the southwestern United States during the monsoon season. Both studies show that an appreciable amount of precipitation associated with TCs, or their remnants (Figure A13), can fall over the southwestern United States and northwestern

Mexico. However, interactions between TCs and other NAMS features have not been thoroughly investigated.

Mesoscale Convective Systems (MCSs)

The dynamics, evolution, and maintenance of mesoscale convective systems (MCSs) are well understood over the central plains of the United States. The environment that favors the development of MCSs is noted to be different from environments that favor widespread convection. Jirak and Cotton (2007), in their study of MCSs that formed near the front range of New Mexico and the Midwest, found that statistically significant differences between these environments involved low-level warm air advection that was

89 anomalously larger prior to MCS development with the existence of stronger vertical wind shear in the lower troposphere. Over the NAMS region, these features were understood to be a significant contributor to “minor” gulf surges and, with favorable ascending air during the late evening and early morning hours, a potential source for maintenance of nocturnal convection in central and southern Arizona (McCollum et al.

1995; Damiani et al. 2008). The development of MCSs along the Sierra Madres and the complex terrain of central and southern Arizona are found to occur in environments where a low-level jet favors upslope flow (westerly in regions of the Sierra Madres), the presence of strong heating and a strong moisture gradient zone (Berbery 2001; Carbone et al. 2002; Anderson et al. 2004; Martin and Johnson, 2008). These conditions tend to be found consistently in the diurnal cycle of convection near the Sierra Madres (Figure

A14; Nesbitt et al. 2008; Finch and Johnson 2010), but not necessarily further north in the southwestern United States (Gochis et al. 2006). As a result, it has been hypothesized that either the alignment of the subtropical monsoon high or the passage of a transient upper level disturbance (i.e., upper-tropospheric lows) can assist in periodic organization of MCSs over Arizona (McCollum et al. 1995; Maddox et al. 1995;

Blanchard et al. 1998; Pytlak et al. 2005; Douglas and Englehart 2007; Bieda et al. 2009;

Finch and Johnson 2010; Newman and Johnson 2012). In addition, MCS formation has been found to interrupt the typical diurnal cycle of convection (Magirl et al. 2007).

The presence of favorable dynamical forcing can organize thunderstorms and form squall lines or MCSs that interrupt the typical diurnal cycle of afternoon thunderstorms, thus creating a daily forecasting challenge. Multiple studies have noted the presence of

90

MCSs, rather than isolated cells of convection, as being the predominant feature that allows convection to persist nocturnally, sometimes causing significant flooding

(Heinselman et al. 2006; Vivoni et al. 2006; Gebremichael et al. 2007; Magirl et al. 2007;

Pytlak et al. 2008; Griffiths et al. 2009). The favorable dynamical structure that allows new convection to form for an extended time in and near an active MCS structure is determined by a convectively sustainable environment, one in which a warm, moist boundary layer is in place due to a low level jet reinforcing moisture availability (Houze

2004). The MCS size is limited by the stratiform elements if regions of decaying storms exceed that of new or active storms, allowing the stratiform region to grow in size.

Though few case studies exist that complement the findings of Houze (2004) in the

NAMS region, studies by some investigators (Magirl et al. 2007; Griffiths et al. 2009) found that the presence of a strong near-surface jet of moist air, reinforced by a strong gulf surge, allowed for a series of MCSs to form over a 4 day period, from 27-31 July,

2006, over the Santa Catalina and Rincon mountains located near Tucson, AZ. These storms swept over the region with upper level steering winds that were relatively strong, thus allowing the MCSs to propagate and continually reform during the period. In addition, the low level jet suggested by Houze (2004) as necessary for maintaining the

MCS regardless of time, was present and resulted in a significant, and historic, flood event (Magirl et al. 2007; Griffiths et al. 2009).

Moisture Recycling & Vegetative Feedback

91

The NAMS provides at least 30% of annual rainfall throughout the southwestern

United States, with northwestern Mexico receiving between 50%-70% of annual rainfall during the monsoon (Figure A1; Adams and Comrie 1997). Due to this substantial contribution, especially in northwestern Mexico, seasonal greening of local vegetation occurs in concert with increased precipitation, increased solar radiation and increased available soil moisture (Gebremichael et al. 2007; Pennington and Collins 2007; Watts et al. 2007; Gómez-Mendoza et al. 2008; Vivoni et al. 2008; Méndez-Barraso et al. 2009;

Lizárraga-Celaya et al. 2010; Jenerette et al. 2010; Vivoni et al. 2010a; Vivoni et al.

2010b). As vegetation greenness increases, there is an observed alteration of surface temperature, albedo, and evapotranspiration (Vivoni et al. 2008; Méndez-Barraso and

Vivoni 2010), with some researchers finding that local moisture recycling is likely in the

NAMS region (Anderson et al. 2004; Dominguez et al. 2008; Méndez-Barraso and

Vivoni 2010). Forzieri et al. (2011) found that deciduous ecosystems (e.g., semiarid grasslands, sub-tropical shrublands, and tropical dry forests) experience an intense greening period immediately after NAMS precipitation onset (Figure A2a&b). As shown in Figure A14, low-level moisture convergence, evaporation and convection, and upperlevel moisture transport play a significant role in modulating intraseasonal variability during the monsoon season.

Data Collection & Mesoscale Modeling

Data collection for the NAMS region remains a significant challenge. The sounding network is either too coarse spatially to capture localized features important to the daily

92 forecasting challenges during the monsoon season, or there are insufficient data to capture the low-level jet and moisture flux over the Gulf of California and the Sierra

Madres that drive the localized diurnal cycle of convection (e.g., Gochis et al. 2004;

Zehnder 2004). During the NAME campaign of 2004, special sounding locations and additional datasets were added for intense monitoring of lower- and upper-level features across hourly to interannual time scales at different “tier” levels (NAME Science and

Operations Plan 2004). A NOAA P3 aircraft also monitored possible Gulf of California moisture surges and the surrounding atmosphere to augment operational data assimilation. In addition, the data were archived for future analysis

( http://data.eol.ucar.edu/master_list/?project=NAME ).

Using NAME archived data to force a mesoscale or operational model has shown mixed, though at times promising, results. Mo et al. (2007) used operational models that utilized NAME soundings with demonstrable improvement in the representation of the diurnal cycle of convection, though they did not capture the eastward or westward progression of the diurnal rainfall cycle. Another study by Janowiak et al. (2007) comparing the Eta model and the Global Forecasting System model (GFS) with the

Climate Prediction Center morphing method (CMORPH) satellite methodology (i.e.,

Joyce et al. 2004) found that the operational Eta and GFS under-predicted heavy precipitation (>70 mm/day) in the NAME Tier-1 region, with both models exhibiting a peak in heavy rainfall that was 3-6 hours earlier than observed. Further study by Li et al.

(2008) utilizing a high-resolution model with nested grids (e.g., 9 km and 3 km) found that the highest resolution (e.g., 3 km) produced better rainfall distribution on hourly

93 timescales versus observations. However, Martin and Johnson (2008), in their study of an internal gravity bore, noted that the Advanced Research WRF model (utilizing 18-, 6-, and 2-km horizontal grids with 53 vertical layers) developed an MCS for their case study date of 31 July 2004 too far to the south, although they observed an atmospheric internal bore that moistened the lowest 1 km across the Gulf of California upon MCS collapse.

Despite these modeled differences, Gao et al. (2007) showed high spatial resolution is a necessity in representing gulf surges and propagating MCSs due to sensitivities to convective parameterizations.

6. INTERANNUAL VARIABILITY AND CLIMATE CHANGE

Research on the NAMS has largely moved toward improving seasonal forecast skill.

Earlier research found that the position and strength of the subtropical monsoon high also known as the “subtropical ridge” (STR) over the southwestern United States and northwest Mexico (Figure A15) could explain much of the interannual variability of

NAMS precipitation (Adams and Comrie 1997). However, there are several additional hypothesized factors that influence the position and strength of the STR, and thereby the interannual variability of the NAMS (Table 1). In addition, NAMS precipitation has displayed an out-of-phase relationship with the Pacific Northwest and the central United

States (Higgins et al. 1998; Higgins and Shi 2000; Byerle and Paegle 2003; Zhu et al.

2005; Hu and Feng 2008). Research to understand how each factor, individually or in combination, influences the NAMS is greatly motivated primarily by the aim of

94 improving summer monsoon precipitation forecasts, but also for the prospect of understanding how the NAMS will respond to climate change.

Antecedent Winter Snowpack and Precipitation

The “land-atmosphere memory effect” is a hypothesis that less (more) winter snowpack-precipitation in the western United States requires less (more) energy for land surface heating in subsequent seasons, which leads to an earlier (later) NAMS onset and above (below) average precipitation (Gutzler and Preston 1997; Higgins et al. 1998;

Higgins et al. 1999; Gutzler 2000; Higgins and Shi 2000; Small 2001; Hawkins et al.

2002; Hu and Feng 2002; Lo and Clark 2002; Matsui et al. 2003; Hu and Feng 2004; Zhu et al. 2005; McCabe and Clark 2006; Zhu et al. 2007; Figure 1 in Zhu et al. 2005 and Zhu et al. 2007). Warmer land surface conditions are further hypothesized to affect atmospheric circulation by favoring a northward (southward) displacement of the monsoonal STR from its climatological position thus strengthening (weakening) the

NAMS circulation and favoring (opposing) more precipitation (Small 2001; Hawkins et al. 2002; Lo and Clark 2002; Zhu et al. 2005; Zhu et al. 2007) (Figure 8 in Adams and

Comrie 1997). The land-atmospheric memory effect on the NAMS seems plausible considering that monsoon convection in the southwestern United States tends to be even more strongly driven by surface forcing from heating than convective regimes in the tropics or summer convective regimes of the central United States (Adams and Souza

2009). However, further research into links between drier (wetter) winters in the southwest United States and subsequent wetter (drier) summers has shown this

95 relationship to be statistically significant only between the years 1920-1930 and 1961-

1990 (Gutzler and Preston, 1997; Gutzler, 2000; Hu and Feng, 2002; McCabe and Clark,

2006; Zhu et al. 2005; Zhu et al. 2007). The winter-spring snowpack has for recent decades, not been a robust predictor for NAMS precipitation, though modeling results from Notaro and Zarrin (2011) suggest excessive Rocky Mountain snowpack still has a potential link to reduced NAMS precipitation in northern Arizona and New Mexico.

Sea Surface Temperature Anomalies and Teleconnections

Changes in the strength of the relationship between antecedent winter precipitation and

NAMS over time have been suggested to be related to larger-scale sea surface temperature (SST) teleconnections, such as the El Niño Southern Oscillation (ENSO)

(Castro et al. 2001; Castro et al. 2007b), the Pacific Decadal Oscillation (PDO) (Higgins and Shi 2000; Castro et al. 2001; Castro et al. 2007b), and the Atlantic Multidecadal

Oscillation (AMO; Hu et al. 2011). Such teleconnections could influence NAMS either by contributing to antecedent winter-spring precipitation (thus influencing the late springearly summer position and strength of the STR), by persisting into the summer months and affecting tropical oceanic moisture source regions, or by modulating the summer land-sea thermal contrast necessary for establishing the monsoonal circulation. Adams and Comrie (1997) noted that early research on ENSO-based teleconnections to the

NAMS revealed mostly inconclusive results. More recent research indicates that either phase of ENSO (when considered alone) is not a strong predictor of monsoon onset or summer precipitation (Gutzler 2004). Higgins et al. (1998; 1999), Yu and Wallace

96

(2000), and Liebmann et al. (2008) have demonstrated that the La Niña (El Niño) phase in the eastern tropical Pacific increases (decreases) NAMS precipitation over southwestern Mexico due to an increase (decrease) in the land-sea thermal contrast that weakens (strengthens) the Intertropical Convergence Zone (ITCZ; Figure A16). In other words, the strengthening of the ITCZ tends to favor the constriction of tropical convection over the ocean, whereas, weakening allows for the propagation of more moisture northward over the mainland and southern reaches of the NAMS region. The relationship between phases of ENSO and NAMS precipitation over the southwestern

United States, though, is not as pronounced (see Figure 21a&b in Higgins et al. 1999;

Higgins and Shi 2001).

In addressing the lack of robust statistical relationships between ENSO and NAMS precipitation in the U.S. Southwest, investigators have explored other possible SST-based teleconnections. Winter North Pacific SST anomalies related to phases of the PDO (aka

Pacific decadal variability (PDV) in Castro et al. 2001; Castro et al. 2007b) have been shown to affect winter precipitation in the western United States, possibly contributing to a land-atmosphere memory effect between winter-spring and NAMS precipitation in the

Southwest (Higgins and Shi 2000). In addition, the statistical strength of Pacific SST anomalies as a predictor for NAMS precipitation increases when ENSO is coupled with other SST oscillations, such as PDO. The La Niña (El Niño) phase of ENSO coupled with a negative (positive) phase of the PDO has been shown to favor conditions for a northward (southward) displacement of the STR (Figure A17), an early (late) onset of

NAMS and above (below) average early monsoon (i.e. June/July) precipitation over the

97

U.S. Southwest (Castro et al. 2001; Castro et al. 2007b; Bieda et al. 2009). The physical mechanism is that SST anomalies in the north (e.g., PDO) and tropical Pacific (e.g.,

ENSO) can alter quasi-stationary Rossby waves (i.e., upper tropospheric air flow patterns) over the Pacific to favor conditions for a northward (southward) displacement of the STR (Figure A17). This relationship seems to be strongest for early-season (June-

July) precipitation over the NAMS core region and southern Arizona, west of the

Continental Divide (Castro et al. 2012). Thus, Pacific SST anomalies have not been shown to be necessarily robust predictors of mid-to-late season NAMS precipitation, precipitation anomalies for an entire season, or precipitation anomalies for all regions within the NAMS.

Other authors have demonstrated that Pacific Ocean indices may not be the only teleconnections influencing the NAMS and that circulations influenced by the Atlantic

Ocean (e.g., the AMO) should also be considered. The discrepancy in the robustness of the relationship of antecedent winter precipitation with NAMS onset and precipitation has also been attributed to the AMO. When SSTs in the Atlantic over an area from 0-60°

North are warmer (colder) than average, the North Atlantic subtropical high-pressure system contracts (expands). The warm (cold) phase of AMO tends to favor below

(above) average summer precipitation in the central U.S. and above (below) average

NAMS precipitation in Arizona and northern Mexico (Enfield et al. 2001; Hu and Feng

2008; and Figure 7a&b in Hu et al. 2011). Hu et al. (2011) further hypothesized that the antecedent winter precipitation and the land-atmospheric memory effect on NAMS were evident during the cold phase of AMO (1961-1990). However, when the AMO was in its

98 warm phase during 1930-1960 and 1991-2010, the weakening of the North Atlantic subtropical high-pressure system potentially obscured this relationship over the United

States.

More regional SST anomalies in the Gulf of California and the Mexican Pacific coast have also been addressed, due to this area being the immediate source region for lowlevel moisture for the NAMS (Adams and Comrie 1997). Mitchell et al. (2002) observed that wetter than average summers in Arizona during the 1983-1999 period tended to coincide with earlier Gulf of California seasonal SST temperature thresholds (i.e., 29°C), with Wright et al. (2001) finding warmer SSTs in the Pacific (just south of the Gulf of

California) favoring stronger northward moisture transport into southern Arizona.

However, Gulf of California SST anomalies had little effect on NAMS onset and precipitation in New Mexico or northern Mexico (Mo and Juang 2003). Finally, the role of the land-sea thermal contrast between the southwest United States and the tropical

Pacific was statistically related to wetter onsets of the NAMS (Turrent and Cavazos

2009).

Paleoclimate and the NAMS

Modeling and paleoenvironmental data suggest that the NAMS was substantially stronger, wetter, and larger in extent in the past than in the present (Friddell et al. 2003;

Harrison et al. 2003; Poore et al. 2005; Bird and Kirby, 2006; Truebe et al. 2010; Zhao and Harrison 2011; Lyle et al. 2012). The work of Kutzbach (1981) on the paleoclimate of global monsoons suggested that Earth’s orbital orientation relative to the Sun during

99 the early Holocene placed the Northern Hemisphere in a position to receive more summer insolation, consequent greater land surface heating, and thus stronger monsoon systems.

Paleoecological evidence for a wetter NAMS is found in the proxy records from plant fossils and carbon-dated pollen from higher water-use plants (Harrison et al. 2003), packrat middens dating from 10 000-5 000 BP (Poore et al. 2005), increased summer pluvial activity found in lake core-sediments in southern California from 9 000-7 500 BP

(Bird and Kirby 2006) and the Great Basin from 17 000-14 000 BP (Lyle et al. 2012), and cave-water speleothem oxygen isotopes (δ

18

O) suggestive of higher summer precipitation in Arizona 6 000 BP (Truebe et al. 2010). Furthermore, much like today, the out-of-phase relationship between the NAMS and central United States summer precipitation is evident throughout the Holocene due to the presence of higher water-use plants in the NAMS region coincident with higher aridity and aeolian activity in the Great

Plains (Harrison et al. 2003). Climate proxies from foraminifera plankton deposits in the

Gulf of Mexico (Poore et al. 2005) and the eastern Pacific Ocean (Fridell et al. 2003) suggest that warmer summer SSTs favored a northward displacement of the ITCZ and more moisture for the NAMS region at that time. This seems to contradict the modern

ENSO-NAMS relationship, (e.g., warmer Pacific SSTs with later onset and drier earlyseason), however, it is possible that warmer SSTs in these source regions did not override the increased summer insolation noted by Kutzbach (1981), thus still providing a strong enough land-sea thermal contrast to drive NAMS moisture inland. Marine proxy records reviewed in Barron et al (2012) suggest that warmer summer Pacific SSTs from the early to mid-Holocene, evidence also indicated that summer Gulf of California SSTs were

100 actually cooler (Other than the intensification of winter upwelling in the Gulf of

California, no further explanation is given as to the possible mechanism of cooling the

Gulf of California). The conclusions from Barron et al (2012) also indicate that the

NAMS precipitation was more widespread including southern California and Nevada.

Although cooler SSTs limited the Gulf of California as a NAMS moisture source (See section 3a on present-day “Gulf Surges” and the NAMS), warmer SSTs in the Pacific contributed more moisture for the NAMS, and may have increased the incidence of tropical cyclone-based precipitation in the region (See section 3c on present-day

“Tropical Cyclones” and the NAMS; Barron et al. 2012). Examining an even earlier period, Lyle et al. (2012) concluded higher lake levels in the Great Basin were the result of summer precipitation associated with an expansion of NAMS and influx of tropical moisture from the Pacific (aided by warmer SSTs south of present-day Santa Barbara,

California) and the Gulf of California, 17 000-14 000 BP (see their Figure 4). These findings are a profound considering that previous hypotheses asserted that higher lake levels in the Great Basin were the result of increased frequency of eastern Pacific storms and winter precipitation during the last glacial maximum (Lyle et al. 2012).

Dendrochronology, which uses tree-rings as climate proxies, has advanced our understanding of long-term interannual variability of the NAMS (Meko and Baisan 2001;

Leavitt et al. 2002; Therrell et al. 2002; Stahle et al. 2009; Leavitt et al. 2011; Griffin et al. 2011). In the southwestern United States, tree-ring growth in conifers commences with early-wood (EW) growth in the spring, continuing with late-wood (LW) growth during the monsoon (Therrell et al. 2002). Meko and Baisan (2001) found that

101 correlations between LW growth and summer instrumental precipitation in southern

Arizona existed, thus allowing for tree-ring data usage in NAMS reconstruction.

Utilizing this method for 1780-1992, Therrell et al. (2002) found dry (wet) springs in southern Mexico likely preceded wet (dry) summers in northern Mexico. Stahle et al.

(2009) further explored tree-ring reconstructions in western New Mexico using a longer time period of 137 B.C. – 2004 A.D. and concluded that wet (dry) winter-spring extremes tend to be followed by dry (wet) conditions in July in their reconstructions. However, even more interesting is that their reconstructions pointed to the possibility of coincident dry (wet) winter-spring precipitation periods being followed by dry (wet) NAMS conditions, creating a “perfect drought” (“perfect pluvial”) scenario (Figure 11 in Stahle et al. 2009). Finally, as the field of monsoon tree-ring reconstructions continues to mature, Griffin et al. (2011) have noted the need to address the “tree-to-tree” variance in the strength of the relationship between LW growth and NAMS precipitation based upon phenology, age, and microsite factors.

Climate Models of NAMS and Climate Change

The pursuit of improved seasonal forecasts and future climate projections for NAMS has been undertaken via general circulation model (GCM) and regional climate model

(RCM) experiments. Modeling has advanced our understanding of NAMS, but model horizontal resolution has been a primary limiting factor, with defining boundary conditions and appropriate convective parameterizations as secondary issues. Boyle

(1998) and Arritt et al. (2000) confirmed that low resolution GCMs (2.0°–4.0°) are

102 unable to resolve critical features influencing NAMS such as the Gulf of California or local topography. Yang et al. (2009) found that even a medium GCM resolution (~1.0°,

~100 km) was challenged in representing the NAMS. In general, GCMs have been unable to reconcile smaller, complex topographic scale forcing, localized low-level jets, or local convection, all which strongly influence mesoscale precipitation in the NAMS region (Castro et al. 2012). Most GCMs exhibit some degree of error in simulated

NAMS precipitation when compared to actual observations. GCMs have generally done better representing the smaller core NAMS region than peripheral regions such as the greater southwestern United States (Figure A18). The results from Yang et al. (2001 and

2003), Collier and Zhang (2007), Lee et al. (2007), and Gutzler et al. (2009) closely estimate NAMS precipitation in the core region, but underestimate precipitation over the southwestern United States and northwestern Mexico. Berbery and Rabinovitz (2003) and Cook et al. (2011) showed an overestimation of NAMS precipitation in the core region and an underestimation in the southwestern United States. In addressing these issues, Berbery and Rabinovitz (2003), Collier and Zhang (2007), Schemm et al. (2009), and Castro et al. (2012) showed that improving model resolution captures smaller regional-scale processes with the NAMS and therefore could yield more realistic precipitation results. Castro et al. (2012) specifically note a resolution of “tens of kilometers” is necessary to truly represent NAMS in a model. Therefore, GCM representation and simulation of the NAMS would likely be improved with experiments combining finer model resolutions and longer simulation runs. However, this is computationally expensive and has not been undertaken to date. In addition to the issue

103 of model resolution, there remain observational data gaps in the NAMS region for model skill assessment, an issue that was addressed by the NAME project, for example (Gutzler et al. 2009). Addressing these observational data gaps remains a major research initiative toward improvements on modeling the NAMS (Xu et al. 2004b; Gutzler et al. 2005;

Castro et al. 2007b; Gebremicheal et al. 2007).

Despite the challenges, significant improvements in modeled simulations of NAMS have been achieved with higher resolution or downscaled GCMs, as shown in Figure A19

(Bosilovich et al. 2003; Collier and Zhang, 2007; Lee et al. 2007; Schemm et al. 2009;

Chan and Misra, 2011; Cook et al. 2011; Cerezo-Mota et al. 2011; Castro et al. 2012;

Cavazos and Arriaga-Ramírez 2012), high resolution RCMs (Saleeby and Cotton 2004;

Castro et al. 2007a; Castro et al. 2012), nested RCMs in a GCM (Chakraborty and

Krishnamurti 2003; Mo et al. 2005), or stretched-grid GCMs (Berbery and Rabinovitz

2003). A few authors have also compared multiple GCMs and RCMs to identify those that most accurately simulate NAMS and why (Liang et al. 2008; Gutzler et al. 2005;

2009; Kelly and Mapes 2010). Only Liang et al. (2008) could identify a single GCM, the

Meteorological Research Institute (MRI) model that was able to capture the NAMS seasonal cycle of precipitation accurately. They attribute this partly to the model’s accurate representation of annual SST cycles in the Pacific and Gulf of Mexico (Liang et al. 2008). In addition, mesoscale models (e.g., MM5), typically used for short-term weather forecasts, have been compared to intra-annual and interannual NAMS observation for use in seasonal forecasting of NAMS as shown in Figure A19 (Gochis et al. 2002; Krishnamurti et al. 2002; Xu and Small 2002; Gao et al. 2003; Gochis et al.

104

2003; Xu et al. 2004a&b). Despite having high resolution models, the challenge to find a convective parameterization scheme to produce precipitation comparable to observations remains (Gochis et al. 2002; Krishnamurti et al. 2002; Xu and Small 2002). As previously noted in (Adams and Souza 2009) there are subtle differences in the convective environment of NAMS (e.g., exceptional surface and orographic forcing, and strong diurnal cycle) from other convective regimes. In regards to this different parameterization schemes have different specifications that are going to make them more or less applicable to certain regions (Hack 1994; Zhang and McFarlane 1995; Maloney and Hartmann 2001; Gochis et al. 2002; Zhang 2002; Kang and Hong 2008; Chen et al.

2010). Convective parameterization schemes are also often applied at the mesoscale therefore, challenges are to be expected in applying a single scheme for the entire NAMS region (Gochis et al. 2002). Castro et al. (2012) were able to somewhat improve results through applying a modified Kain-Fritsch convective parameterization scheme (from

Truong et al. 2009) that accounted form complex topography unique to the NAMS region.

The challenges with GCMs and RCMs continue to make their use in seasonal forecasting or climate change predictions of NAMS challenging, with more research needed. Seth et al. (2011) investigated climate change and global monsoons suggesting that longer, dry spring seasons contributing to increased warming and stability in the upper troposphere (~200 hPa) could suppress convection leading to later monsoon onsets in Africa, Asia, and South America. However, Cerezo-Mota et al. (2011) concluded that climate projections of NAMS would remain erroneous until key features of NAMS are

105 correctly simulated in both RCMs and GCMs. Although the Intergovernmental Panel on

Climate Change Fourth Assessment (IPCC AR4) GCMs agree on their projections for decreased annual precipitation over southwestern North America (Seager et al. 2007), to date there are no explicit future climate precipitation projections focused on the NAMS.

7. CONCLUDING DISCUSSION

The NAMS has been the subject of a rapid increase in research attention since the mid-

1990s. Results from the NAME project and from many other studies have greatly improved our understanding of the nature and causes of monsoon variability, seasonal climate forecasting, monsoon weather forecasting of mesoscale and synoptic scale contexts, and the impact of monsoon variability on natural and human systems. Adams and Comrie (1997) summarized a set of open questions at the time, and it is instructive to revisit them now to highlight how we have improved our understanding.

1) The relative roles of convective mixing over the Sierra Madres and subsequent northward moisture transport when compared to low-level moisture from the Gulf of California and upper-level moisture from the Gulf of Mexico are now better understood. These features are a function of lowerlevel gulf surges occurring concomitantly with a favorable orientation of the monsoonal ridge over the southwestern United States and the presence of a larger-scale triggering mechanism, such as an inverted trough.

2) The spatial and temporal variations in each type of moisture delivery from the

Gulf of California and Gulf of Mexico and their relation to seasonal and

106 interannual circulation changes are better understood. For example, a threshold for Gulf of California SSTs (30°C) can aid in helping induce the start of the NAMS for northwest Mexico and southern Arizona. Favorable positioning of the subtropical monsoon ridge (i.e., STR) is also deemed an important aspect of moisture delivery from the Gulf of Mexico.

3) The causes of the nocturnal maxima over the central deserts of Arizona have been explored, with convective organization southeast and/or northeast of the

Phoenix metropolitan area in the late afternoon hours being the main cause.

Synoptic scale and mesoscale features (e.g., inverted troughs, MCSs) aid the propagation of convection into these locations during the nighttime hours is aided.

4) The question of how much low-level moisture advection and what level of localized convergence at the mesoscale is needed to maintain nocturnal maxima over the central deserts of Arizona is strongly related to gulf surges and upper level transient features (e.g., inverted troughs).

5) The conditions that trigger gulf surges (at the synoptic or mesoscale) were previously understood to result from the passage of easterly waves and tropical cyclones approaching the mouth of the Gulf of California. Recent research has shown that phase changes of the Madden-Julian Oscillation

(MJO), and/or the presence of an upper-level tropospheric low aid in sustaining MCSs over the Sierra Madres and mountains of southern Arizona, which subsequently can result in gulf surges. It has also been determined that

107 once gulf surges are triggered, they cause 2-3 mm/day more precipitation than normal over northwest Mexico within a day of the surge and 1-3 mm/day of precipitation once the surge enters Arizona a day or two later. If the surge is triggered by a tropical cyclone, the amount of precipitation resulting from the surge tends to be about 1-2 mm/day more than an ordinary gulf surge.

6) The role of ENSO has remained unclear in interannual NAMS variability, and other causes (e.g., PDO, AMO, Gulf of California SSTs, winter snowpack) have also been associated as contributing causes, sometimes in combination, as with ENSO and the PDO. The relative roles of these factors in explaining intra- and inter-annual monsoon variability remain ripe for future research.

7) The NAME experiment demonstrated that an increased density of upper-air stations led to improved representation of the diurnal cycle of convection in models. In particular, higher-resolution models better represented mesoscale features. The questions of minimum data requirements and acquisition for ongoing operational and research modeling remain unanswered.

The NAMS is a complex regional circulation that still presents many challenges in our quest to understand and predict it. These challenges include overcoming a paucity of data at the mesoscale (Gochis et al. 2004; Zehnder 2004), working across a national boundary (Bieda et al. 2009), and dealing with very complex terrain (Li et al. 2008).

Furthermore, the NAMS occurs in a region that is on the margins of several major circulation systems, and two adjacent oceans that modulate the area’s climate, directly and indirectly (Castro et al. 2001; Castro et al. 2007b; Bieda et al. 2009; Hu et al. 2011).

108

It is quite likely that several of these systems and various regional features can act constructively or destructively relative to their joint overall effect in controlling the

NAMS, year to year, within each season, and spatially. Weather forecasting and understanding the meteorological environment in the NAMS region is similarly difficult, not only because of data issues and physical complexity but also because of challenges in modeling convective and precipitation processes more generally (e.g., Janowiak et al.

2007). Additionally, as noted by Cerezo-Mota et al. (2011), additional climate simulations of NAMS are necessary as key features of NAMS are not correctly simulated in both RCMs and GCMs.

Overall, there have been marked advances in our understanding of the NAMS in the decade and a half since the initial review by Adams and Comrie (1997). Certainly, we have improved the understanding of the roles of complex features such as synoptic circulations, topography, gulf surges and mesoscale features within the NAMS. The

NAME project demonstrated the great promise of improved data availability and higher resolution modeling at the mesoscale. Questions still remain about whether the NAMS can be forecasted seasonally, and if weather forecast skill can be improved at diurnal to weekly time scales. We look forward to seeing major advances continue to emerge as active research on the NAMS moves forward.

109

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Zhao C, Lui X, Lueng LR 2011. The impact of Great Basin Desert dust on the summer

monsoon system over southwestern North America. Atmos. Phys. Chem. Discuss. 11:

31735-31767.

Zhao Y, Harrison SP. 2011. Mid-Holocene monsoons: a multi-model analysis of the

inter-hemispheric differences in the responses to orbital forcing and ocean feedbacks.

Clim. Dyn. Online doi: 10.1007/s00382-011-1193-z.

Zhu C, Lettenmaier DP, Cavazos T. 2005. Role of Antecedent Land Surface Conditions

on North American Monsoon Rainfall Variability. J. Climate 18: 3104-3121.

Zhu C, Cavazos T, Lettenmaier DP. 2007. Role of Antecedent Surface Conditions in

Warm Season Precipitation over Northwestern Mexico. J. Climate 20: 1774-1791.

Zou C-Z, Zheng W. 2004. Simulation of diurnal patterns of summer precipitation in the

North American monsoon: An assessment using TRMM. Geophys. Res. Lett. 31:

doi:10.1029/2004GL019415.

Zuidema P, Fairall C, Hartten LM, Hare JE, Wolfe D. 2007. On Air–Sea Interaction at

the Mouth of the Gulf of California. J. Climate 20: 1649–1661,

doi:10.1175/JCLI4089.1.

129

Factor influencing the NAMS

Southwestern antecedent winter-spring snowpack and precipitation.

Lingering summer western North American snowpack.

Citation

Gutzler and Preston 1997; Higgins et al.

1998; Gutzler 2000; Small 2001; Hawkins et al. 2002; Lo and Clark 2002; Matsui et al. 2003; Hu and Feng 2004; Zhu et al.

2005; McCabe and Clark 2006; Grantz et al. 2007; Zhu et al. 2007; Notaro and

Zarrin 2011.

Ellis and Hawkins 2001; Hawkins et al.

2002.

Pacific sea surface temperature (SST)modulated teleconnections.

Higgins et al. 1998; Higgins et al. 1999;

Higgins and Shi 2000; Castro et al. 2001;

Higgins and Shi 2001; Englehart and

Douglas 2002; Castro et al. 2007b; Grantz et al. 2007; Bieda et al. 2009; Turrent and

Cavazos 2009.

Atlantic SST-modulated teleconnections.

Enfield et al. 2001; Hu and Feng 2008; Hu et al. 2011.

Gulf of California/Sea of Cortéz SST anomalies.

Mitchell et al. 2002; Mo and Juang 2003.

Strength of the eastern Pacific-southwestern

North America land-sea thermal contrast.

Turrent and Cavazos 2009.

Table A1. List of factors influencing the interannual variability of the NAMS and the associated citations. Table by C. Kahn-Thornbrugh.

a)

Tucson, Arizona USA

130

Culiacán, Sinaloa MX

250

200

150

Monthly precipitation (mm)

100

50 b)

Tucson

Culiacán

50%

Figure A1. (a) Climographs showing the average seasonal distribution of precipitation for Tucson, Arizona and Culiac

án, Sinaloa

. (b) A terrain elevation map (from Comrie and

Glenn 1998) including the NAMS domain with seasonal distribution of precipitation at selected locations (after Adams and Comrie 1997) and a broken line delineating the locations which receive 50% or more of their annual precipitation July, August, and

September (after Douglas et al. 1993). The locations of Tucson and Culiac

án are also shown.

a) b) c) d) e) f)

131

132

Figure A2. Influences of the monsoon on ecology and society in the Southwest. (a) Premonsoon dry rangeland conditions compared to (b) monsoon rangeland “green-up”

(Courtesy: M. Crimmins). (c) A Native American rainwater fed corn crop cared for by

Tohono O’odham Community Action (TOCA) near Cowlic, Arizona (Courtesy: C. Kahn-

Thornbrugh). (d) A blowup from the Willow Fire on June 8, 2011 (Courtesy: J. Coil,

Battalion Chief, Sedona Fire District). (e) A haboob/dust storm in Tucson, AZ (Courtesy:

J.J. Brost) and (f) flash flood in southern Arizona (Courtesy: National Weather Service

Office, Tucson).

Figure A3. A cumulonimbus cloud-convective tower developing over the Santa Catalina

Mountains north of Tucson and an example of deep precipitation convection. Such deep convection typically extends cumuliform clouds 10-15 km vertically making them “cold clouds” with ice and temperatures ~ -40°C in the upper portions of the cloud. This photo was taken prior to a severe thunderstorm with damaging winds and flash flooding in

Tucson the evening of August 19, 2012. Photo by C. Kahn-Thornbrugh.

133

19Z (12 PM MST) 22Z (3 PM MST)

1Z (6 PM MST)

(MCS)

4Z (9 PM MST)

(MCS)

7Z (12 AM MST) 10Z (3 AM MST)

Figure A4. Water vapor and cloud cover showing the diurnal cycle over convection from the Sierra Madres into the coastal plains-Gulf of California starting from 19Z (12

PM US Mountain Standard Time (MST)) June 29 and ending 10Z (3 AM MST) June 30,

2012. Also shown is the development from isolated thunderstorms (19-22Z) to a MCS

(by 1Z). Images taken from the Geostationary Operational Environmental Satellite

(GOES) courtesy of NOAA and the National Environmental Satellite, Data, and

Information Service http://www.goes.noaa.gov/ .

134

19Z (12 PM MST)

Arizona

“upland” &

Sierra Madre- based deep convection

22Z (3 PM MST)

1Z (6 PM MST) 4Z (9 PM MST)

Forced coastal convection from cold pool propagation

7Z (12 AM MST) 11Z (4 AM MST)

Figure A5. Same as Figure A4 but for 19Z (12 PM MST) July 14 and ending 11Z (4

AM MST) July 15, 2012. Also shown is forced early morning new convection along the

Gulf of California coast as a result of cold pool propagation from the Sierra Madres.

Images taken from the Geostationary Operational Environmental Satellite (GOES) courtesy of NOAA and the National Environmental Satellite, Data, and Information

Service http://www.goes.noaa.gov/ .

135

Puerto

Peñasco

Figure A6. The 1 Jul-15 Aug 2004 mean QuikSCAT surface winds and sea surface temperature (SST). Figure 7 from Johnson et al. (2007).

136

19Z (12 PM MST) 1Z (6 PM MST)

Northward propagation of moisture & convection in the Gulf

7Z (12 AM MST)

Northward propagation of moisture & convection in the Gulf

13Z (6 AM MST)

Subsequent convection & precipitation in NW

Mexicosouthern AZ

19Z (12 PM MST) 1Z (6 PM MST)

Figure A7. Same as Figure A4, but for 30 hours at 6-hour increments from19Z (12 PM

MST) August 16 and ending 1Z (6 PM MST) August 17, 2012. Shown is a gulf surge event and subsequent convection and precipitation over northwest Mexico and southern

Arizona. Images taken from the Geostationary Operational Environmental Satellite

(GOES) courtesy of NOAA and the National Environmental Satellite, Data, and

Information Service http://www.goes.noaa.gov/ .

137

Figure A8. Two gulf surge events, the first weak and the second strong (gravity wave), at Puerto Peñasco, Sonora, 13 July 2004. Note the different in wind speed between the gust front events and the stronger surge event between 12 Z (5 AM MST) and 19 Z (12

PM MST). During this time southerly winds 500-900 m (1 600 – 2 900 ft.) above Puerto

Peñasco actually reach 20 m s

-1

(~ 45 mph). Figure by S.W. Bieda III adapted from

Figure 4 in Rogers and Johnson (2007).

138

Figure A9. Composite evolution of precipitation anomalies resulting from tropical cyclone related surges (left) and non-tropical cyclone related surges (right) keyed to

Yuma. The contour interval is 1 mm per day, with values greater than 1 mm per day (less than 1 mm per day) shaded dark (light). Figure 10 from Higgins and Shi (2005).

139

Figure A10. Anomaly streamline analysis at 925 hPa based on radiosonde data composited with respect to the day of the surge at Empalme. The plotting convention for the green lines with red arrows are streamlines at 925 hPa on the day of the surge (after

Douglas and Leal 2003), along with the conceptualization of the gulf surge (after Adams and Comrie 1997). Figure by S.W. Bieda III.

140

19Z (12 PM MST)

July1

L

2Z (7 PM MST)

July 1

L

L

19Z (12 PM MST)

July 2

L

2Z (7 PM MST)

July 2

L

L

19Z (12 PM MST) 2Z (7 PM MST)

July 3 July 3

Figure A11. Same as Figure A4 but for the hours of 19Z (12 PM MST) and 2Z (7 PM

MST) for the dates of July 1, 2 & 3, 2012. Shown is a subtropical upper tropospheric low

(i.e. inverted trough) and the associated convection and precipitation over the NAMS region. Images taken from the Geostationary Operational Environmental Satellite

(GOES) courtesy of NOAA and the National Environmental Satellite, Data, and

Information Service http://www.goes.noaa.gov/ .

141

Figure A12. Conceptual hypothesis of a subtropical upper-tropospheric low moving west into the North American monsoon regime, as adapted from Pytlak et al. (2005) and modified from conclusions of Finch and Johnson (2010) and Newman and Johnson

(2012) indicating shear playing a significant role in the core monsoon region as opposed to divergence. The upper-level low centers are the favored climatological formation locations of upper-tropospheric lows that impact the NAMS region, with directional arrows indicating typical movement paths, as adapted from Bieda et al. (2009). Figure by

S.W. Bieda III.

142

Figure A13. Total tropical cyclone precipitation (1992-2005, mm) calculated from the

U.S.-Mexico unified gridded precipitation dataset. Figure from Ritchie et al. (2011).

143

Figure A14. (Top) Schematic of observed diurnal convective activity along the Sierra

Madres, after Nesbitt et al. (2008) at 1100 LT. Green arrows indicate low-level moisture flux below 700 mb, and black thicker arrows indicate upper-level moisture flux above

700 mb after Anderson et al (2004). (Bottom) Same as top figure, except for 1900 LT, where a mesoscale convective system (MCS) has formed as a result of storms moving west off the Sierra Madres high plains and foothills. Figure by S.W. Bieda III.

144

Figure A15. The mean 1948 – 2007 subtropical ridge (STR) July position. The STR is defined by an expansion in the 500 hPa height (i.e., mid-troposphere) shown above in meters. The arrows indicate the mean direction of air circulation at the respective 500 hPa heights. Figure courtesy of the National Weather Service Tucson Forecast Office http://www.wrh.noaa.gov/twc/monsoon/monsoon_NA.php

.

Figure A16. August 19, 2009 location of the ITCZ (in yellow). During the summer months with increased northern hemisphere insolation, the ITCZ is drawn northward closer to the NAMS region. Image courtesy of the NASA Earth Observatory http://earthobservatory.nasa.gov/IOTD/view.php?id=39848 .

145

a)

146 b)

147

Figure A17. The “horseshoe” pattern showing the Combined Pacific Variability Mode

(CPVM) in the Pacific Ocean for February-June, with (a) positive CPVM, characterized by warm SST anomalies in the tropical Pacific (i.e., El Niño), warm SST anomalies in the eastern North Pacific or ENP (positive PDO), and cold SST anomalies in the central

North Pacific or CNP. The black arrows indicate the pattern of the quasi-stationary

Rossby waves. The July STR (shown as the high pressure ridge) displacement to the south and northward moisture transport into the Mississippi River Basin favors drier conditions over the NAMS region. (b) The negative CPVM, dominated by cold SST anomalies (La Niña and a negative PDO) are followed by an STR displacement to the north and westward moisture transport favoring wetter conditions over the NAMS region.

The SST and precipitation anomalies were derived using data from positive CPVM years

(1982, 1983, 1986, 1987, 1990-1994, 1997) and negative CPVM years (1981, 1984,

1985, 1988, 1989, 1999-2002) from the National Oceanic and Atmospheric

Administration (NOAA) Earth Systems Research Laboratory (ESRL), Physical Sciences

Division (PSD), Boulder, CO, USA. URL: http://www.esrl.noaa.gov/psd/cgibin/data/composites/printpage.pl

. Figure by C. Kahn-Thornbrugh and adapted from

Figure 14 in Castro et al. (2001) and Figure 4 in Castro et al. (2007b).

a)

148

c) b)

149

d) e)

150

151

Figure A18.

(a) The NAMS regions denoted for southwestern U.S.-Four Corners region (dashed box) and core monsoon region of northwestern Mexico (solid box).

(b) Average monthly precipitation from 1948-1999 from all IPCC-AR4 models

(colors) and observations (black) over the southwestern U.S.-Four Corners region after Dominguez et al. (2010), except shorter period (1900-1948 not included).

(c) Same as (b) except multi-member ensemble mean from IPCC AR4 is marked with red line, CPC observations denoted with a black line, and vertical blue lines show max/min of IPCC AR4 members and vertical green rectangles show standard deviation from GCM mean.

(d) Seasonal variation of precipitation for observations (CPC Observations) and 22

CGCMs used in the IPCC AR4 averaged over the core monsoon region of northwestern Mexico (between 20°–32.5°N and 100°–115°W) for years 1979-99 after Lin et al. (2008).

(e) Same as (d) except multi-member ensemble mean from IPCC AR4 is marked with red line, CPC observations denoted with a black line, and vertical blue lines show max/min of IPCC AR4 members and vertical green rectangles show standard deviation from GCM mean.

Figures by L.A. Byerle.

(a)

152

(b)

(d)

(c)

153

154

Figure A19. The monthly average m oisture flux at 925 hPa (g kg

-1

m s

-1

) and precipitation (mm day

-1

) (shaded) from 1979-2008 for

(a) June, NCEP-NCAR Reanalysis (Kistler, et al., 2001) and CPC precipitation

(PREC/L) observations (Chen et al., 2002).

(b) June, North American Regional Reanalysis (NARR) (Mesinger et al., 2006).

(c) Same as in (a) but for July.

(d) Same as in (b) but for July.

The NCEP-NCAR Reanalysis and CPC precipitation in (a) and (c) are on a 2.5° x 2.5° horizontal grid, while the NARR fields in (b) and (d) are on a higher resolution 0.188° x

0.188° horizontal grid. Moisture flux vectors are masked below 925mb and vectors in (b) and (d) are plotted at every third grid point. The figure follows from Berbery and

Rabinovitz (2003) and Xu et al. (2004). The data were accessed courtesy of the NCEP

NOMADS data server (Rutledge et al., 2006). Figures by L.A. Byerle.

155

APPENDIX B

FROM THE ARCTIC TO THE U.S. SOUTHWEST: CLIMATE-BASED RESEARCH

IN NATIVE COMMUNITIES

Casey C. Kahn-Thornbrugh

Paper was prepared to submit to the American Indian Culture and Research Journal

156

FROM THE ARCTIC TO THE U.S. SOUTHWEST: CLIMATE-BASED

RESEARCH IN NATIVE COMMUNITIES

ABSTRACT

Examples of climate-related research with Native communities in the Arctic have been many in recent years. However there have been fewer documented climate research projects with Indian tribes and Native communities in the U.S. Southwest. This article compares and contrasts climate-related research in the Arctic and in Southwest in order to identify crucial themes in climate research that concerns Indigenous lands and Native communities. Climate researchers working with Indian tribes and Native communities must consider Indigenous experiences and perceptions of academic and scientific research. A critical issue with regards to climate research has been a lack of a central role of Indigenous people in the research that pertains to their lands/seaways and communities. Two remedies for this issue are 1) improved relationships and a mutual understanding between research institutions and Indian tribes/Native communities in order to support improved research collaborations, and 2) more Indigenous-led climaterelated research that involves Native scientists/students, tribal colleges, and community members/tribal elders in the research projects.

INTRODUCTION

With the climate change observations and impacts climate-related research projects have increased substantially in number in recent decades, covering almost across every region across the globe. The research has included many ecological biomes, climate

157 zones, and has dealt with diverse human societies. Climate-related research has also been done on Indigenous lands and seaways, such as those in the Arctic, North America, and on other world continents and island chains. Historically, climate-related research on

Indigenous lands/seaways has had varying degrees of inclusiveness of Indigenous people.

North American Indigenous participation in climate-related research has ranged from minimal, with limited contact between researchers and Native communities, beyond that which was necessary to obtain research permits/permissions, to the more inclusive participation with collaborative and participatory research projects and frequent contactinteraction between researchers and Native community members. However, Indigenous people have yet to hold a “central role” in the climate-related research or to “lead the research” that concerns their lands, seaways, and communities (Cochran et al. 2013).

According to Cochran et al. (2013:2) assessments of Indigenous issues relating to climate or climate change “ have been largely about Indigenous people and not by Indigenous people.”

Scientists and research institutions proposing climate-related research collaborations with Indian tribes

1

/Native communities

2

have sometimes overlooked the historical and contemporary nature of the relationship between scientific/academic research and

Indigenous people. It is often the case that scientists or representatives from federal

1

In the U.S. “Indian tribes” is a political term specifically defining autonomous, federallyrecognized Indigenous nations within the U.S. In Canada the political term akin to this is “First

Nations.” In Alaska, politically autonomous Indigenous populations are known as “Alaska Native

2 villages.”

Generally speaking, the term “Native communities” is now part of the modern Indigenous

English language vernacular use and is frequently used when discussing communities of

Indigenous populations in Alaska, Canada, or the contiguous U.S. However, an Indian tribe and a

Native community is not always synonymous, especially considering that large Indian tribes (e.g., the Navajo Nation) have multiple “communities” within.

158 agencies/research institutions are surprised when representatives from Indian tribal governments or Native communities voice concerns or fustrations about scientific research or related activities on or near Indigenous lands (NOAO,

3

personal communication, October 10, 2010; NOAA,

4

personal communication, July 19, 2011).

Furthermore, some scientists and researchers do not understand the reasoning behind the reluctance of Indian tribes/Native communities to collaborate on research projects

(Macaulay 1994; Austin et al. 2000; Galliher et al. 2011). Many climate/geoscientists can be unaware of certain circumstances such as negative experiences Native communities have had with academic and scientific research (Smith 1999; University of

Arizona Cooperative Extension 2008) as well as the differing worldviews between

Western (i.e., European and American) and Indigenous understanding of the natural world including the climate (Forbes-Boyte 1999; Deloria and Wildcat 2001; Cochran et al. 2013).

There are also legal and conceptual issues that can be overlooked by non-Indigenous scientists, unfamiliar with the history of Indigenous people in North America such as:

 Indian tribes/Alaska Native villages/Canadian First Nations assert themselves as sovereign nations and desire to remain as autonomous as possible (Austin et al.

2000).

 Indian tribes/Alaska Native villages/Canadian First Nations prefer to own the data collected from research done on their lands and in their communities, and for this

3

National Optical Astronomy Observatory

4

National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration

159 data to be maintained as their own intellectual property to be available to them for future use (ANSC 1997; University of Arizona Cooperative Extension 2008).

 There are additional priorities and challenges Indian tribes/Native communities face that may not directly relate to climate, but are related to outside-induced stressors (e.g., historical loss of land or water resources, mining contamination, historical removal of cultural items, and desecration of sacred sites; Maynard

1998; Fox 2002; Gautam et al. 2013)

 There is also a conceptual desire from Indigenous standpoints for more

Indigenous-led scientific research (Smith 1999) and for more science education opportunities for Native students (ANSC 1997; Maynard 1998; James 2001; R.

Maldonado, Navajo Nation IRB, personal communication, March 26, 2008; D.

Ferguson, CLIMAS, personal communication, October 22, 2009).

 More Indigenous-led research on tribal lands/seaways means more Native scientists are needed, which also requires educational reform to include both

Indigenous knowledge and Western science as valid knowledge systems for students to learn and apply (Maynard 1998; Barnhardt and Kawagley 2005;

Cochran et al. 2013).

Non-Indigenous scientists who have had a longer experience working with Indian tribes/Native communities tend to be more aware of these issues, and especially of

Indigenous aims to “remain as autonomous as possible” in any collaboration (NDMC,

5 personal communication, September 2004; D. Ferguson, CLIMAS, personal

5

National Drought Mitigation Center

160 communication, October 22, 2009). However, the larger lack of awareness for these issues or the lack of attempts to reconcile them inhibits constructive climate research partnerships between research institutions and Native communities.

With regards to climate-related research in the U.S., federal agencies, such as NOAA,

USGS,

6

or NASA

7

and science departments within research universities all have the potential to collaborate on climate-related research with Indian tribes/Native communities. Federally-funded projects within universities such as, CLIMAS

8

or university extension programs are also contenders for climate-related research with

Indian tribes/Native communities. However, it is important to make clear some distinctions because federal agencies and universities differ somewhat in the nature of their relationship with Indian tribes/Native communities. In the U.S., federal agencies have a responsibility to work with Indian tribes as part of a “trust relationship” or a federal fiduciary obligation to support tribes in education, health and infrastructure

(O’Brien 1993; Austin et al. 2000; Canby 2004; Hiller 2005; Gautam et al. 2013).

Therefore federal agencies are required by law to consult with Indian tribes on all matters concerning them including climate information pertaining to tribal lands (Austin et al.

2000). Federal agency-driven climate-related research with Indian tribes/Native communities often arise from this requirement (Knutson et al. 2007; Collins et al. 2009).

For universities and non-federal agency research institutions the nature of their relationships with Indian tribes is based on research policies and guidelines rather than

6

7

United States Geological Survey

8

National Aeronautical and Space Administration

Climate Assessment for the Southwest at the University of Arizona

161 federal laws for consultation (Austin et al. 2000). For example, there are no university guidelines requiring consultation with Indian tribes when doing climate-related research, such as using climate data collected by a federal agency from tribal lands that has already been made publically available.

Researchers and research teams within university departments focus on the production of generalizable knowledge and usually aim to engage in some sort of research that can lead to a peer-reviewed publication.

9

Although there are some exceptions, the careers of university-based scientists/researchers are contingent on their ability to do research, publish findings, and contribute to generalizable knowledge in their respective academic disciplines. It should be noted that production of generalizable knowledge is not just a

“career booster,” but a way to push academic disciplines forward toward improved scientific understanding (e.g., advances in modern healthcare and medicine). Within federal agencies, the careers of scientists can be also advance with research publication; however, there is not always the same pressure to publish research findings. However, federal agencies still must produce reports or “gray literature”

10

documenting the projects done with Indian tribes/Native communities. Thus, more formalized research with Indian tribes/Native communities, usually comes from universities. However, “gray literature” also reaches a wide audience and can be accepted as valid contributions of knowledge

(Thaler 2010). Therefore, scientists/researchers from federal agencies also must be

9

A “peer-reviewed publication” is recognized in the scientific and academic community as the highest and most credible documentation of scholarship and research.

10

“Gray literature” consists of technical reports, manuscripts, conference reports, articles for general circulation. Although gray literature does not go through the rigorous scientific/scholarly peer review process, much of it is cited and accepted as valid information.

162 mindful when producing reports on collaboration with Indian tribes/Native communities.

The overall issue is that relationship between “researchers” and “Indian tribes/Native communities” can be strained (i.e., pulled in different directions) because the researchers are under pressure to publish or at least report findings, but Indian tribes/Native communities are under pressure to protect their intellectual property.

We also must consider that as more Native people have become scientists the dichotomy of “non-Native scientist/researcher” and “Native community that is researched” is beginning to blur under certain circumstances. In fact, there exists a continuum, which begins on one end considering the circumstance of non-Indigenous researchers/institutions working with Indian tribes/Native communities (i.e., the most common research circumstance to date), and continues to another end considering the involvement of Native researchers and Indigenous institutions leading climate-related research. According to Smith (1999), Austin et al. (2000), Cram (2001), Madsen (2008), and Maldonado (Navajo Nation IRB, personal communication, March 26, 2008), any research with Indigenous communities should at least consider the following questions.

1) How will the research benefit the tribe/community and how do the research objectives match tribal/community priorities and concerns? 2) What are tribal and community members’ experiences, and concerns regarding research (i.e., have these communities had negative experiences with research in the past)? 3) What are laws and policies of the

Indian tribes/Native communities where the research would take place? 4) How can more Indigenous research methods be applied (and what are these methods), as opposed to the conventional academic research methods, which often conflict with Indigenous and

163 tribal-based cultural values? 5) Lastly, what are the risks research may take when dealing with Indigenous knowledge and belief systems regarding climate and the natural world?

To elaborate on the final point mentioned, climate scientists tend to understand knowledge of the climate system as generalizable knowledge (e.g., knowing it as system mechanically driven via thermal forcing from the Sun; Wallace and Hobbs 2006) to be shared with humankind. Many Indigenous knowledge systems recognize spiritual components in the natural world, including those related to the climate, in which human beings have a relationship with through ceremonies and belief systems (Beck et al. 1977;

Nabhan 1982; Kawagley 1995; Deloria 2006; Cochran et al. 2013). Furthermore, some

Indigenous knowledge (e.g., that which is specific to a people, tribe, or a specialized society) is not considered generalizable for all to understand and know (Smith 1999;

Medicine 2001; Green et al. 2010). The consideration for the “risk of deconstructing

Indigenous beliefs” can actually be rephrased to state, “How can climate research remain respectful of Indigenous knowledge and beliefs regarding the climate system, and differentiate between Indigenous knowledge of climate that is generalizable and can be

shared outside of the community, with more private knowledge that should remain within

a community, tribe, family or a specific tribal society” As a follow-up to this, Cochran et al. (2013:3) and other authors (Huntington 2000a; Huntington et al. 2005; Huntington and

Watson 2012) have noted that it is important to respect the differences in Indigenous and

Western worldviews of the natural world, and not attempt to “merge them into a single framework,” but, instead to “recognize, respectfully what each has to offer in solving the challenges faced by modern society.” The purpose of this article is to ultimately bring to

164 light these types of considerations for doing climate-related research with Indian tribes/Native communities, and to also explore climate-related research led by Native researchers and Indigenous institutions.

ACADEMIC RESEARCH AND NATIVE COMMUNITIES

Beginning from the perspective of universities or research institutions, working with

Indian tribes/Native communities in the context of any research, requires ongoing communication and a time commitment (Austin et al. 2000; Galliher et al. 2011). In addition, oversight by tribal governments is usually required (Austin et al. 2000;

University of Arizona Cooperative Extension 2008). These are essential to plan on how the research should be appropriately designed and how it would benefit the tribe and community members. To date there has been substantial research on Indigenous peoples’ observations of climate and environmental change in the Arctic and the Far North. There has also been much research on Indigenous traditional knowledge, coined as traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) in the academic literature (Berkes 1993; Nadasdy 1999;

Wenzel 1999; Huntington 2000; Pierotti and Wildcat 2000; Henri et al. 2010). With regards to research on climate change observations and impacts on Indigenous lands/seaways, some community members from Indigenous societies have supported researcher/research institution collaborations with Native communities (Krupnik and

Jolly 2002). However, Indigenous people across the globe have also had a history of negative experiences, and exploitation from scientific and academic-based research that included them and their communities (Macaulay 1994; Deloria 1999; Smith 1999; Austin

165 et al. 2000; Gunderson 2008; Madsen 2008; University of Arizona Cooperative Extension

2008; Galliher et al. 2011). It has often been the case that research in Native communities, whether it was health-based, historical, cultural, or environmental-related research, has generated results that has benefited academic scholarship and the careers of researchers more so than the communities where the research was done (Macaulay 1994;

Smith 1999; Austin et al. 2000; Rubin 2004; Madsen 2008; Wilson 2008; Harmon 2010;

Galliher et al. 2011). In worse-case scenarios, research has even caused substantial social harm to a community. A little over ten years ago, a diabetes research project with the

Havasupai tribe in Arizona advanced the careers of academic and student researchers.

Although the tribe had consented for blood sample data to be used for diabetes-related research only, the data were also used for genetic research in ways harmful to the cultural integrity of the tribe (Rubin 2004; Harmon 2010). The Havasupai case is important because it was an event that essentially pushed tribes over the edge (especially in the U.S.

Southwest) in terms of negative perceptions toward academic/scientific research (R.

Maldonado, Navajo Nation IRB, personal communication, March 26, 2008). However, despite negative experiences, tribal governments sometimes still support scientific research, so as long as it is done in respectful ways (including “respective by Indigenous and tribal standards”) and benefits the tribe and the communities within. Carletta Tilousi, a member of the Havasupai Tribal Council noted, “I’m not against scientific research. I just want it done right. They used our blood for all these studies, people got degrees and grants, and they never asked our permission” (Harmon 2010: Online).

166

There has been much published on research ethics with Indigenous societies in the context of social science (Smith 1999; Ermine et al. 2004; Madsen 2008) and healthrelated research (Wax 1991; Humphery 2000; Ermine et al. 2004). However, according to Ermine et al. (2004:15), “the natural sciences and environmental research…need to be explored further in terms of how they impact the ethics of Indigenous peoples and the systems for living within their environments.” With the growth of climate-related collaborations and research with Indian tribes/Native communities within the contiguous

U.S., research ethics and considerations in the context of climate-related research also deserve attention. Much of scholarship on research ethics in general with Indigenous communities focuses on relationships between large research institutions and non-

Indigenous researchers with Indian tribes/Native communities (Madsen 2008; Agbo

2010). Although this circumstance is still true in many cases, in recent years there has been more research with Native communities and on Indian tribal lands in the U.S.

Southwest, which was either led by, or had the involvement of formally-trained

11

Native researchers (Thornbrugh 2006; Novak 2007; Redsteer et al. 2010; Tsinnajinnie 2011;

Gautam et al. 2013). Native researchers are by no means immune to ethical research pitfalls; however, the nature of their relationship in the context of research with Indian tribes/Native communities is somewhat different from non-Indigenous researchers, and often complex.

11

“Formally-trained” meaning, individuals with post-secondary academic credentials of a bachelor’s degree or higher with the means and support to participate in, or lead and manage research projects.

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Native researchers must not only consider ethical practices as defined by Western academic standards, but they also must consider broader Indigenous standards (i.e., values that are held across many Indigenous cultures), and even more specific cultural standards of the communities they are working with (Smith 1999). Native researchers must also look to their own personal-cultural standards and values when doing research

(Smith 1999; Wilson 2008; Galliher et al. 2011). Some examples of Indigenous scholars and researchers who have addressed the issue of research in Indigenous communities (in the U.S. and beyond) that also involve Indigenous researchers include: Maori scholar,

Linda Tuhiwai Smith, professor of education at the University of Waikato in Hamilton,

New Zealand (Smith 1999); Cree scholar Shawn Wilson in his work in Canada and

Australia (Wilson 2008); and Monica M. Tsethlikai of Zuni Pueblo, professor of psychology at the University of Utah, who has worked with Native communities in the

U.S. (Galliher et al. 2011). In addition, anthropologist and Standing Rock Sioux tribal member, the late Beatrice Medicine (2001) reflected on her own experience as an anthropology researcher working with Indian tribes/Native communities. Specifically, she and other Native anthropologists (e.g., Edward Dozier, Alfred Ortiz, Francis

LaFlesche) went into anthropology as a meaningful way of life working for the benefit of

Indigenous peoples, yet they also needed to also be sensitive and respectful of tribal cultures different from their own, and self-ware of their own position in an intersection between Western academic and Indigenous-community-based worlds. Medicine

(2001:5) states in her experience working with an Indian Pueblo in New Mexico, “Little did I realize I was being tested (by elders). Was I Native or white oriented? Was I

168 informer or friend?” All of the aforementioned authors note 1) the mistrust Indigenous communities have of outside research agendas, 2) their personal motivation as Indigenous researchers for working with Indigenous communities, and 3) their challenges in negotiating different roles in academia and within the communities where they do research (e.g., Indigenous person, academic researcher, tribal/community member, nontribal/community member; Smith 1999; Medicine 2001; Wilson 2008; Galliher et al.

2011).

CLIMATE-RELATED RESEARCH IN ARCTIC NATIVE COMMUNITIES

Despite a keen awareness of climate change, northern Indigenous Peoples have had limited participation in climate-change science due to limited access, power imbalances and differences in worldview (Cochran et al. 2013:1).

Climate-related research on Indigenous lands/seaways and in Native communities in the Arctic have demonstrated many examples of collaboration between research scientists and Native communities. Nevertheless, even with the involvement of Native communities, the research projects and the publication of generalizable knowledge have largely been driven by non-Indigenous research scientists (Cochran et al. 2013).

Examples of these climate-related research projects include the documentation of observed changes in weather patterns, glacier mass reduction, reduced sea ice distribution, and changes in animal-plant distributions, all with concern for “climate change” as a motivating factor for the research (Ford 2000; Fox 2000a; Krupnik 2000a;

Noongwook 2000; Thorpe 2000; Ashford and Castleden 2001; Cruikshank 2001; Fenge

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2001; Riedlinger 2001a,2001b; Riedlinger and Berkes 2001; Fox 2002; Furgal et al.

2002; Jolly et al. 2002; Nickels et al. 2002; Thorpe et al. 2002; Council of Yukon First

Nations and Arctic Athabaskan Council 2003; Newton et al. 2005; Ford et al 2007; Ford and Furgal 2009; Wenzel 2009; Pearce et al. 2009, 2010).

In terms of climate change, the Arctic is definitely a “ground zero” of sorts where scientists and Indigenous people are observing the most drastic changes in temperatures and summer retreats of otherwise perennial ice coverage (Krupnik and Jolly 2002;

Kusugak 2002; Solomon et al. 2007). Furthermore, Indigenous people remain as a majority of the Arctic rural human population (Paterson and Johnson 1995; Cochran et al.

2013). In addition, some Native leaders and scholars (e.g., Tsosie 2007; Wildcat 2009;

Cochran et al. 2013) have been addressing the issue of climate change and its implications for Indigenous societies. In his 2009 book on Indigenous knowledge and climate change, Yuchi (i.e., Muscogee Nation of Oklahoma) scholar and professor,

Daniel Wildcat discusses the need for a “wake-up call to action” for Indigenous and non-

Indigenous communities alike to respond to the issue of climate change (Wildcat

2009:11). Lastly, it should be noted that there is also growing literature examining the legal-political ramifications of climate change for Indigenous people (Newton 2005;

Hanna 2007; Trainor et al. 2007; Tsosie 2007; Krakoff 2008; Whyte 2013).

Early inquiries into how climate change could potentially impact Arctic Indigenous societies are documented in Peterson and Johnson (1995) Human Ecology and Climate

Change. However, documentation of actual climate-related research with Native communities began in the Arctic regions of Alaska and the northern Canadian provinces

170 during the late 1990s. Climate, environmental, and social scientists focused in on the

Arctic and Far North for several reasons. First, some of the most profound environmental impacts related to climate change are occurring in this region (Fox 2002). Secondly, air temperatures have been increasing in this region at twice the rate of the global average

(Brubaker et al. 2011b; Cochran et al. 2013) with the highest rates of warming over the next hundred years also projected to occur over this region (Solomon et al. 2007;

Brubaker et al. 2009). Third, environmental and climate scientists have also recognized that in the Arctic instrumental climate data are very sparse in spatial coverage and very short-term in the length of their records compared to other regions of the globe

(Huntington 2002). Lastly, many of the research projects were initiated after representatives from Native communities in the Arctic contacted federal agencies and scientists, informing them of their observations of dramatic changes in the climate and environment (Krupnik and Jolly 2002). Incidentally, the Arctic is now probably the region on Earth where the greatest amount of Indigenous knowledge or TEK has been recorded and has contributed to a more collective understanding of the climate and the environment.

From an Indigenous perspective, the Arctic has been home to Inuit, Inupiaq, Sami,

Yup’ik and other peoples since time immemorial. In recent generations, Indigenous people have been observing extreme changes in typical weather patterns, seasonal conditions, and animal presence/migration patterns, all which are affecting their culture and way of life (Kunuk 2010; Cochran et al. 2013). In the Arctic, climate change has even contributed to environmental emergencies, such as the relocation of the village of

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Shismaref and other Alaska Native communities (Willis 2004), and severely damaging the infrastructure of others (Cochran et al. 2013). Climate change is impacting traditional practices and causing concern for the well-being of future generations of Indigenous societies in the Arctic (Kusugak 2002; Cochran et al. 2013). For some Indigenous people, the connection between the emission of greenhouse gases from industrial nations

“to the south” and the warming climate on Indigenous lands/seaways “in the north” is perceived as a form of “neo-colonialism” and another forced relocation of Indigenous societies, albeit indirectly (Kusugak 2002; Wildcat 2009; Kunuk 2010). Climate change is also impacting human safety and availability of local animal food sources, which has pushed some communities to depend more highly on outside resources, foreign foods, and ties to outside policies (Furgal et al 2002; Ford 2009; Ford and Furgal 2009; Laidler et al. 2009; Wenzel 2009; Brubaker 2011a, 2011b; Moerlein and Carothers 2012). In other words, climate change is impacting the ability of Indigenous societies in the Arctic to be self-reliant and autonomous (A.O. Kawagley, University of Alaska-Fairbanks, personal communication, August 13, 2008; Wenzel 2009).

Early climate-related research in the Arctic focused on integrating Indigenous knowledge or TEK with Western scientific observations of climate. The first years of the

21 st

century saw an explosion of research on climate change on Indigenous lands/seaways as observed by Native communities with over a dozen articles published in 2000-2001, alone (Ford 2000; Fox 2000a, 2000b; Krupnik 2000a, 2000b; Krupnik and Huntington

2000; Noongwook 2000; Thorpe 2000; Ashford and Castleden 2001; Cruikshank 2001;

Fenge 2001; Riedlinger 2001a; Riedlinger 2001b; Riedlinger and Berkes 2001). The

172 theme that resonates across many of these articles is an inquiry, “What can climate and environmental sciences learn from the Indigenous knowledge of the Arctic?” Probably the most well-known collection of research articles documenting Indigenous observations of climate and environmental change is found in the book edited by Igor Krupnik and

Dyanna Jolly (2002), The Earth is Faster Now: Indigenous Observations of Arctic

Environmental Change, of which six of the nine research articles focus on Indigenous knowledge of climate and observations of climate change (Fox 2002; Furgal et al. 2002;

Jolly et al. 2002; Krupnik 2002; Nickels et al. 2002; Thorpe et al. 2002).

Most of the climate-related research projects from the The Earth is Faster Now document following ethical research guidelines as defined by the academic standards in the U.S. and Canada of the time and the cultural standards of the communities where the research was done (Fox 2002; Furgal et al. 2002; Jolly et al. 2002; Krupnik 2002; Nickels et al. 2002; Thorpe et al. 2002). A few authors explicitly note in their articles that all research projects received support and approval from the communities (Fox 2002; Jolly et al. 2002; Krupnik 2002; Thorpe et al. 2002). Furthermore, a few of the Arctic climaterelated research projects and collaborations were actually initiated at the request of individuals and organizations from Native communities (Jolly et al. 2002; Krupnik 2002;

Thorpe et al. 2002). Hence, Krupnik and Jolly (2002:4) mention a key reason for environmental and climate-related research in the Arctic in stating, “Indigenous people really want this done.” Most of the research projects also documented that research findings were communicated to the communities (Fox 2002; Jolly et al. 2002; Krupnik

2002; Nickels et al. 2002; Thorpe et al. 2002). It was noted that the standard research

173 guideline for these projects was based on a research model adapted from the Kahnawake

Schools Diabetes Prevention Project, an ongoing project in the Kahnawake community outside of Montreal, Canada. These research guidelines are found on the webpage of the

Alaska Native Science Commission (ANSC) and the National Science Foundation’s

Office of Polar Programs (OPP) (ANSC 1997; OPP 2012). A summary of the ANSC

(1997) guidelines adapted from the Kahnawake project are as follows:

Research Principles:

 A partnership between researchers and a community is defined as one where consultation and collaboration are continuous.

 Researchers and staff from the community, as well as material resources, must be respected and utilized whenever possible.

 Written permission must be obtained from the communities before beginning the research projects.

 Permission from all individuals participating must be obtained prior to collecting personal information.

 The confidentiality of all individuals must be respected.

 All research results, analyses and interpretations must first be reviewed by the researchers and community to ensure accuracy and avoid misunderstanding.

 All data collected belong to the community and must be returned to the community.

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 The researchers and the community must all be involved in making decisions about the publication and the distribution of all or parts of the research results.

 The community must agree to the release of information.

Researcher obligations:

 Do no harm to the community.

 Involve the community in active participation.

 Ensure the research is culturally relevant to the community and in agreement with the standards of competent research.

 Do research that will contribute something of value to the community.

 Impart new skills to community members.

 Provide expertise to scientifically answer questions that emerge from the community.

 Promote academic diffusion of knowledge through written publications and oral presentations.

 Be a guardian of the data until the end of the project and to return the data to the community at the end of the project.

 Be involved in any future analysis of the data after the data have been returned to the community.

Obligation of researchers from the community

 Maintain a long-term relationship of trust in the dual role of caregiver, educator, and researcher: needs of the community must be considered as the first priority in any decision.

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 Communicate with (non-community) researchers during all phases of the research.

 Arrange for (non-community) researchers to meet with any other local community organizations to implement and promote the project.

 Facilitate supervisory meetings of the intervention and evaluation teams.

 To participate in all phases of the project, review all research results, analyses and interpretations for accuracy and present information to the community.

The OPP (2012) guidelines are similar to ANSC (1997); however, there are two critical differences. The language of the OPP (2012) emphasizes “consultation” instead of

“partnerships” and does not explicitly state that all data collected belong to the community. This is a very important point because until recently, most of the language in university research guidelines in the contiguous U.S. were closer to that of OPP (2012) than ANSC (1997) (i.e., OPP mentions “do no harm to the community,” but no explicit mention of “the data belonging to the community”). In the contiguous U.S., research control and benefits have been placed more with the researchers and has treated Native communities more as passive participants in the research. It is likely this circumstance is one reason why Alaska and the Far North have been more progressive than the contiguous U.S. in terms of developing research partnerships between institutions and

Native communities. Another reason for more established research collaborations in the

Far North are the more prevalent circumstances of community organizations contacting researchers, rather than the researchers identifying the communities to do their research.

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The Indigenous-governed Canadian territory of Nunavut also has a specific protocol for researchers. As summarized by Gunderson (2008), these are:

 Every researcher must apply for a research permit from the Nunavut territorial government.

 The permit application must be provided with a proposal written in English and

Inuktitut.

 The proposal must be reviewed and approved by the local community.

 The project must have direct, tangible benefits to the community and involve local residents as paid collaborators.

 Research results are to be shared directly with the community via oral presentation.

Climate-related research in Native communities in the Arctic followed ethical research guidelines and highly involved Indigenous people, although Indigenous people did not yet have central roles in the research (Cochran et al. 2013). Also, physical and social scientists and Indigenous people still maintained different perspectives on the research and its purpose. From the perspective of many climate/environmental scientists and researchers, the initial research working with Native communities and including

Indigenous knowledge presented a scholarly and scientific opportunity. It was initially considered a “scientific frontier” (Krupnik and Jolly 2002:3). The “frontier paradigm” in the context of science, relates to discovery of new knowledge. However, when working with Indigenous societies, the frontier paradigm needs careful consideration because

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Indigenous peoples’ experiences with the paradigm are quite different for than those of the scientists and researchers. Indigenous peoples have usually been on the other side of frontier paradigms including those of scientific research. The “frontiers” to be explored often have been the lands, resources, medicines, and knowledge(s), which are held by

Indigenous peoples. An excerpt below listed in Bielawski (1995:219) sums up an

Indigenous sentiment toward a one-way flow of knowledge from Indigenous peoples to researchers:

I am telling you about myself. You didn’t even bother telling me about yourself, you just wanted me to write stories about myself. I don’t think that’s fair. I would like to know about your parents and I would like to know about other things. I am an old man now and I am curious (Akuliak, Inuit elder, 1967).

Bielawski (1995) uses this example to describe an existing assumption that the knowledge of Indigenous peoples should be integrated into Western science to produce more generalizable knowledge for the benefit of larger societies (e.g., Canada or the

U.S.). The voluntarily or involuntarily transfer of knowledge from Indigenous peoples to larger societies has continued throughout history, as many foods, technologies, medicines, minerals, and other “resources” used in modern Industrial societies have their roots in Indigenous knowledge (Weatherford 1988).

In regards to “knowledge,” it is worth noting that there are differing perspectives on knowledge between Indigenous societies and the scientific community. From Native and

Indigenous perspectives, there is often knowledge that serves practical purposes and is usually meant for a specific tribe, community, clan, family, or society that carries the

178 knowledge (Green et al. 2010). This is ensures the survival of a people and allows them to maintain and persist in a unique place in the world. Indigenous knowledge is held in high regard by Indigenous people because this knowledge is not easily gained (i.e., it has taken a millennia to develop) and grows out of intimate relationships to a place (Deloria and Wildcat 2001; Glenn 2012; Huntington and Watson 2012; Cochran et al. 2013).

Moreover, some knowledge is attained through ways drastically different than the

Western scientific method, such knowledge gained through dreams, ceremonies, and ancient stories (Povenelli 1995; Deloria 1999; Cajete 2000). Knowledge is not taken for granted and is considered a gift and part of a people’s power (Smith 1999). Incidentally, from many Indigenous perspectives, knowledge is also strongly understood to be held among a people rather than a focus on the knowledge of individuals. For example, this can be seen in the authorship of one research articles entitled, “We Can’t Predict the

Weather Like We Used to,” in which the knowledge gained from the research is credited to individual scientists Berkes, Castleden, and Nichols (2002), but also credited to the entire community of Sachs Harbour (2002).

There is another differing perspective prominent in many Indigenous philosophies.

From Indigenous perspectives, the pursuit of knowledge is a good endeavor; however, it is also understood that knowledge comes to an individual or a people when they are ready

(i.e., at a proper state of maturity) to receive it (Cajete 2000; Deloria and Wildcat 2001).

This is in contrast to Western science where knowledge is obtained as soon as technological ability and intellectual research capacity (e.g., research personnel and an intellectual or scientific knowledge foundation) make it feasible (Kawagley 1995).

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Deloria and Wildcat (2001:64) note that sometimes Western science technological approaches and experimentation attempt to, “force secrets from nature.” In relation to this differing perspective, Native community members and traditional elders at times view research as “pressing” them and their community for knowledge (Bielawski 1995).

Considering that many Indigenous societies across the world have been invaded or suffered an experience, where their power to control their own destinies was limited or taken away entirely, many Indigenous societies continue to have concerns about sharing knowledge with the outside world (Macaulay 1994; Cajete 2000).

However, considering climate change and other anthropogenic environmental impacts,

Indigenous people have also asserted that their knowledge can be “useful and timely information” for larger industrialized societies (Kusugak 2002:vii). Specifically, there is the need for human societies, especially the largest industrialized populations (e.g., U.S.,

China, and European nations) to develop or renew ways to live sustainably on Earth, despite the challenges in doing so while maintaining economic stability and growth (Li

2009). Climate change does impact industrialized societies; however, a greater proportion of the impacts are being experienced on the lands/seaways of Indigenous societies (Maynard 1998; Houser et al. 2001; Kusugak 2002; Ford et al. 2007; Hanna

2007; Trainor et al. 2007; Tsosie 2007; Ford and Furgal 2009; Turner and Clifton 2009;

Wenzel 2009; Wildcat 2009). Considering this aspect, Indigenous knowledge has value that could be shared with the global community for a greater good (TKRP 2009; Wildcat

2009). Many Indigenous people acknowledge a notion that all human societies have

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“Indigenous roots” to somewhere, and that the concept of being connected to and having respect for a place can be found within many peoples’ histories (TKRP 2009).

In Arctic Native communities, ideally a “two-way” knowledge sharing is the best approach (Bielawski 1995). In Krupnik and Jolly (2002:3), Arctic researchers noted the desire to move away from a practice of “us (scientists) informing them (communities)” or moving away from a one-way flow of knowledge from scientists to Indigenous communities. Interestingly enough, Arctic scientists were actually attempting to reconcile an opposite flow of knowledge as characterized by typical academic research in

Native communities (i.e., knowledge flow from Indigenous communities to researchers/scientists). The Arctic climate and environmental/social scientists and researchers (e.g., Krupnik and Jolly 2002) perceived a one-way sharing of scientific knowledge with the public or communities as a rather arrogant approach perpetuating a

“we know better than them” attitude. However, from Native perspectives getting information from outside scientists (e.g., Western science-based information) is not necessarily seen as arrogant, or necessarily suggestive that the scientists know better. It is more understood that the scientists are sharing additional information that can be utilized where needed (Bielawski 1995). Just as a Western science agenda is to add

Indigenous knowledge into their collective understanding (i.e., generalizable knowledge), an Indigenous agenda also adds Western science knowledge and tools into their own collective understanding (Barnhardt and Kawagley 2005). In certain circumstances

Western science-based information and technology are very useful, especially when it

181 addresses an immediate concern or informational need by a tribe or community

(Crowshoe 2001; Goes in Center 2001).

In the Arctic, when research stopped serving the practical needs of Native communities, negative perceptions of research began to re-surface. In 2008, after almost a decade of Arctic climate change research, the late Angayuqaq Oscar Kawagley, a

Yup’ik elder and scholar from the University of Alaska, Fairbanks, firmly stated at a symposium, “Stop sending us your scientists! Just send us the tools for us to do what it is we need to do!” (A.O. Kawagley, University of Alaska-Fairbanks, personal communication, August 13, 2008) According to Gunderson (2008) many members from

Arctic Native communities expressed frustration with the inundation of outside researchers and refer to the researchers as “siksik,” a local squirrel species that comes out in abundance during the summer months. Research results were seen as obvious or irrelevant, and there have also been erroneous research results that have actually caused the community political problems from the creation of new national wildlife management policies imposed on them (Gunderson 2008). In the Arctic and Far North, and in other parts of the world, Indigenous societies can perceive research as overkill, especially when it draws large influxes of outside researchers and agendas. The more current climaterelated research with Native communities in the Arctic has moved away from inquiries on Indigenous observations/knowledge of climate and more toward a focus on the current need “climate change adaptation strategies” (Newton et al. 2005; Ford et al. 2007; Ford and Furgal 2009; Trainor et al. 2009; Lemlin et al. 2010; Pearce et al. 2010; Brubaker et al. 2011b; Huntington and Watson 2012; McNeely 2012; Cochran et al. 2013).

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Despite the negative perceptions of research from historical and contemporary experiences, many Arctic climate-based research projects did produce a number of benefits and research-generated products for the communities. Some projects created venues and opportunities for elders to pass on traditional knowledge and TEK to local youth (Fox 2002; Thorpe et al. 2002) and Native youth were actively involved in the research (Fox 2002; Thorpe et al. 2002). Another benefit came from the fact that one of the research projects documented a balanced knowledge exchange and “two-way flow of knowledge,” learning from Indigenous knowledge and providing communities with

Western scientific knowledge and research tools, as well (Fox 2002). Many of these projects produced information and educational materials (including materials written and recorded in the Native languages of the communities) in the forms of CD-ROMs, videos, books, dictionaries and audio recordings all given to Native cultural heritage centers, libraries, schools, and to individuals that participated in the project (Fox 2002; Krupnik

2002). It is also worth noting that some researchers continue to live, give back, and work within the communities where they began their research many years before (Gunderson

2008; Gearheard et al. 2010; NSIDC 2012). This is contrary to the “helicopter research,” a drop-in, get the data, publish, and move on strategy, which has been noted as a common historic academic research practice in Indigenous communities (Deloria 1988; Macaulay

1994; Gunderson 2008).

Although the Arctic climate-related research literature documents clear partnerships between scientists and Native communities, and even co-publishing with community members, there are very few examples of research projects led by Native scientists or

183 researchers. This relates to the circumstance of the limited involvement of Indigenous people as principal investigators in climate-related research (Cochran et al. 2013). The obvious reason for this is the small number of academically trained scientists from Native communities in the Arctic. According to Cochran et al. (2013:1), there has been a

“power imbalance” in climate-related research in the Arctic. Although, Indigenous people and Native community members have been involved in the research, and even been co-authors in publications, the lack of formal scientific training and academic credentials has limited the power (i.e., the academic authority) and the means (i.e., easier access to scientific literature, research colleagues, technology, and funding) for

Indigenous people to actually drive the climate-related research that has included them.

However, there are a growing number of Native scientists/researchers from communities in the Arctic and Far North. Some examples include Richard K. “Savik”

Glenn, an Inupiaq geologist in Wainwright, Alaska and the Executive Vice President for

Lands and Natural Resources of the Arctic Slope Regional Corporation; Minik Rosing, an Inuit geologist from Greenland and professor at the Natural History Museum of

Denmark; and Parnuna Egede, also Inuit from Greenland, whom recently completed her master’s degree in biology (George 2011; Glenn 2012). Others include: Orville

Huntington, an Athabaskan wildlife biologist; Sven Haakanson, an anthropologist, and member of the Alutiiq from Kodiak Island, Alaska; and Dolores “Dolly” Garza, of Haida and Tlingit heritage and a fisheries-marine scientist and professor at the University of

Alaska, Fairbanks (ANSC 2012). What the majority of the aforementioned scientists and researchers have in common is that their work is directly linked to the informational

184 needs of a specific community or Native communities within a certain region (e.g., the

Alaska Northslope or the ANSC). In terms of reconciling Western scientific and

Indigenous knowledge, Glenn (2012) and Rosing (George 2011) both note advantages to understanding the natural world if there is a focus on where Western and Indigenous knowledge systems intersect. In terms of research with Indigenous communities, Egede states, “There is a lot of prejudice against science and a lot of scientists are looked at with suspicion. People think all biologists are enemies, working against hunters and fishermen” (George 2011: online). In summary, the growing number of Native scientists represents a new aspect to climate and environmental research with Native communities in the Arctic and Far North. These individuals come from Indigenous cultural backgrounds and local Native communities, but they too must reconcile different knowledge systems and Indigenous perspectives and historical experiences with research.

Another development has been the establishment of Indigenous research and education centers, such as the Nunavut Arctic College and Nunavut Research Institute; Iḷisaġvik

College in Barrow, Alaska (i.e., Alaska’s first “tribal college”); and organizations such as the ANSC based in Anchorage, Alaska; and the Alaska Native Knowledge Network based at the University of Alaska, Fairbanks. These venues provide an arena for

Indigenous-driven research agendas where Native people are the researchers and where true partnerships can exist between scientists (both Native and non-Native) with

Indigenous communities. In fact, in 1998 the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs in Canada presented the Igloolik’s Inullaarit Elders Society, whom had been doing their own research on traditional knowledge for the sake of passing it down to Inuit youth, the

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Northern Science Award (Gunderson 2008). This was the first time it had ever been awarded to an Indigenous group (Gunderson 2008). To quote the words of an American journalist and advocate for the preservation of Inuit culture, Sonia Gunderson,

“Imagine…Inuit acknowledged as researchers!” (Gunderson 2008: online)

CLIMATE RESEARCH IN TRIBAL LANDS IN THE U.S. SOUTHWEST

Differing Policies Regarding Indigenous Peoples in the Arctic and the U.S. Southwest

Moving the focus from Native communities in the Arctic to Indian tribes/Native communities in the U.S. Southwest, it is necessary to highlight some geo-political differences as related to Indigenous people between these two regions. For example, in

Alaska, the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act (ANCSA) of 1971 divided Alaska

Native villages into corporations with land ownership around respective villages and other rural locations throughout the state (O’Brien 1993; Jaeger 2012). With the exception of the Metlakatla Reservation, federal Indian reservations do not exist in

Alaska (Jaeger 2012) and although villages and tribes have local jurisdictions, broader tribal land jurisdiction has yet to be fully clarified and recognized by the state of Alaska

(University of Alaska Fairbanks 2013). There are 229 federally recognized Alaska

Native villages and tribes (out of 566 total federally recognized tribal entities within the entire U.S.), which have limited sovereignty and a government-to-government relationship with the U.S. (BIA 2012). In the Canadian Arctic, comprehensive land claims agreements since the 1970s have established more Native village-based autonomy and control over data, natural resources, and activities over the lands and coastal areas

186 near the villages (Simeone 2008). In Arctic Canada, the establishment of an Indigenousgoverned territory of Nunavut in 1993 further empowered Indigenous regional-to-local autonomy and management over affairs on Indigenous lands and seaways (Simeone

2008). These policies set the stage for research guidelines akin to ANSC (1997) where researchers were required to consult and obtain permission for research from local, autonomous Native communities. Furthermore, in the Arctic and Far North, it is likely for a tribe/village and a local Native community to be “one in the same.”

An Indian tribe and a Native community is not necessarily one in the same in the contiguous U.S. and in the Southwest, where there can be large Indian tribes (in population and land base) with multiple communities within (e.g., the Navajo Nation,

Tohono O’odham Nation, or the Hopi Tribe). Only the smallest Indian tribes usually consist of a single community or village (e.g., Taos Pueblo or Ak-Chin Indian

Community). This creates a challenge for using the language and the assumption of

“community” for research guidelines akin to ANSC (1997) when doing climate-related or other research with Indian tribes/Native communities. In the contiguous U.S., academic guidelines that involve research with Indian tribes/Native communities or on Indian tribal lands follow the government-to-government approach keeping communication, consultation, and permissions mostly between researchers/organizations and Indian tribal governments (Austin et al. 2000; University of Arizona Cooperative Extension). This creates a different dynamic in the Southwest as opposed to the Arctic in terms of climaterelated research involving Native communities and Indian tribal lands. Specifically in the examples of climate-related research in the Arctic (e.g., Krupnik and Jolly 2002), the

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Native communities involved had the opportunity for very direct contact with researchers and involvement in the projects. In the Southwest, such a circumstance would be challenge for Native communities that are part of larger Indian tribes; and this may be one factor explaining the limited interaction between climate/environmental researchers and Native “communities” in the Southwest. Austin et al. (2000:21) assert that, “research and outreach involving Native Americans should adhere to the principles of sound

‘participatory’ research,” however, this “participation” may imply tribal governments/departments rather than “community-based participation.”

It should be noted that some contemporary Indian tribes in the Southwest historically consisted of multiple communities with the same language and similar culture, yet also as autonomous bands or villages (Sheridan and Parezo 1996). For many Indigenous peoples, bands or villages were consolidated onto reservations during late 19 th

and early

20 th

centuries by the U.S. government (Austin et al. 2000). Under the Indian

Reorganization Act (IRA) of 1934, Indian tribes (some which consisted of multiple bands/villages or “communities” consolidated onto reservations) were encouraged to draft constitutions to be approved by the U.S. Secretary of the Interior and to establish

“tribal governments” (similarly structured to American governing systems; O’Brien

1993, Austin et al. 2000; Canby 2004). About half of the federally recognized tribes in the U.S. have IRA-adopted constitutions and tribal governments (O’Brien 1993). In

Arizona, 20 out of the 21

12

of the state’s federally recognized Indian tribes have IRA-

12

Sometimes there is confusion on whether Arizona has 21 or 22 federally recognized Indian tribes. Zuni Pueblo is the 22 nd

tribe with reservation lands in Arizona, yet the bulk of its

188 adopted constitutions, yet of the 19 Indian Pueblo tribes in New Mexico, 15 have maintained “traditional governing systems” operating “under the direction of the religious elders” (Austin et al. 2000:15). In many cases, established IRA tribal governing systems have come into conflict with tribal traditional-based governing systems (O’Brien 1993).

One historical consequence of this is that for many Southwest Indian tribes (and other tribes in the contiguous U.S.), there remains profound complexity between tribal governance-jurisdiction and local community/village autonomy on many matters including involvement in research.

Indian Land Tenure in the Southwest

In Arizona and New Mexico (i.e., the Southwest) 25% of the land area consists of

Indian reservation lands (Smith and Colby 2007; USDT 2012), which is the highest proportion of reservation-based Indian land tenure than in any other region in the contiguous U.S. But, what exactly are the Indian tribal lands in the Southwest? From a cultural perspective, it is the entire Southwest because every acre can be said to be a part of the ancestral domain of one or more of the contemporary tribes in the region. Every

Indian tribe or Indigenous society has its traditional lands, geographic domain, or aboriginal territory (Sutton 2003). However, from a legal perspective Indian tribal land tenure becomes a complex issue. There is a common legal term in the literature, which defines tribal lands as “Indian Country” (Austin et al. 2000; Sutton 2003; Hiller 2005).

Indian Country, according to Title 18, U.S. Code, “generally describes the land within the reservation and main community is located in New Mexico. Zuni is usually considered a New

Mexico tribe.

189 boundaries of a federally recognized Indian reservation…or ‘dependent Indian communities’ whether inside or outside of a reservation, lands acquired by tribes and nations, and allotted lands holding Indian title” (Hiller 2005). With few exceptions, most

Indian reservation lands are not legally owned by tribes or individuals, but are federal lands held in trust by the U.S. through the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA; Hiller 2005).

The Indian Pueblo-based reservations in New Mexico are unique in that they still hold full “fee simple” title to their lands, which were granted to them by the Spanish and recognized by the U.S. since the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848 (O’Brien 1993;

Austin et al. 2000). There are also allotted lands or smaller parcels of land that between

1887-1934, passed out of Indian reservation trust land status into individual Indian ownership via the implementation of the General Allotment or Dawes Act of 1887

(Glover 2003; Hiller 2005). Lands surrounding the parcels became “surplus” lands and were made available for non-Indian purchase or for transportation development, timber, mining, or other resource extraction interests (Glover 2003). A couple consequences of the General Allotment Act (among many others) included the loss of 66% of Indian tribal lands from 1887-1934 (Glover 2003) and the creation of a “checkerboard” jurisdiction and land tenure circumstance on or near many Indian reservations. For example, there are many allotted lands (with checkerboard jurisdiction) consisting of communities that are 99% Navajo in northwestern New Mexico, beyond the eastern boundaries of the

Navajo Reservation (Goodman 1982).

13

13

According to Goodman (1982), the allotted land tenure on the eastern periphery of the Navajo

Nation was the result of U.S. executive (i.e., presidential) orders 1910-1917, which set lands aside in northwestern New Mexico for Navajos. In 1917, Congress terminated executive powers to set

190

Climate-related Research and Climate Change in the Southwest

Compared to the Arctic, there is somewhat less documented climate-related research in

Native communities or on tribal lands in the contiguous U.S., including in the Southwest

(Gautam et al. 2013). However, the concern for climate change and its impacts on

Indigenous lands/seaways and in Native communities has matriculated from the Arctic southward into the rest of North America (Maynard 1998; Houser et al. 2001; Novak

2007; Lemlin et al. 2010; Redsteer et al. 2010; Downing and Cuerrier 2011 ; Gautam et al.

2013; Voggesser 2013). There are also some examples of climate-related research projects that have occurred within the past ten years on Indigenous tribal lands or with

Indian tribes in the Southwest. These projects have consisted of 1) analyzing climate data from Indian tribal lands to provide wind and solar information (i.e., for the viability of renewable energy projects) for the ITCA

14

(Austin et al. 2000), 2) case studies of climate and wildland fire on Indian tribal lands (Austin and Wolf 2001), 3) working with tribes in the development of drought plans (Knutson et al. 2007; Collins et al. 2009), 4) monitoring climate variability, drought and rangeland health on tribal lands (Redsteer and

Block 2004; Thornbrugh 2006; CLIMAS 2011a), 5) analyzing snowpack data on tribal lands (Novak 2007; Tsinnajinnie 2011), 6) interviewing tribal members on their observations of changes in the climate and environment (Novak 2007; Redsteer et al.

2010), 7) surveying tribal members on their concerns of climate change and completing aside lands for Indian reservations. From 1917-1934, many executive order Navajo reservation lands in northwestern New Mexico, were deemed surplus lands and were placed back into the public domain, sold to non-Indians, or set aside for railroad or mineral development.

14

Inter-Tribal Council of Arizona

191 an assessment of tribal capacity to adapt to climate change (Gautam et al. 2013

15

), and 8) dendrochronology

16

research on Indian tribal lands (CLIMAS 2011b).

Albeit, the geography and the climate in the U.S. Southwest are quite different from the Arctic, there are still Indigenous-based concerns for the implications of climate change in this region (Maynard 1998; Houser et al. 2001; Venton 2012; Gautam et al. in

2013). Observations of climate change and its impacts on Indian tribal lands or in Native communities in the Southwest have not been as publicized as those in the Arctic (e.g., relocation of villages, substantial changes in temperature, reduction in permafrost and summer sea ice), and are seemingly not as apparent. Although in reality, there are examples of climate and environmental changes being observed by Indigenous peoples in the Southwest such as longer wildland fire seasons (Schoennagel et al. 2005),

17 decreased winter snowpack and subsequent drier soils during the spring (Novak 2007;

Redsteer et al. 2010), greater drought impacts on rangeland soils and vegetation from warmer temperatures (Redsteer et al. 2010), and changes in the timing and variability of summer monsoon precipitation (Redsteer et al. 2010; CLIMAS 2011a).

15

Gautam et al. (2013) actually documents research with the Pyramid Lake Paiute Tribe in northwestern Nevada. Although northern Nevada is outside of the formal geographic U.S.

Southwest (i.e., Arizona and New Mexico), this project is nevertheless, one of the most significant and recent examples of climate-related research with an Indian tribe in the western

U.S. Therefore it is included in this article and in the section covering research with tribes and

Native communities in the Southwest.

16

Dendrochronology is the study of historical climate variability through measurement of growth rings from aged living trees, deceased trees, or samples from wood at archeological sites.

17

According to Austin and Wolf (2001) and others wildland fires (lightning or human-induced) have been a frequent occurrence in southwestern woodland biomes for a millennia. What is different in recent years is a century of wildland fire suppression has created more fuels, there is has been an increase in human population in wildland fire prone locations (i.e., more humancaused fires), and there has been longer-warmer wildland fire seasons all which have contributed to the increase in more catastrophic wildland fires.

192

Several years ago, USGS scientist, Margaret Hiza Redsteer; as well as other research scientists, Navajo undergraduate college students, and the author worked with communities on the Navajo Nation that were dealing with sand dune encroachment brought on by vegetation die-off related to drought and warmer temperatures (Redsteer and Block 2004; Thornbrugh 2006; Redsteer and Begay 2009; Redsteer et al. 2010). The

Navajo Nation granted a research permit for this work (Thornbrugh 2006), and Redsteer made the initiative to involve the local community, using a participatory-based research approach (Redsteer and Begay 2009; Venton 2012). Although, drought is by no-means unusual in the Southwest, the drought of the early 21 st

century was substantially warmer than previous droughts (Weiss et al. 2009; Redsteer et al. 2010). In a presentation given at the Climate Change: Indigenous Peoples and Adaptation Symposium held at the

University of Montana, it was stated that if certain communities on the Navajo Nation are unable to stabilize the sand dunes, some residents may actually have to relocate (M.H.

Redsteer, USGS, personal communication, April 30, 2011). This is an example of an environmental impact similar to what has been experienced by Native communities in the

Arctic (e.g., relocation of communities). Rachael Novak, a climate policy researcher with the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) who is also a Navajo tribal member, has documented peoples’ observations of climate change (e.g., warmer conditions and less winter snow) in the Chuska Mountains of the Navajo Nation (Novak 2007). Other documentations of climate change in the Southwest in general (i.e., outside of tribal lands), include Weiss and Overpeck’s (2005) documentation of less frequent winter freezes, and longer freeze-free seasons and Crimmins et al. (2007) documentation of

193 earlier flowering times in desert and mountain flora in association with changing climate conditions. Temperature and biological changes in the Southwest have been occurring at rates almost comparable to those observed in the Arctic and Far North (Pachauri and

Reisinger 2007), but have not been as widely published.

There are also some different environmental components at stake in the Southwest versus the Arctic. In the Arctic and Far North, permafrost and sea ice remain of the utmost concern because ice stabilizes the land, allowing for people to build on, travel on, and is important for timing certain subsistence activities such as hunting and fishing.

However, for Indian tribes in the Southwest, water is of the greatest concern (Maynard

1998; Houser et al. 2001; Knutson et al. 2007; Collins et al. 2009; D. Ferguson,

CLIMAS, personal communication, October 22, 2009; Ferguson et al. 2010). In the

Southwest, surface water from summer precipitation (e.g., the North American monsoon), and/or soil moisture from winter precipitation-mountain snowpack has provided potable water and sustained traditional farming for Indigenous societies for generations (Parezo 1996; Sheridan 1996; Novak 2007; D. Ferguson, CLIMAS, personal communication, October 22, 2009; Redsteer et al. 2010). The projected increase of temperature, increase in aridity, and the human population growth is expected to put a strain on water resources in the Southwest (Maynard 1998; Houser et al. 2001; Jacobs et al. 2001; Christensen et al. 2004; Colby and Frisvold 2011).

As was stated in the previous section, climate-related research in the Far North has consisted mostly of social science research methods (e.g., surveys, interviews, focus groups) on peoples’ observation or local knowledge of the climate and climate change.

194

However, in the Southwest, climate-related research concerning Native communities could also include the broader research activities on Indian tribal lands or in close proximity to Native communities such as: collecting and analyzing climate instrumental data (e.g., temperature, precipitation, or snowpack), climate proxy data (e.g., tree-ring cores or soil-geologic samples), or remote sensing imagery. There is actually documentation of climate-related research on Indian tribal lands in the Southwest prior to the growth of “climate change” research projects in recent years (Gregory 1916; Forde

1929; Page 1940; Hack 1942; Adams 1979; Savage and Swetnam 1990).

Earlier studies collected climate data from locations on Indian reservations for the purpose of geographical fieldwork and surveying (Gregory 1916; Hack 1942) or anthropological studies of Native American agriculture (Forde 1929; Page 1940). More recent examples include a study confirming the length of the frost-free growing season in the Hopi Mesas area during the late 1970s (Adams 1979), which was part of a larger research agenda to study “prehistoric population ties to climate factors in the Southwest.”

There has also been a study on historical livestock grazing and climatic factors affecting wildland fire occurrence in the Chuska Mountains on the Navajo Nation (Savage and

Swetnam 1990). Native American archeological sites on federal lands, whether on an

Indian reservation, or within a national park, national monument, or national forest have also long been studied to investigate prehistoric human-climate-environmental interactions (Fritts et al. 1965; Petersen 1988; Larson and Michaelsen 1990; Larson et al.

1996; Salzer 2000; Dean and Funkhouser 2004; Benson et al. 2007).

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Early and contemporary climate-related research on Indian tribal lands or near Native communities in the Southwest has a large focus on climate data collection (e.g., using station instrumental data, or tree-ring or other proxy data) and analysis rather than research collaborations with local Native communities, such as those common in the

Arctic and Far North in recent years. For many of the 20 th

century climate-related research projects on Indian tribal lands in the Southwest, involvement of Indigenous people consisted of helping researchers collect data, locate certain sites, and share historical information (Adams 1979), or granting tribal research permits to collect data from tribal lands (Savage and Swetnam 1990). These projects were following the

“academic research norms” of the time in regards to research on Indian tribal lands. Up through the 1970s there were no university-based guidelines or protocol for researchers working on Indian tribal lands or in Native communities to follow and many communities were “inundated” with researchers from various academic disciplines

(Austin et al. 2000). From the 1980s onward, research norms assumed consultation with

Indian tribes to obtain permissions/research permits as necessary, but little is mentioned of collaboration with local Native communities for climate-related research until it is mentioned in Austin et al. (2000). The 21 st

century brought major university-based changes to policies regarding research with Indian tribes/Native communities, making documented tribal consent for any research activities occurring on Indian tribal lands a requirement (University of Arizona Cooperative Extension 2008). University-based institutional review boards (IRBs), also built in guidelines for research with Indian

196 tribes/Native communities. Furthermore, Indian tribes in the Southwest began to develop their own research protocols or IRBs (Austin et al. 2000).

However, research guidelines such as those in the Arctic, requiring partnerships between researchers and communities have been non-existent in the Southwest, unless

Indian tribes require it. For example, the Navajo Nation IRB now requires all research projects on the Navajo Reservation to employ Navajo tribal members (R. Maldonado,

Navajo Nation IRB, personal communication, March 26, 2008). Austin et al. (2000), in affiliation with the Climate Assessment for the Southwest (CLIMAS), a NOAA-funded project at the University of Arizona, were the first to suggest actual “research partnerships” in regards to climate-related research with Indian tribes in the Southwest.

Although there have been a few examples of federally-funded research collaboration with

Southwest Indian tribes for subsequent years (Knutson et al. 2007; Redsteer et al. 2010;

CLIMAS 2011a; Gautam et al. 2013), there are very few examples of university-based climate-related research and collaboration with tribes (e.g., only Garfin et al. 2007

18

).

Although, climate-related research involving Indigenous lands and populations in both the Arctic and the Southwest has lacked “central roles” of Indigenous participation, the limited “general participation” of Indian tribes/Native communities in southwestern climate-related research suggests Indigenous participation in the Southwest has been even further marginalized. This despite the fact many tribes and communities in the Southwest

18

Garfin et al. (2007) was a research collaboration among the University of Arizona, Arizona

State University, Northern Arizona University, and the Navajo Nation Department of Water

Resources to assess the hydroclimate data network on the Navajo Nation.

197 are observing changes and impacts from droughts and climate change (Novak 2007;

Redsteer et al. 2010; CLIMAS 2011a).

One contributing factor in Indigenous involvement in climate-related research is geography and its influence on researcher-Indigenous community interaction.

Specifically, the remoteness of the Arctic and its far removal from “southern” research institutions, and the Arctic’s lack of long-term instrumental climate data actually encouraged much of the collaboration between scientists and Native communities

(Bielawski 1995; Huntington 2002). This is different from the U.S. Southwest where field sites are only a few hours’ drive from research institutions at the most, and where there exist relatively long records

19

of climate instrumental data including on Indian tribal lands available in the public domain (e.g., NCDC

20

, NOAA Cooperative Station

Network). Thus, despite the fact that Indian tribal land jurisdiction composes one-fourth of all lands in the Southwest, climate-related research in the region has had open access to historical data and the means to use it in climate-related research with the minimal contact with and involvement from the region’s Indigenous peoples.

Climate Data Network on Tribal Lands

The complex Indian land tenure-jurisdictional circumstances and the historical climate data network are factors in the development of climate-related research norms in the

Southwest. Historically, a federally-supported climate data network has been

19

Although some climate scientists may argue that the Southwest is actually one of the more climate data lacking regions in the contiguous U.S. this region still has a more complete instrumental data record than the Arctic.

20

National Climatic Data Center

198 superimposed over western lands, including Indian tribal lands. From the mid-19 th century to the early part of the 20 th

century, as federal Indian reservations were being established, it was typical for each reservation to be staffed by an Indian agent (usually a non-Indian) employed by BIA (Erickson 1994). This presented an opportunity to have volunteers to collect and report climate data from rural locations to the U.S. Weather

Bureau (now the National Weather Service under NOAA). Consequently, hundreds of rural weather stations measuring daily temperature and precipitation were installed near

Indian agency offices, boarding schools, mission schools, and near other federally-funded infrastructure on Indian reservations. These all would eventually become part of the

NOAA Cooperative Observer (COOP) station network, and become data available in the public domain from the NCDC and other federal sources. This data would also be used as data reference points for interpolated climate data for rural western locations (Daly et al. 1994), which can also be used for climate-related research. This was not necessarily a malicious attempt to extract data from Indian tribal lands. However, reservations lands are federal lands and the data went to serve more state and federal general knowledge purposes. The point is historical circumstances and technology helped to set the stage for climate-related research in the Southwest, with very minimal involvement of Indian tribes.

There is some parity between this situation and the 2004 Havasupai case mentioned previously in this article. Although from an academic perspective, climate data can be considered relatively benign and non-invasive compared to human blood samples, the parity is in that the data removed from Indian tribal lands/Native communities, becomes

199 the property of non-tribal entities and can be used for scientific research beyond tribal consent. Furthermore, Indian tribes in the Southwest have reason to be concerned for climate data from their lands to be used in research. For example, it is a fact that atmospheric science has experimented with weather modification, such as cloud seeding at various locations across the globe from the 1960s onward (though the concept was first explored in the 1940s; Bruintjas 1999). Although the viability of cloud seeding is still scientifically inconclusive (Levin et al. 2010) and proponents advocate its potential to mitigate drought stress (Bruintjas 1999), Indian tribes have historically lost surface waters (esp. in the Southwest) through diversion to non-Indian communities, and agricultural/industrial enterprises (Smith and Colby 2007), so it raises the question, “Are

Indian tribes at risk of losing atmospheric water in the future?” From Indigenous perspectives based on historical experiences, even climate-based scientific research is not necessarily benign.

Throughout the 20 th

century, most agricultural and natural resources affairs on Indian tribal lands were managed by non-Indians (Austin et al. 2000), and this would include climate monitoring and data collection. Even after federal legislation, such as the Indian

Reorganization Act of 1934 and the Indian Self Determination Act of 1975, both acts of

Congress for the purpose of expanding tribal control over affairs on reservation lands

(O’Brien 1993, Sutton 2003), climate data on tribal lands were collected and managed mostly by state offices and federal agencies. Changes to this occurred, somewhat as more tribes developed own water resources, natural resources, and other environmental departments, mostly from the 1990s onward (Austin et al. 2000). Prior to this time Indian

200 tribes did not have the financial and technical resources to collect water, climate, or other environmental data from their lands. The Indian General Assistance Program was passed by Congress in 1992, which led to the development of the EPA Indian General

Assistance Program (GAP). EPA-GAP grants funded the development of many environmental departments within Indian tribes in the Southwest. However, still with limited resources and personnel, tribes often consolidated management of water, agriculture, wildlife, and other environmental issues into single departments such as

“natural resources.” Therefore, even with EPA-GAP grants and established tribal environmental departments, tribes have continued to be limited in their ability (e.g., lack of funding, resources, and personnel) to reconcile climate data on their lands (Garfin et al. 2007; Tsinnajinnie 2011). University or federally-driven research projects using climate data recorded from weather stations located on Indian reservation lands have only in recent years demonstrated a priority in collaborating and sharing climate research results with Indian tribes/Native communities.

For the most part, 20 th

century climate-related research in the Southwest was assumed to be less of a concern for Indian tribes/Native communities than for federal and research institution informational needs. As a consequence of this, when tribes began the establishment of their own environmental departments, the presence of existing weather stations on tribal land was often not communicated to them and as Garfin et al. (2007) note, the data continued to be managed and utilized for outside purposes including research. Albeit a slow the changeover to tribal management, Austin et al. (2000:11) assert that, “entering the 21 st

century, the key feature of U.S.-tribal interaction related to

201 the reservation environment is the shift to self-governance as tribes have taken control of…environmental programs that until recently were operated by federal agencies.” The speed at which this actually happens is largely contingent on the availability of technical and personnel resources for tribes and the communication between federal agencies, universities, and research institutions with tribes regarding information on the climate data network existing on Indian tribal lands (e.g., Garfin et al. 2007).

Differing Worldviews on Appropriate Behavior on the Land

Complex Indian land tenure circumstances relate to the impact that “differing worldviews” between Indigenous and mainstream U.S. society have on appropriate behavior in regards to research and activities on the landscape or seascape (Cochran et al.

2013) Because traditional lands of Indian tribes often extend beyond (or may be completely outside of) reservation boundaries, tribes historically have had great difficulty protecting off-reservation sacred sites from what they would consider culturally inappropriate activities (Maynard 1998; Forbes-Boyte 1999; Burdeau and Riffe 2000;

Indian Country Today 2012). The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation

Act (NAGPRA) of 1990 helped Indian tribes to mitigate undesired archeological research activities on sacred sites on public or private lands outside of reservations (Sutton 2003).

However, recreational activities enjoyed by the larger mainstream society or scientific research activities in areas of cultural importance have been the major causes of contention, and have largely remained unresolved issues (Forbes-Boyte 1999, Sutton

2003, Suwalsky 2005, Macmillan 2012). In a recent example, 13 tribes in Arizona along

202 with environmental groups lost a federal appeals court case to prevent the use treated effluent water for snowmaking at the Arizona Snowbowl ski resort on the San Francisco

Peaks (Indian County Today 2012). According to Snowbowl managers and City of

Flagstaff officials, this course of action is necessary to the economic survival of the local ski industry in light of climate change and warmer, drier winters (Macmillan 2012).

However, according to the 13 tribes that filed suit, the peaks are sacred and important for tribal ceremonies (Indian County Today 2012; Macmillan 2012).

Indigenous societies are distinct from modern industrial societies in the assertion that the desecration of sacred spaces or improper human actions in the natural world can have tangible consequences, such as disease (in people, plants or animals), drought, or other events linked to what can be said as “throwing the world out of balance” (Beck et al.

1977:165-166; Maynard 1998; Novak 2007). Many Indigenous tribal ceremonies are continued for the purpose of maintaining balance in the natural world (Cajete 2000,

Deloria 2006) including a balanced functioning of the climate system (e.g., timely rains, moderation of otherwise severe weather; Deloria 2006; Novak 2007). Industrial societies tend to focus on activities that pose secular, immediate threats to people or the environment when considering appropriate/inappropriate activities. Case-in-point, scientific tests on the effluent water to be used at Snowbowl found endocrine-disrupting chemicals (EDCs) (e.g., hormones, antibiotics, antidepressants, pharmaceuticals and steroids; Macmillan 2012). However, scientists stated, “a mouth full of snow is not going to make a difference” despite also acknowledging that the long-term effects (related to

203 possible changes to chemical compounds in the water) were unknown (Macmillan 2012: online).

What does all this have to do with climate-related research? Indian tribes and Native communities have become accustomed to their concerns being dismissed for the priorities of local-state governments and the larger U.S. society, and this also affects the desire of tribes to consider collaborating or partnering with research projects driven by outside entities. Also, Indigenous knowledge and belief systems regarding the natural world and the climate are neglected in favor of the economic priorities of the larger society.

Furthermore, there is also a long-held perception that contemporary Indigenous people and Native communities have a far-removed relationship with earlier Indigenous societies of the same region (Burdeau and Riffe 2000). For example, when research takes place at or near ancient or abandoned ruins, many have assumed that the activities at such places are of little concern to present-day Indian tribes/Native communities. On the contrary, contemporary Indian tribes such as the Indian Pueblo tribes in New Mexico have members who are direct descendants of (B. Shendo, University of New Mexico, personal communication, November 2003) or have a cultural affiliation with historical societies who abandoned areas that are the sites of pueblo ruins (Austin et al. 2000). When these ruins were excavated during the 20 th

century there was no consultation with present-day

Indian tribes. It was not until the 1990s, under NAGPRA consultation requirements that

Indian Pueblo tribes were informed of the archeological research activities (e.g. removal of artifacts and human remains) that took place at sites years earlier (B. Shendo,

University of New Mexico, personal communication, November 2003). This relates to

204 climate research because climate-related research in the Southwest that has also collected proxy data at times from or near ancient ruins or other locations holding historical cultural significance to regional tribes. In the Circles of Wisdom: Native Peoples-Native

Homelands Final Report on Native Americans and climate change, compiled by Maynard

(1998), members from Southwest tribes noted concerns for the destruction of or removal of items from sacred sites. Austin et al. (2000) note that since the passage of NAGPRA federal agencies and research institutions have been required to consult with tribes on any activities that occur near sites of cultural importance to tribes including sites not located on Indian reservation lands. Therefore even climate researchers doing research in locations outside of tribal reservation boundaries also need to assume responsibility for consulting with local tribes.

Southwest Climate Research Partnerships with Tribes

To date there is no comprehensive literature of research projects working specifically with Indian tribes/Native communities in the Southwest akin to Krupnik and Jolly (2002) for the Arctic. There is, however, a report published by Austin et al. (2000) from the

CLIMAS project entitled, Building Partnerships with Native Americans in Climate-

Related Research and Outreach. This report discusses considerations for research institutions and non-Native researchers working with Indian tribes in climate-related research. Some of the highlights from Austin et al. (2000) are as follows:

205

 Indian tribes are unique partners in climate-based research because of their status as “nations” with “limited sovereignty” and the “government-to-government relationship” tribes have with the U.S.

 Federal agencies dealing with climate such as NOAA, do not have a specific policy for working with Indian tribes, but generally follow federal guidelines under the “U.S. Department of Commerce” (which NOAA is under) in working with tribes. Therefore, these agencies must “consult” with Indian tribes before any activities occur that would include their lands or communities.

 “Interactions between federal agencies such as NOAA and Indian tribes are likely to involve ‘research’ and outreach rather than consultation.”

 The 1997 “American Indian Tribal Rights, Federal-Tribal Trust Responsibilities, and the Endangered Species Act” aimed to “improve government-to-government relationships with Indian tribes” and “requires the Department of Commerce to make available to tribes all information related to Indian lands and tribal trust resources and to minimize ‘adverse effects’ to Indian culture, religion, and spirituality.”

 Non-tribal/community members need explicit permission from the tribal governments to travel within a reservation beyond federal and state highways.

Many tribes provide an escort for nonmembers with reason to travel within the reservation.

206

 Most tribes require that proposals for projects, research, or other activities be submitted to the relevant tribal office and then presented to the tribal council for review, but research protocols may vary from tribe to tribe.

 Researchers can approach and work with pan-tribal organizations such as the

Inter-Tribal Council of Arizona (ITCA) and the All Indian Pueblo Council

(AIPC) of New Mexico. However, these organizations cannot sign contracts or legal documents on behalf of Indian tribes, but “they can sign Memoranda of

Understanding or Agreement (MOUs or MOAs) if their member tribes vote to do so.”

Perhaps the most important sections of Austin et al. (2000) for the purposes of this article are those that discuss a specific model for working with Indian tribes and university policies governing research with Native Americans. This model is dived into six steps: 1) defining the partnership, 2) contacting the tribes, 3) holding orientation meetings, 4) designing the research/outreach activities, 5) doing the research/outreach, and 6) analyzing/sharing results. This model was based from the experience of CLIMAS partnering with the ITCA for the purpose of creating a Geographic Information Systems

(GIS) database of climate information for tribal lands (Austin et al. 2000). It is stated in the report that CLIMAS approached the ITCA rather than individual tribes because of the fact that tribes have different protocols for interacting with tribal governments and ITCA already had established communication channels with tribal governments (Austin et al.

2000).

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The model takes a top-down approach, where research institutions contact a Native

American organization (e.g., ITCA or BIA), which then contacts the tribes. This is different than the community-based approach taken in the Arctic where individual communities are approached or community representative approached researchers. But again, Arctic Native communities themselves are often also federally recognized tribal entities (i.e., the tribe = the community). Therefore on the surface, the CLIMAS model is adapted to deal with the tribal governing realities for Indian tribes in the contiguous U.S. and the Southwest. However, as mentioned tribal governance over individual communities within a tribe can be complex. In the U.S., the bureaucratic approach continues to be practiced because it can maintain the government-to-government relationship between federal agencies and Indian tribes. University and research institutions are also poised to follow this approach because it is a familiar system of management and communication. Historically though, a challenge with bureaucratic systems of management for Indian tribes/Native communities is in making timely impacts from policy changes, resources, or information. For example, according to federal policies of the late 1990s, agencies were to notify Indian tribes of “all information related to Indian lands” (e.g., climate data), yet in recent years the Navajo Nation was still having challenges reconciling the hydro-climate network on the reservation (Garfin et al. 2007; Tsinnajinnie 2011). In the Arctic, Indigenous people have also had bureaucratic systems of management imposed on them, historically. However, the

ANCSA of 1971 alleviated some of this to an extent. Although the ANCSA created a number of jurisdictional challenges for Alaska Native peoples (University of Alaska

208

Fairbanks 2013) it did help communities and villages to retain much of their local authority, and for even smaller villages themselves remain as the points of contact regarding research proposals and/or partnerships with research institutions. It is now standard policy of the Office of Polar Programs and the ANSC that communities are to be the points of contact in regards to any proposed research or partnerships (ANSC 1997,

OPP 2012).

INDIGENOUS-LED CLIMATE-RELATED RESEARCH

Native Students as Scientists and Researchers

Another primary reason for the lack of the central involvement of Indigenous people in the Southwest in climate-related research (and in the Arctic) has been the lack of Native scientists and other necessary components for Indigenous-led research. Indigenous-led climate-related research can benefit from Native scientists formally trained atmospheric science, geoscience, or other discipline dealing with the climate system. Currently, there are a small, but accumulating number of Native students (i.e., American Indian/Alaska

Native students) who have obtained degrees in geoscience fields (e.g., earth, atmospheric, and ocean sciences as identified as “geoscience” by NSF

21

) from four-year universities

(Pandya 2006a; AGI 2009; George 2011; ANSC 2012; Glenn 2012; Czujko and

Nicholson 2013). Geoscience disciplines are the most likely to train students in climaterelated science, but hydrology, physical geography and environmental science also typically offer some climate science training. Within the U.S. there has been a gradual

21

National Science Foundation

209 increase in the “number” of geoscience bachelor’s, master’s, and doctoral degrees obtained among the general population from 2000-2009 (Figures B1, B2 & B3).

However, the “rate of increase” for Native students has remained stagnant (Figures B1,

B2 & B3). During the past decade, Native students earned 0.75%, 0.54%, and 0.31% of geoscience bachelor’s, master’s, and doctoral degrees, respectively (note: American

Indians/Alaska Natives made up 1.7%

22

of the U.S. 2010 population). This amounts to an average of 30 bachelor’s, 8 master’s, and 2 doctoral geosciences degrees received by

Native students per year (Czujko and Nicholson 2013). A point of concern is that the growth in geosciences degrees earned among the general population is not reflected among the Native student population. Nevertheless, the numbers still trickle up mathematically, and by 2009 there were 303 more bachelor’s-level, 81 more master’slevel, and 19 more PhD-level Native students in geosciences than there were in 1999.

From 2005-2009 the University of Oklahoma (OU) applied an NSF grant to develop a geosciences pipeline for Native students in Oklahoma from the K-12 grades through the college undergraduate level. By developing geosciences courses that included

Indigenous knowledge of weather and climate in Oklahoma at OU, Native student enrollment doubled in geoscience courses, however, the number of Native American geoscience majors did not actually increase (M. Palmer, University of Oklahoma, personal communication, August 18, 2011). The Significant Opportunities for

Atmospheric Research and Science (SOARS) student internship, also funded by NSF,

22

This number breaks down from two categories based on the 2010 U.S. Census: (1) the percent of the U.S. population that reported American Indian Alaska Native alone was 0.9%, and the percent of the population that reported American Indian Alaska Native in combination with another race was 0.7%.

210 and hosted by the University Corporation for Atmospheric Research (UCAR) in Boulder,

Colorado, has supported several Native undergraduate and graduate students in atmospheric, geosciences, and environmental sciences (Pandya 2006a). There were 10

Native students that completed the SOARS program from 1996-2006, and the tribal backgrounds included Cherokee, Seneca, Yurok, Colville, Wampanoag, Navajo, Laguna

Pueblo, Choctaw, Miwok-Pomo, and Potawatomi (Pandya 2006a). The SOARS program has worked to recruit more Native students through its emphasis on supporting student research projects that benefit Indian tribes and Native communities (R. Pandya, UCAR, personal communication, June 8, 2012).

Efforts to increase Native student completion in geoscience and climate-related fields resonates two themes: 1) developing geosciences education that draws from Indigenous knowledge (Cochran et al. 2013) and 2) supporting student research projects that benefit

Indigenous communities or the students’ home communities (R. Pandya, UCAR, personal communication, June 8, 2012). The first theme “including Indigenous knowledge” in geosciences must reconcile a question previously stated in the article,

“How can climate-related research remain respectful of Indigenous knowledge and beliefs…and differentiate that which can be shared outside of the community, with knowledge that should remain within the community, tribe, family or tribal society?”

Working closely with tribes including cultural preservation departments/committees, and tribal elders is one way to negotiate this question. The second theme “supporting student research in Native communities” must reconcile the state of university/research institutional relationship with Indian tribes/Native communities. Considering,

211 anthropology as an example, Native researchers Edward Dozier, Alfred Ortiz, Francis

LaFlesche, and Beatrice Medicine all joined the discipline because they wanted to work with Indigenous people (Medicine 2001). Furthermore, the SOARS program and other internships recruiting Native students have identified that Native student persistence in geosciences is largely contingent on opportunities for students to do research that is relevant and beneficial to their tribe and community (R. Pandya, UCAR, personal communication, June 8, 2012; B. Bennett, Kiksapa Consulting, personal communication,

April 23, 2012). Stronger, improved relationships and more collaboration between universities/research institutions and Indian tribes/Native communities can create higher education environments more conducive to the interests and priorities of Native students pursuing degrees in geosciences.

Research in the Tribal Colleges and Universities

Another component with the potential to support Indigenous-led climate research is the growth in earth and environmental science programs at tribal colleges and universities

(TCUs). Although geoscience science classes are rare in TCUs, there is a growth in academic programs and departments dealing with climate within TCUs (e.g., environmental science, sustainability, marine science, agriculture, natural resources) occurring. A potential for training more Native students in science and research can be found within these growing departments and student cohorts. There are currently 37

TCUs within the U.S. and they serve as local institutions of higher education for Indian tribes/Native communities (AIHEC 2013). When many TCUs first were first established

212 in the 1960s, 70s and 80s, many focused their programs on local workforce training, hence meeting the practical educational needs of their respective communities (Stein

1999). However, with the passage of the Equity in Educational Land Grant Status Act in

1994, most TCUs were became eligible and subsequently achieved “land grant status,” which increased their federally funding (e.g., through equity grants) and also enabled them to apply for competitive research grants (Hiller 2005). Currently, most TCUs offer up to an associate’s degree, however, many TCUs have been developing their science departments to offer bachelor’s degrees in environmental science, forestry, and hydrology. Most Native students seeking master’s level or higher degrees in science, however, still need to obtain these degrees and training from the larger four-year colleges and universities. Some TCUs have benefitted from partnerships with four-year universities to provide scientific research opportunities and transferable programs for students (e.g., Salish-Kootenai College (SKC) on the Flathead Indian Reservation in

Montana with the University of Montana and Haskell Indian Nations University with the

University of Kansas).

One challenge with TCU partnerships with four-year universities for climate or other environmental research is reconciling different paces of academic life and priorities. As this article highlights, there are different priorities and cultural norms between the scientific/academic research community and Indigenous communities and these same different patterns are observable between TCUs and four-year universities. In some cases when scientists/researchers partner with TCUs to work with students, they bring with them the expectations and cultural norms of large academic research-based universities

213

(W. Sweeney, SKC, personal communication, July 27, 2011). This intensity often comes into conflict with students who attend TCUs in their home communities and must balance multiple obligations and priorities. On the flipside, Native students who plan to go on to a four-year university also need mentoring and support to adapt to a more intense academic life.

Nonetheless, TCUs have the potential to become the research centers in Indian

Country and many are on their way to doing so. The benefits include 1) identifying and conducting research that meets a tribe’s/community’s need, 2) generating knowledge from research that benefits the tribe/community, 3) a larger number of community members, faculty, and students aware and mindful of local cultural etiquette and history when doing research and 4) the opportunity to develop Indigenous-based research approaches and methods. Partnerships with outside universities, research institutions, or federal agencies could also yield positive collaborations. Native scientists working within the four-year universities or large research institutions that are able and willing, can aid in the research collaborations with Native communities or between TCUs and universities. The challenge, of course is that Native scientists/researchers in universities and research institutions must also fulfill research/teaching and tenure obligations for their respective institutions (John 2001). However, the support from four-year land grant universities and extension outreach programs could serve as a possible model to reconcile this.

Tribal Elder Involvement and Guidance

214

The final, very important component regarding Indigenous-led research that will be mentioned in this article is the involvement of tribal elders. As mentioned previously, in the Canadian Arctic there are examples of elder involvement and even elder-driven research (e.g., Igloolik’s Inullaarit Elders Society, doing research on traditional knowledge for the sake of passing it down to Inuit youth). It is true that the involvement of Native scientists, local student interns,

23

support of tribal governments/Native communities, and TCUs are all important for Indigenous-led climate-related research projects. However, the involvement and guidance from tribal elders is also essential.

Most Indigenous cultures have a profound respect for elders as respected leaders and carriers of knowledge (Beck et al. 1977; Suzuki and Knudtson 1992; Kawagley 1995;

Smith 1999; Cram 2001; Medicine 2001; Deloria 2006). The involvement of elders is also critical because many Indian tribes/Native communities are experiencing rapid generational loss of tribal language fluency as well as the knowledge and concepts these languages carry with them (Kawagley 1995; Zepeda 2001; C. Fitzgerald, University of

Texas-Arlington, personal communication, March 5, 2009). Furthermore, most Native students in science are mentored and trained by non-Indigenous scientists, and therefore become acculturated somewhat, in Western science norms and practices (Deloria 1999;

Shangreaux 2001; Brayboy et al. 2008). Granted, that many Native students still very much carry their cultural teaching and values with them (Cajete 1999; Aikenhead 2001;

Brayboy et al. 2008), certain learned applications and approaches can become habit.

23

“Local” students is emphasized here because in many Native communities, there are also students who may not be “Native” or “tribal members,” nevertheless, they have been raised in the community, have been acculturated in tribal-community values and are very much community members. Many of these students also attend TCUs.

215

Native professionals, scientists, and students can sometimes, inadvertently make similar breaches of Indigenous-based cultural etiquette as non-Indigenous researchers (Smith

1999; Deloria 1999; Galliher et al. 2011). Elders and community members often serve to help keep younger members grounded in tribal values and cultural etiquette (Smith 1999;

Cram 2001; Medicine 2001). For example, Monica Tsethlikai, a psychologist and Zuni

Pueblo tribal member states, “Whenever I forget ‘my place’ (usually due to the pressures of academic deadlines), community members are quick to remind me that they are the ones who live in the society and know best what its needs are” (Galliher et al. 2011:7).

CONCLUSION

So what have we learned from climate-based research in Native communities? One is that Indigenous peoples need to gain a central role in climate-related research that includes their lands, seaways, and communities. Climate-related research is needed on

Indian tribal lands and in Native communities because the climate is changing, affecting the ecological biomes, weather patterns, and other aspects of the “places” that Indigenous people have profound relationships with. Indigenous societies are having to adapt to these changes and will need to do their own assessments on the ecological and climate thresholds on lands/seaways to plan the necessary adaptation strategies. Indigenous people in the Arctic have communicated that “research on Indigenous observations of climate change” is no longer a useful research agenda for their purposes (i.e., they know the climate is changing). Instead, climate-related research that will provide the most useful answers are those that focus on how tribes/communities can adapt to the changing

216 climate and how Indigenous people can develop ways to lead the climate-related research on their lands.

In the U.S. Southwest, it is also known that the climate is changing, however, some major climate questions pertinent to Indigenous societies remain. 1) How will the summer monsoon respond to climate change? 2) What are the ecological thresholds of the region’s deserts, rangelands, pinyon-juniper woodlands, and mountain conifer forests to climate change? 3) How can Southwest Indian tribes adapt to climate change, including securing their water resources for future generations.

Indian tribes/Native communities in the Southwest also need a central role in climaterelated research to make the proper assessments on their own lands. A central role in climate research for Indigenous people also means having full knowledge to the climate data networks on Indian tribal lands. Indian tribal sovereignty is a major priority for

Indigenous societies, and it means tribes reserve the right to establish agreements with federal agencies/research institutions regarding the use of climate data collected from tribal lands. Tribes also have the right to establish their own climate data networks and define the terms/protocol for sharing this data with outside agencies researchers.

Nevertheless, technology and the development of algorithms for spatial interpolation of climate data continue to enable researchers to do climate studies over tribal lands without involving Indian tribes. Given the history of Indian tribes loss of surface water and scientific research on cloud seeding or weather modification, it may be in the interest of

Indian tribes to push for legislation to prohibit weather modification practices that could

217 compromise tribal cultural, natural and water resources (e.g., akin to the EPA Clean Air

Act).

The concept of research and Indigenous people is now within a perspective continuum, between researchers/institutions doing research with Indian tribes/Native communities and Indigenous-led research by Indian tribes/Native communities. The former end of the continuum “climate-related research with Indian tribes/Native communities” should consider the following:

 Scientists/researchers and research institutions partnering with Indian tribes/Native communities must maintain the utmost respect and become familiar with the history and the experience of Indigenous peoples in North American in general, but to also with the specific tribal history, culture, and values with the tribes/communities they are working with.

 Indian tribes must be respected as sovereign nations (e.g., a similar consideration a researcher should take if proposing to do research in another country).

 Scientists/researchers/research working with Indian tribes/Native communities need to establish a partnership that is long term and balances priorities between publishing and general knowledge production priorities (i.e., pushing knowledge forward in the academic realm) with meeting tribal/community needs.

 Research must directly benefit Indian tribes/Native communities and some of the highest valued partnerships are those that include support Native students to learn science as well as technical and research skills.

218

 Strong, mutual partnerships between universities and Indian tribes/Native communities is supportive of Native students in four-year universities who aspire to have their education and research benefit their own community or Native communities in general.

Awareness and acknowledgement for these considerations can bring climate researchers a long way toward positive collaborations with tribes and Native communities. The ladder end of the continuum “Indigenous-led climate-related research within Indian tribes/Native communities” should consider the following:

 More Native scientists are needed and therefore Indigenous involvement in science education reform is needed in K-12 schools serving Native students to support teaching science in ways that honor and draw from Indigenous tribal knowledge and teach the skills tools and knowledge from Western science.

 Tribal colleges are an opportune venue for the development and implementation of science departments and programs that draw from Indigenous knowledge and

Western science to teach students applied science on tribal lands and in their own communities.

 The involvement of tribal elders is essential for Indigenous-led research, especially to maintain the integrity of Indigenous and tribal values throughout the research process and to reconcile appropriate inclusion of Indigenous knowledge in scientific education and research as they relate to climate. Elders are important mentors for Native scientists and students alike.

219

Indigenous peoples and all human societies are experiencing technological, environmental and climate changes at a faster rate than any other time in recollected human history. Indigenous societies face the challenge of maintaining themselves as distinct “peoples” via the preservation and continuity of their cultures, languages and connections to the places of their cultural origin. Non-Indigenous societies also seek long-term sustainability within their respective nations and communities (e.g., non-

Indigenous societies frequently assert “a desire for a better world” for future generations).

A challenge often faced is reconciling the differing worldviews in regards to relating to the natural world and that which drives the scientific approach between Indigenous and non-Indigenous societies. Indigenous societies have predicated themselves on adapting to and living within the means of their respective places and climates (with reasonable modification); whereas non-Indigenous societies have long sought to drastically modify the natural environment. These differing worldviews also frame different scientific questions asked, and approaches taken. Kusugak (2002) asserts that climate change does not necessarily mean the end for Indigenous people in the Arctic, but he does stress

Indigenous societies are going to have to adapt to the changes. However, economic interests from northern industrialized nations (e.g., Canada, U.S.-Alaska, Norway,

Sweden, Russia) are “licking their chops” (L.C. Smith, UCLA, personal communication,

November 5, 2010) on the prospects for mineral development and shipping in a summer, ice-reduced Arctic Ocean. In the U.S. Southwest it can be argued that climate change in terms of its impacts (e.g., increased aridity, longer wildland fire seasons, reduction in snowpack-surface water resources) creates more hardships than benefits for Indigenous

220 and non-Indigenous societies alike, at least in the short term. Climate-related research

(with a focus on regional needs) can serve a benefit to both Indigenous and non-

Indigenous societies in the Southwest, but this requires a commitment to cultural respect and an adoption of the Indigenous values with regards to respect for the climate and developing the best lifeways to live with it.

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43

35

26

24

31

25

36

26

28

29

1.07% 0.88%

0.65% 0.79%

0.90%

0.64%

Figure B1. Bachelor’s degrees in geosciences (e.g., Earth, atmospheric, and ocean sciences) for students from all races and nationalities in the U.S. (left axis-blue line) and for American Indian/Alaska Native students (right axis-red line). For American

Indian/Alaska Native students, the total number of bachelor’s degrees obtained in geosciences is listed above the red line and the percent of all bachelor’s degrees in geosciences obtained by American Indian/Alaska Native students is listed above the year on the horizontal axis. Figure by C. Kahn-Thornbrugh using data from the National

Science Foundation (NSF) http://www.nsf.gov/statistics/seind12/c2/c2s2.htm#s2

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9

11

4

9

7

11

4

9

7

10

0.67%

0.28% 0.45% 0.67%

Figure B2. Same as Figure B1, but for master’s degrees.

239

6

3 3

1.04%

0 0

1

0.18%

0.52%

0

2 2 2

Figure B3. Same as Figure B1, but for doctoral degrees.

APPENDIX C

DEVELOPING A TOHONO O’ODHAM WEATHER AND CLIMATE

CURRICULUM

Casey C Kahn-Thornbrugh, Duran Andrews, Sara Francisco, Hilario Pio-Martinez,

Matthew Saraficio, Carmella B Kahn-Thornbrugh

Paper was prepared to submit to the Journal of American Indian Education

240

241

DEVELOPING A TOHONO O’ODHAM WEATHER AND CLIMATE

CURRICULUM

ABSTRACT

The Tohono O’odham Nation is a federally recognized American Indian tribe located in southern Arizona, deep within the Sonoran Desert eco-region. Despite the predominantly arid climate over the Tohono O’odham Nation and this region, significant weather events and changing seasons do occur. Weather, climate, and seasonal features of the Sonoran

Desert are woven into the cultural fabric and epistemology the Tohono O’odham. The objective of this project was the development of a culturally responsive weather and climate curriculum for instructors of Tohono O’odham high school and college students.

A participatory action research approach enabled the principal investigator, a geography instructor at the local tribal college, Tohono O’odham Community College (TOCC), to work with TOCC student interns and Tohono O’odham community advisory board members on this curriculum project. A combined fixed-answer and open-ended survey instrument was used to survey 47 Tohono O’odham tribal members on their interests of topics relating to weather and climate. Survey results favored the use of Tohono

O’odham culturally relevant topics, namely, traditional stories-oral legends and the use of

Tohono O’odham language and traditional knowledge examples of local weather and climate in the curriculum. The results also demonstrate interest in Western science-based weather and climate information, especially locally relevant issues, such as climate change in the Sonoran Desert, the summer monsoon, thunderstorms, and weather safety.

Weather and climate educational workshops were conducted in Tohono O’odham

242 communities to test the curriculum and its activities. The workshop evaluations demonstrated 1) the curriculum’s effectiveness in delivering Western science-based information on locally relevant weather and climate examples, 2) hands-on learning activities, and 3) the inclusion of Tohono O’odham language descriptions of weather and climate. The evaluations also indicated that more examples of Tohono O’odham-based traditional knowledge of weather and climate will benefit the curriculum.

INTRODUCTION

High Context and Culturally Responsive Curriculum

Two terms in culturally-based curriculum “high context” and “culturally responsive” are closely intertwined. Cajete (1999:53) defines the concept of “high context” as

“learning that is interwoven within the situation and the environment of the learner.”

Many existing science curricula and materials in American K-12 schools and four-year universities tend to be structured more for “low context-abstract” teaching and learning experiences. These curricula are designed to present principles or information in abstract ways in a classroom setting with less regard to the actual “outside-of-class” life experiences and environments of the students. This is in direct contrast to many

Indigenous teaching and learning experiences, which tend to be very high context where

“time” and “place” set the conditions for what is taught (Kawagley 1995; Cajete 1999;

Deloria and Wildcat 2001; Brayboy et al. 2008). Examples of “low context” or “out-of – local-context” pitfalls have arisen occasionally, in the use of standard U.S. science textbooks and curriculum materials in K-12 schools in Native communities and in tribal

243 colleges. Although these scientific texts and curriculum materials are ever improving in clarifying student learning outcomes, such as those that students need to learn to meet

American scientific literacy standards. However, the texts and curriculum materiels present scientific topics and concepts, such as those related to weather and climate, mainly by drawing from the experiences of Americans from suburban/urban communities within mid-latitude temperate climate zones that are characteristic of the central and northern U.S. For example, Tohono O’odham students are from the Sonoran Desert region of southern Arizona, yet the college-level climate science textbooks available to them hold few examples and concepts relative to Arizona’s unique climate. There is usually scant mention of the North American monsoon, and instead a stronger teaching emphasis is on the Asian/Indian subcontinent monsoon. Furthermore, introductory atmospheric science textbooks tend to focus on disaster-based human experiences with weather and climate. On the contrary, Tohono O’odham experiences, as described by elders and Tohono O’odham authors are also reflective of beneficial weather events (e.g., thunderstorms bringing precious rain to the desert; Nabhan 1982; Zepeda 1995; Sheridan

1996; Chana et al. 2009; TOCA 2010).

The actual concept of “culturally responsive” comes from the Nelson-Barber and

Estrin (1995) and the Alaska Native Knowledge Network (ANKN 1998) papers.

Culturally responsive criteria are specifically centered upon the idea of having

Indigenous cultural standards in schooling. In 1998, Alaska Native educators developed a set of standards for culturally responsive schooling and curriculum in collaboration with the Alaska Federation of Natives and the University of Alaska, Fairbanks (ANKN 1998).

244

Their culturally responsive standards “served to ‘compliment’ and not to ‘replace’ those

(educational standards) adopted by the State of Alaska” (ANKN 1998:4). The purpose of these culturally responsive standards was to use cultural knowledge as “a means to acquire conventional curriculum content as outlined in state standards” (ANKN 1998:15).

In other words, grounding curriculum within the framework of local Indigenous cultures, then adding on the knowledge students need to learn to meet the state standards (ideally using “high context” approaches).

The ANKN (1998:2) cultural standards specifically assume:

A firm grounding in the heritage language and culture indigenous to a particular

place is a fundamental prerequisite for the development of culturally healthy students and communities associated with that place, and thus is an essential ingredient for identifying the appropriate qualities and practices associated with culturally responsive educators, curriculum, and schools.

Culturally responsive curriculum is defined by ANKN (1998:13-16) as that which:

 Reinforces the integrity of the cultural knowledge that students bring with them.

 Recognizes cultural knowledge as part of a living and constantly adapting system grounded in the past, but growing through the present and into the future.

 Uses the local language and cultural knowledge as a foundation for the rest of the curriculum.

 Fosters a complimentary relationship across knowledge derived from diverse knowledge systems (i.e., also includes a relationship with Western knowledge/science).

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 Situates local knowledge and actions in a global context.

Within the principals of high context and culturally responsive education, there are three reoccurring frameworks necessary for developing curricula for Native

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students:

place, language, and culture. The concept of “place” for Indigenous people is more than just a geographical reference and it is a deeper concept than just an acknowledgement of having multiple generations of ancestry in a particular place. For Indigenous peoples, place encompasses how all phenomena are interrelated and interconnected within those places that are the homelands for a tribe, nation, or a community. Conceptually, it is also about how the people understand and are spiritually connected with these places and their associated phenomena, including weather and climate (Beck et al. 1977; Cajete 2000;

Deloria and Wildcat 2001; Goes in Center 2001; Little Bear 2011). Each place has

“power,” which Deloria and Wildcat, (2001:22-23) define as “the living energy that inhabits and/or composes the universe,” which is manifested in that place. Many

Indigenous scholars contend that tribal ceremonies often serve a purpose of acknowledging a places power and “renewing” a peoples’ relationship with that place

(Beck et al. 1977; Deloria and Wildcat 2001; Little Bear 2011).

This is in contrast to Western science, including atmospheric science, which removes humans as actors in terms of having a relationship with a place’s power.

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For example,

1

The term “Native” is used throughout this paper referring to students of American Indian/Native

American or Alaska Native ancestry. In the modern vernacular and scholarship of American

Indian/Native American-based topics “Native” is continuing to replace the term “Indian,” the former term used for people (e.g., Native students), and the ladder term used to reference legal,

2 political, and organizational topics (e.g., Indian Law, Indian Education).

Granted that modern atmospheric science clearly acknowledges human influence on the climate system through “climate change” and the emission greenhouse gases via human industrial

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Western science understands “monsoon systems” as seasonal alterations of wind direction that are driven by solar-induced, summer land surfacing heating, and are supplied with atmospheric moisture (e.g., clouds and rain) evaporated from warm oceans

(Aguado and Burt 2012; NOAA 2013). This knowledge implies all climate-related mechanisms occur and will function regardless of human cultures, ceremonial activities, or belief systems, which Indigenous people hold as also “part of the equation” for making these sytems work. One-sided notions emphasizing only the mechanical processes driving weather and climate can challenge the “integrity of the cultural knowledge” such as that which many Tohono O’odham students bring with them since their traditional knowledge, epistemology, and belief systems maintain that human cultural relationships and ceremonies are also part of what make the monsoon system work each year, and bring the needed rainfall to the desert.

Therefore, culturally responsive curriculum has to consider that place is not only important for ecological, climatological, and historical reasons, place has also spiritual importance. Hence, a culturally responsive approach suggests that ways must be developed to respectfully

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integrate the Indigenous concepts of place as foundations into activities; however, ceremonial-spiritual human relationships with the environment/climate are

3 not part of Western science knowledge as they often are for Indigenous knowledge.

Being “respectful” also means considering the “diversity” of epistemology and belief systems within Native communities when bringing place-based “spirituality” into the framework. Native communities today have overlapping epistemologies: tribal traditional-based, Christian-based, or other epistemologies, and individual-based experiences and worldviews are also held. Lipka

(1989) notes it is possible for controversies to arise when bringing “culture” into the curriculum.

Dukepoo (2001) and Lujan (2001) both note that many Indian Pueblo communities in the U.S.

Southwest have voiced a preference to keep “tribal culture” and “spirituality” references at home with the students’ families, and outside of formal schooling or curriculum. Hence, being

“respectful” also means respecting the wishes of some communities to keep Indigenous and

Western based knowledge separate in education. In its existence as a tribal college, TOCC has

247 physical geography and atmospheric/geosciences curricula in schools serving Native students. In fact, many geoscience educators of Native students have advocated for place-based learning, using tribal lands, outdoor observation and participation in the natural world, and the associated Indigenous knowledge-epistemology as the primary frame of reference for what is taught (Bevier et al. 1997; Semken 1997 & 2005; Semken and Morgan 1997; Riggs 2005). For example, geology instructors and Navajo cultural instructors at Diné College collaborated to develop a geosciences curriculum that considered Diné (Navajo) concepts of “Mother Earth” and “Father Sky,” and their interconnection as described in Diné stories and philosophy, with the geological/climatological characteristics of the Navajo reservation (Semken 1997;

Semken and Morgan 1997).

The concepts of language and culture are interconnected as they are to place.

Kawagley (1995 & 2001) points out Native languages are in essence the very foundation of Indigenous knowledge systems. Basso (1996), in his book Wisdom Sits in Places:

Landscape and Language among the Western Apache thoroughly analyzes and documents how each place carries a description of “what is does” and/or “what has happened there” in the Apache language. English language-based geography tends to frame places as nouns (e.g., nouns = person, place, or thing), based on physical characteristics or naming places after people. In many North American Indigenous language families (e.g., Athabaskan, Uto-Aztecan, Algonquin), places are often framed as verbs, present or past tense. For example the community of “Sells” on the Tohono gone in the direction of integrating Tohono O’odham Himdag with formal education and curriculum, but faculty must reconcile appropriate ways to do this.

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O’odham Nation was named by the Americans after “Cato Sells” the commissioner of the

Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) 1913-1921 (Erickson 1994). The Tohono O’odham traditional name for this same place is Komkcʼeḍ ʼe-Wa:ʼosidk, which translates into

English as “the tortoise became wedged between the rocks” (Saxton and Saxton 1969).

Thus, each place also carries a story with it. Also in relation to language, Western scientific classifications of objects, biological species, or natural processes/phenomena typically draw from the Latin and/or the Greek languages. The Tohono O’odham and many Indigenous cultures also classify within their own language systems. For example,

Ofelia Zepeda (2001), a Tohono O’odham tribal member, linguist and author, has noted that Tohono O’odham hunters have a rich taxonomy of insects and desert animals in the

O’odham language. In another example, Navajo language also specifically classifies geologic-atmospheric terminology and processes (Blackhorse et al. 2003). Culturally responsive curriculum must include Native languages, but it also must consider that different cultures have different patterns of organization of that which they consider important (e.g., Navajo classification of geology is largely color-based; N. Parezo personal communication, April 8, 2013).

Culturally Relevant “Climate Science” Curriculum Initiatives

There are currently two papers that address culturally relevant climate science curriculum in Native communities, and these are Reynolds and Kern (2012) Culturally

Congruent Teaching for Climate Science and Roehrig et al. (2012) CYCLES: A

Culturally-Relevant Approach to Climate Change Education in Native Communities.

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Reynolds and Kern (2012) have been conducting a NASA-funded, three-year project through the University of Idaho’s Intermountain Climate Education Network (ICE-Net) to develop a “culturally relevant” climate change curriculum. They worked with 15 science teachers from Idaho and eastern Washington who taught in K-12 schools within

Native communities or in off-reservation schools with large Native student populations.

Their multifaceted project included a survey of teaching methods and content normally used in science classes. However, little information is given about the teachers themselves. Based on the common demographic of science teachers in Native communities within K-12 and tribal colleges, as noted by several authors (e.g., Kawagley

1995; Allen 1997; Cleary and Peacock 1998; Yazzie 1999; Agbo 2001; Shangreaux

2001; Manuelito 2003; Pewewardy and Hammer 2003; Brayboy et al. 2008; Wright

2010) it is plausible that most of teachers were not originally from the communities/tribes where they taught. Fifteen surveys were done (i.e., N=15) and some of the key findings were:

 Most teachers emphasized and practiced “place-based learning,” “out-door observation,” and “open-ended, problem solving-based learning” in their curriculum and pedagogy.

 Four teachers used case studies that reflected tribal concerns with science related topics at least once a year.

 Most teachers “rarely” consulted with tribal elders, culture committees, or tribal community members.

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 Less than half the teachers incorporated traditional stories or historical content about local tribes.

 Most teachers “never” incorporated local tribal languages. However, one teacher used the local tribal language in their class at least once a week.

Their findings highlight some successes, such as dynamical “high context” teaching with pedagogy practices of 1) hands-on learning, 2) outdoor observation-participation, and 3) group oriented problem solving, all which are very conducive to preferred teaching methods/learning styles in Native communities (Hall 1991; Nelson-Barber and

Estrin 1995; Cleary and Peacock 1998; Yazzie 1999; Pewewardy and Hammer 2003).

However, their findings also demonstrate the challenges with developing and implementing “culturally responsive” curriculum, specifically that which incorporates tribal languages, traditional stories, and tribal epistemologies relating to climate.

In Reynolds and Kern (2012) an initial disconnect between the school faculty and the tribes/communities was demonstrated as a factor inhibiting culturally responsive curriculum. However, we can speculate that there are also other factors that could have presented challenges to culturally responsive curriculum development and teaching. For example, Reynolds and Kern (2012) noted some of the science teachers taught in schools

(esp. the off-reservation schools) with multiple American Indian cultures and languages represented, thus creating the conundrum of favoring/excluding cultures when developing and implementing culturally responsive curriculum. Albeit some culturally responsive initiatives, such as those at Tohono O’odham Community College (e.g., this paper), Diné

College (Semken 1997; Semken and Morgan 1997), the Akwesasne Mohawk Education

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Project (Agbo 2001), and the Shoshoni Math Project (Barta et al. 2001) deal with communities that have the same tribal culture-language foundation

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within them: Tohono

O’odham, Diné, Mohawk, and Shoshoni, respectively, there are other initiatives that must reconcile culturally responsive curriculum in diverse multi-tribal/cultural communities.

This has yet to be resolved in culturally responsive education scholarship.

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Lastly, it is also plausible that tribal languages were not included in the curriculum either because: there were too few or no speakers (or instructors) of the language (Krauss 1996), or the fact that some tribes have preferred to keep language and tribal-specific cultural information outside of formal school-based education (Allen 1997; Dukepoo 2001; Lujan

2001). In regards to cultural information in the schools, Kawagley (1995) notes that many elders in Yup’ik communities in southwest Alaska were reluctant to share language and cultural information with non-Yup’ik teachers, due to high teacher turnover (i.e., the teachers would leave the school-community after elders had invested much time in teaching cultural knowledge to them). Furthermore, Lujan (2001) notes a concern for the appropriation/misuse of language and cultural information that could leave communities with non-members. So, there are many plausible reasons why science teachers have not brought language and cultural examples into their classrooms.

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However, we must remember there is still cultural diversity within these culture-language bases, such as varying language dialects, versions of traditional stories, personal belief systems, or

5 community-based cultural nuances.

Dukepoo (2001) does recommend when teaching Native students from different tribal-cultural backgrounds to use the general best practices and preferred teaching methods in Native communities and “high context” examples, but to refrain from bringing specific tribal culturallanguage examples into the classroom, especially if the teacher is not of that culture (i.e., it is also a concern of “who” is “qualified” to teach “cultural information?”).

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The second paper by Roehrig et al. (2012) reviews the previously mentioned program,

ICE-Net, and another 3-year NASA-funded program called CYCLES,

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which involves 20 teachers from the Fond du Lac, Leech Lake, Red Lake, and White Earth reservations in

Minnesota, all Anishinaabe (Ojibwe) communities. The curriculum themes are placebased learning and interdisciplinary approaches to teaching climate. Roehrig et al. (2012) discuss the training and activities the teachers will do during the summer of 2013, which will include; lake sediment coring and comparing the lake core data (i.e., climate proxy data) with annual wild rice production-harvests, which is an Anishinaabe traditional activity, thus making the science relevant to community priorities and traditional practices.

There are two other efforts (unpublished at this time) for developing and implementing culturally relevant climate science curriculum and these are Elmore et al. (2010) and

Mitchell et al. (2011). Elmore et al. (2010) is an online PowerPoint describing the

“Native American Geosciences Project” at the University of Oklahoma (OU). Their program was a geosciences pipeline for Native college students through the development of culturally relevant courses that connected weather and climate from the perspectives of

American Indian tribal cultures in Oklahoma with meteorology and climatology-based knowledge of the southern Great Plains. Elmore et al. (2010) noted success in increasing the number of Native students taking geoscience classes; however, the number of Native geoscience “majors” did not increase. Mitchell et al. (2011) was a collaboration among the American Indian Higher Education Consortium (AIHEC), University Corportation for

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“CYCLES” is not an acronym it is the name for a Global Climate Change (GCC) education initiative geared toward teachers working in Native communities in Minnesota.

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Atmospheric Research (UCAR), and science instructors from tribal colleges to design a curriculum for a course in global climate change from an “Indigenous perspective.” This course was not culturally-based on a specific tribe or community since it was intended for

Native students from different tribal colleges, who would also be from different cultural backgrounds. However, the course did utilize locally relevant examples of climate change impacts and adaptation strategies, drawing from the partner colleges in the project: College of the Menominee Nation, Diné College, Haskell Indian Nations

University, Northwest Indian College, and Tohono O’odham Community College.

BACKGROUND AND SOCIO-CULTURAL CONTEXT

Pre-Existing Curriculum and Project Motivation

Geo 101: An Introduction to Weather and Climate (Geo 101 hereafter) is a physical geography and natural science course offered at Tohono O’odham Community College

(TOCC), a tribal college on the Tohono O’odham Nation in southern Arizona. Geo 101 was launched as a four-credit course during the spring of 2005; and was initially taught by an instructor from the University of Arizona, Laboratory of Tree-Ring Research (UA

LTRR), Michael Evans. The course and its supplies and activities (e.g., textbooks, weather journals, hands-on demonstration kits, stipends for guest speakers, field trips, and audio/video equipment) were funded by a National Science Foundation (NSF)

Faculty Early Career Development Program (CAREER) grant, which was subawarded to

TOCC. The course curriculum was developed by UA LTRR and TOCC faculty and combined “Tohono O’odham ways of knowing” with “Western science-based

254 knowledge” of weather and climate (UA LTRR 2005). The Geo 101 curriculum was then handed over to TOCC and the course was subsequently taught by adjunct geography and fulltime agricultural-natural resources instructors at the college from 2006-2007.

The principal investigator and lead author of this paper, Casey Kahn-Thornbrugh, began teaching Geo 101 as an adjunct geography instructor in the spring of 2008.

Student feedback on previous Geo 101 classes (i.e., 2005-2007) was positive in reference to the inclusion of Tohono O’odham Himdag (i.e., culture) in the curriculum, yet student feedback also suggested continued challenges that students had in reconciling Tohono

O’odham knowledge, epistemology, and belief systems with Western science-based knowledge of weather and climate (UA LTRR 2005). For example, some students had difficulty in reconciling their own traditional knowledge (e.g., traditional teachings, which hold that tribal ceremonies are key factors in bringing summer monsoon rain) with the knowledge of Western science (e.g., which holds that the summer monsoon and its associated precipitation are a result of pure thermodynamic-induced atmospheric processes regardless of human ceremonial activity). Hence, learning more Western science explanations of weather and climate became a “turn off” for some students.

Furthermore, Tohono O’odham language (O’odham language hereafter), a critical foundation of the culture, was largely absent from the original Geo 101 curriculum.

Although “culturally relevant” topics and materials existed in the original curriculum

(e.g., video recordings of elders/tribal members sharing their knowledge, PowerPoint lectures on Sonoran Desert climate; Table C1) there remained opportunities to include more Tohono O’odham knowledge, epistemology, and language related to weather and

255 climate and thus the opportunity to make Geo 101 “culturally responsive” for Tohono

O’odham high school and college students.

This paper discusses a participatory action research (PAR) approach to develop a high context and culturally responsive weather and climate curriculum for instructors of

Tohono O’odham college and high school students. The principal investigator-current

Geo 101 instructor initiated this project, which developed into a collaboration between

TOCC, the University of Arizona NASA Space Grant Consortium (UA Space Grant

hereafter), Tohono O’odham Nation Water Resources Department (TON Water

Resources hereafter) and a community advisory board composed of tribal/community members from the Tohono O’odham Nation. Four TOCC students (co-authors on this paper), Duran Andrews, Sara Francisco, Hilario Pio-Martinez, and Matthew Saraficio, were also employed as student interns to assist on this project and to develop their own personal projects investigating their own weather and climate topics of interest. Carmella

Kahn-Thornbrugh, a DrPH student in the University of Arizona Mel and Enid Zuckerman

College of Public Health (UA MEZCOPH) and also a co-author on this paper, provided advisement on participatory research approaches, and assistance in educational workshops and outreach offered during this project. For the research aspect of this project, the principal investigator completed a literature review on aspects of Tohono

O’odham history, language, and culture related to weather and climate and conducted surveys on the Tohono O’odham Nation to learn of weather and climate topics most relevant for tribal/community members. The TON Water Resources and community advisory board members provided advisement during this project. TOCC Tohono

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O’odham history-language-culture instructors also provided input on the written Tohono

O’odham language materials developed by this project. Community advisory board members also assisted with O’odham language “dialect” and spelling nuances specific to their communities.

The Tohono O’odham: A Brief Cultural, Geographic and Historic Overview

Like the people before them, these women gauged the movement of the summer sun and the amount of work that needed to be done… The women planned their day around the heat and the coolness of the summer day. They knew the climate and felt confident in it. They knew the weather and its movements (Ofelia

Zepeda, Tohono O’odham writer and linguist, 1995:2).

Tohono O’odham means “Desert People” (i.e., “O’odham” means “People”), and they are indigenous to the Sonoran Desert region of southern Arizona and northern areas of the state of Sonora in Mexico. The Tohono O’odham have lived in the Sonoran Desert using time honored methods of desert agriculture, subsistence (e.g., gathering wild desert foods and hunting), and catchment-irrigation of surface run-off, all practices sustainably designed for an arid climate (Galliard 1894; Nabhan 1982; Erickson 1994; Zepeda 1995;

Sheridan 1996; Moreillon 1997; Ingram 2000; Sheridan 2000; Villegas 2004; TOCA

2010; D. Andrews, personal communication, August 27, 2012). Tohono O’odham life ways have also adapted to the capricious summer monsoon

7

rainfall of the region (Ingram

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The “summer monsoon” also known as the “North American monsoon” occurs from early July through early-to-mid September over northern Mexico and the U.S. Southwest. During the monsoon, the Tohono O’odham reservation and the surrounding Sonoran Desert receive 50% of

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2000). In fact in Tohono O’odham culture, the “New Year” commences around the time of the saguaro fruit ripening and the harvest of the fruit in late June, which also occurs just prior to the onset of the summer monsoon rains (Nabhan 1982; Erickson 1994;

Zepeda 1995; Sheridan 1996; Villegas 2004; TOCA 2010). The Tohono O’odham also have many oral legends relating to weather and climate, especially those relating to the sun, clouds, wind, rain, thunderstorms, and lightning (Saxton and Saxton 1973; Nabhan

1982; Sheridan 1996; TOCA 2010).

There are also ceremonies held throughout the year, such as the Ju:jkida, or raincalling/making ceremony in the summer (e.g., in the O’odham language “ju:kĭ” means

“rain;” Fontana 1979; Underhill et al. 1979; Nabhan 1982; McCarthy 1985; Erickson

1994; Moreillon 1997; Chana et al. 2009; TOCA 2010), the Salt Pilgrimage/Run to the

Gulf of California in the spring (Fontana 1989; Morago 2012), and other ceremonies serving the purpose of “renewal” of the natural world. The renewal of the natural world and human society in Tohono O’odham culture commences through the onset of summer monsoon rains, and related seasonal events. Historical outlawing of the rain ceremonies in the early 20 th

century by U.S. federal Indian policies enforced by local authorities

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(Erickson 1994), as well as modern life time constraints and challenges (D. Lopez, personal communication, February 27, 2005; Chana et al. 2009), have limited the number their annual precipitation. However, the monsoon is characterized by “bursts” or consecutive days with thunderstorms and rainfall, which are separated by “breaks” or consecutive hot and dry days. Even during bursts, actual rainfall maybe localized only to certain areas, leaving other

8 places dry, hence the “capricious” nature of monsoon rainfall.

U.S. federal Indian policy in the late 19 th

and early 20 th

centuries typically outlawed all non-

Christian, tribal ceremonies. The John Collier Administration of the Bureau of Indian Affairs in the 1930s ended the federal policy of outlawing tribal ceremonies. However, the American

Indian Religious Freedom Act, officially protecting the rights of tribes to continue ceremonies or tribal-based religious practices was not passed until 1978.

258 of villages and families that still participate these ceremonies. Nevertheless, Tohono

O’odham epistemology still holds that attributes of the natural world, including the weather and climate (e.g., wind and rain), have a spiritual nature and warrant the acknowledgement and the respect of the people (Miguel 2005b; Chana et al. 2009; TOCA

2010).

Today the Tohono O’odham Nation is a federally recognized American Indian tribe with a reservation in southern Arizona (Figure C1). At over 4,300 square miles it is the second largest Indian reservation in the U.S. However, Tohono O’odham traditional homelands extend further than the present-day reservation boundaries (Erickson 1994;

Sheridan 1996; Rivas 2012; Tohono O’odham Nation 2012). The Tohono O’odham actually share a cultural-linguistic relationship with other Indigenous peoples in Arizona and Sonora who collectively consider themselves as the “O’odham.” O’odham ancestral lands extend from the San Pedro River Valley in southeastern Arizona, westward to the shores of the Gulf of California, and from the Salt-Gila River confluence near Phoenix,

Arizona south to the Rio Sonora in the state of Sonora in Mexico (Erickson 1994;

Sheridan 1996).

There are approximately 28,000 enrolled tribal members of the Tohono O’odham

Nation of whom 45-50% live on the reservation. There are over 40 villages/communities on the reservation and nine O’odham villages in Sonora, just south of the U.S./Mexico international border

9

(Tohono O’odham Nation 2012). The Tohono O’odham are known

9

Perhaps the most significant historical-geopolitical event to impact the O’odham was the

Gadsden Purchase of 1854, which established the present-day international border between the

U.S. and Mexico. O’odham in Mexico do not have a reservation and are Mexican citizens.

259 as the “two villagers” because traditionally, they resided in winter villages near the mountains then moved to summer villages near the desert valley floodplains where they could farm (Nabhan 1982; Erickson 1994; Sheridan 1996; Villegas 2004; Lopez 2005;

Miguel 2005a; TOCA 2010). The establishment of the reservation and the drilling of wells in the early 20 th

century made the locations of Tohono O’odham villages more permanent (Villegas 2004). The modern Tohono O’odham tribal government consists of a Legislative Council, an Executive Office (i.e., Chairman/Chairwoman and Vice Chair), and a Judicial branch (Tohono O’odham Nation 2012). The largest town and tribal government center is Sells, AZ with a population of 2,500 (U.S. Census Bureau 2010).

The Tohono O’odham Nation is subdivided into 12 local governing districts

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(Figure

C1), each with its own district council and two representatives serving on the Legislative

Council. Modern Tohono O’odham governance is a delicate balance between tribal-level governance and localized district-village autonomy.

There are many economic and education-related challenges faced by individual families on the Nation. The average annual household income is about one-half of the

U.S. and Arizona average, and unemployment on the reservation was about 35% in 2010

(Tables C2 & C3; Pablo 2011). Ensuring the education of tribal youth and accessible higher educational opportunities for adults is a high concern on the Tohono O’odham

However, they are also enrolled tribal members of the Tohono O’odham Nation in Arizona.

Tohono O’odham tribal members on both sides cross the international border, especially for family visits and religious/ceremonial purposes. However, tribal members must carry documentation of tribal enrollment, and according to Rivas (2012) many tribal members have experienced harassment from American and Mexican authorities while traveling.

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The Tohono O’odham Nation was originally subdivided into 11 districts. However, as of

October 2012, a 12 th

district was created for the Hia C’eḍ O’odham through a resolution passed by the Legislative Council.

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Nation. Approximately 68% of adults over the age of 25 on the have a high school diploma or a General Education Development (GED) equivalent compared to 85% of the

Arizona and U.S. general population (Table C4). However, a larger educational discrepancy is found in the transition from high school to post-secondary education. The percent of adults on the Tohono O’odham Nation that complete up to a college associate’s-level college degree is 8% compared to 35% and 36% in Arizona and the

U.S., respectively (Table C4). O’odham language fluency is another educational concern. A study by Madsen (2004) indicated that while 50% of Tohono O’odham adults over the age of 40 were fluent speakers, only about 10% of 18-19 year old adults were fluent. Thus the establishment of the local tribal college, TOCC, has served a critical need both in providing local-higher educational opportunities and for keeping students connected to their O’odham history, language, and culture, or in other words their

“Himdag.”

Tohono O’odham Community College

TOCC is a tribal college that was chartered in 1998 by the Tohono O’odham Nation tribal government (Figure C2; TOCC 2013b). In 2011, the college had a student body of approximately 300 students of which 75% were Tohono O’odham tribal members, and the mean student age was 33 (Figure C3; TOCC 2011). TOCC’s low tuition rates and recently opened dormitories also attract students from other American Indian tribes and non-American Indian students who are also seeking higher education opportunities.

About 22% of the faculty is Tohono O’odham (Figure C3), and these faculty members

261 teach O’odham history, language, and culture courses as well as business management and trades skills (e.g., electrical, plumbing, and carpentry). About 78% of the faculty members are non-tribal members. However, all faculty must reconcile balancing curriculum development and pedagogy that meets American-based higher education standards (i.e., to maintain accreditation) and Tohono O’odham educational standards.

11

In 2005, TOCC received accreditation from the Higher Learning Commission of the

North Central Association of Colleges and Schools (HLC-NCA). TOCC’s vision and mission are respectively to, “become the Tohono O’odham Nation’s center for higher education, to enhance participation in the local, state, national, and global communities” and to “enhance our unique Tohono O’odham Himdag by strengthening individuals, families, and communities through holistic, quality higher education services” (TOCC

2013a). TOCC offers associate’s degrees (including those transferable to a four-year university) as well as apprenticeship and employment certifications. All TOCC students must take at least one O’odham history-culture class, as well as one O’odham language class, which amounts to seven units fulfilling the college “Himdag requirement.” All hired TOCC faculty and staff must also complete these seven units of O’odham history, language, and culture.

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As a note relating American education standards and Indigenous standards, the late Oscar

Kawagley, a Yup’ik scholar and educator from southwest Alaska, pointed out that modern education for Yup’ik students tends to emphasize an educational philosophy to encourage students to leave rural areas to pursue an “American dream,” premised on individual accomplishment and financial sustainability. On the contrary, Yup’ik educational philosophy may emphasize individual personal growth, but it also emphasizes community sustainability and sharing (e.g., of time, work, food, and financial resources). A similar dichotomy in educational philosophy exists within K-12 and higher education institutions serving Tohono O’odham students, and this is manifested in academic policies and educator varying philosophies educators apply in their classes.

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TOCC Science Classes & Related Activities

There has been growing academic support and faculty encouragement for Tohono

O’odham students to pursue studies in science, especially the environmental, agricultural, and natural resources fields. The development of science programs at TOCC began in

2004, concurrently with TOCC’s designation as a “land grant institution.” Land grant status enabled federal funding (e.g., U.S. Department of Agriculture, NSF) to support the agricultural-natural resources (ANR) and science-related courses and degree programs.

The first biology and chemistry courses at the college began in 2004 with the Geo 101 course commencing the following year. Despite growing academic and financial support for science education at TOCC, culturally responsive curriculum in science-related courses remains a continuing challenge. Specifically, all of the ANR, science, and geography instructors or non-tribal members (including the principal investigator), which means we must take what we learn about Tohono O’odham history, culture, and language, and find the appropriate ways to integrate this content into the curriculum and teaching. We must do this while making sure the students complete the classes, meeting state and federal college-level “scientific literacy and comprehension” standards. This is important for TOCC to maintain accreditation, but also to ensure that students planning on transferring are prepared for four-year university science classes.

RESEARCH APPROACH

Research Premises, Objectives and Questions

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The Tohono O’odham weather and climate project stemmed from the premises that a successful high context and culturally responsive “weather and climate curriculum” would require the following:

 Learning about Tohono O’odham history and the culture to gain an understanding of Tohono O’odham traditional knowledge and epistemology.

 Identifying the “high context” social and environmental experiences of tribal members that are related to weather and climate.

 Working closely with tribal members and cultural instructors to identify appropriate and respectful ways of including language and culturally-based content in the curriculum.

 Maintaining a pathway using teaching tools (e.g., local weather-climate data, weather measuring instruments, hands-on demonstration models/kits, local weather-climate topics) for student learning of college-level Western scientific terminology and concepts to meet state-federal scientific literacy standards.

The research objectives for this project were to 1) identify the weather and climate topics that are “high context” and most relevant to Tohono O’odham communities and students, 2) develop materials and learning activities for a weather and climate curriculum for instructors of Tohono O’odham K-12 and college students, and 3) test the curriculum activities at weather and climate education workshops offered in communities on the Tohono O’odham Nation.

Rewritten as research questions, the aforementioned topics became the following research frames:

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 What aspects of weather and climate should be considered “high context” (i.e., most relevant) material in a curriculum relating to the lives and culture of Tohono

O’odham students?

 How should the summer monsoon (i.e., the North American monsoon) the most distinguishable regional climate feature, be presented in the curriculum?

 How can O’odham language be applied to describe scientific processes and concepts discussed in weather and climate?

 What are the points where Tohono O’odham and Western science knowledge of weather and climate intersect and would give Tohono O’odham students a holistic knowledge of climate?

This project tested the following hypothesis: culturally responsive curriculum will increase the interest of Tohono O’odham community members and students to learn more about regional weather and climate. This could address a larger goal of engaging more tribal members to learn atmospheric science and to become involved in addressing weather and climate-related concerns, such as severe weather preparedness, agricultural sustainability, drought planning, and climate change adaptation.

Participatory Action Research

Formally this research project was permitted on the Tohono O’odham Nation via tribal resolutions from the Legislative Council (Appendix Q) and the participating districts of

San Lucy (Appendix M), San Xavier (Appendix N), Schuk Toak (Appendix O), and Sells

(Appendix P). However, this project also assumed a participatory action research (PAR)

265 approach under two prevailing circumstances. First, the principal investigator, although not a tribal/community member, has served as an educator for Tohono O’odham college students and has worked with Tohono O’odham high school students in youth programs on the reservation, thus has been an “active participant” within the community 2007present. Secondly, this project involved the “active participation” of four TOCC student interns, a community advisory board, a project advisor from TON Water Resources, and regular communication with Tohono O’odham history-language-culture instructors. The general criteria for PAR require active participation of both the researchers and the community members in research projects (Hall 1981; Maguire 1987; Agbo 2001 & 2010;

Reardon 2002; Breitbart 2003).

In its essence, PAR involves this notion, “the study of a particular issue…with the full engagement of those affected by it” (Breitbart 2003:162). Hall (1981) and Maguire

(1987) describe PAR as a means of empowerment of the participants where the objective of the research includes a “group ownership” of the knowledge gained. PAR is not a specific research methodology, it is a research approach where action must coincide or immediately follow data collection (Agbo 2001; Breitbart 2003). Hence research methodologies that are often most complimentary with PAR include group discussions, open-ended surveys, community seminars, fact-finding tours, collective production of audio-visual materials, or educational workshops/camps (Agbo 2001). The most important research principle in PAR is that there is a sustained dialogue between

“external actors” (university/institution/researchers) and community members (Breitbart

2003).

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PAR has been an increasingly applied research approach in projects within Indigenous communities because it assumes 1) the active involvement of the community, 2) a close relationship of the researcher with the community, and 3) the generation of beneficial knowledge, information, and resources for the tribe/community (Maguire 1987;

Macaulay et al. 1998; Cochran et al. 2008; Agbo 2001 & 2010). This is crucial because as advocates for ethical research in Indigenous communities have noted, “if research does not benefit the community by extending the quality of life for those in the community, it should not be done” (Louis 2007:131). In other words, PAR can be a recognized as a contender for an Indigenous research approach, which Louis (2007) includes as having the principles of 1) relational accountability (i.e., all parts of the research and the researcher’s relationship with the community are interconnected), 2) respectful representation of oneself and the community in the scholarship, 3) reciprocal appropriation (i.e., the community must benefit as much as the researcher), and 4) recognition of community ownership of research data and intellectual property. Thus for this project, the data, findings and the curriculum will be the intellectual property of

TOCC, the Tohono O’odham Nation, and communities within.

METHODS

The methods for this project included 1) a literature search on Tohono O’odham experiences (i.e., historic and contemporary knowledge) and epistemology (i.e., ways of knowing, worldview, and relationships) relating to weather and climate, 2) a preassessment survey on Tohono O’odham interests related to weather and climate, 3) an

267 informal interview of a tribal/community member willing to share knowledge or a unique experience related to weather and climate, 4) educational weather and climate workshops to test the curriculum’s activities, and 5) an evaluation of the workshops by participating community members. Community advisory board members from the San Lucy, San

Xavier, Schuk Toak, and Sells districts of the Tohono O’odham Nation, and TOCC student interns aided in recommending and designing activities to be added to the curriculum and applied during the weather and climate educational workshops (weather workshops hereafter). The evaluation of the weather workshops (Appendix K) aimed to learn if participants felt the curriculum and its activities were high context, culturally responsive, and appropriate for Tohono O’odham students of various age levels (i.e., K-

12 through college).

Literature Search

A literature search pertaining to Tohono O’odham experiences related to local weather and climate had been a practice of the principal investigator while teaching Geo 101 from

2008-2010, but was also continued for this project. This was done with a purpose to find high context and culturally relevant material to supplement the Aguado and Burt (2012) weather and climate textbook used in class. The literature search was conducted at the

University of Arizona and TOCC campus libraries to identify O’odham authors and literature written about O’odham history and culture that also contained references to local weather and climate. The literature search also included references to broader, yet still regional societal-environmental climate topics pertaining to the Sonoran Desert or

268 the U.S. Southwest. This included references to the North American monsoon, drought, wildfire, Arizona water policy and Indian tribes, and climate change in the Southwest.

Also sought in the literature search were examples of O’odham language pertaining to weather and climate, which included dictionaries and grammar books (e.g., Saxton and

Saxton 1969; Zepeda 1983; Saxton et al. 1998). Literary resources identified for the curriculum were shared with TOCC history-culture-language instructors and community advisory board members.

The literature searches for Indigenous knowledge, experiences, and relationships with specific topics, such as weather and climate do require time commitments and communication/feedback with tribal language and cultural instructors. The time commitment is important because Indigenous knowledge and experiences with a specific topic, such as weather and climate, are not always straightforward book “chapters” or

“subjects” within an index, although there are some exceptions, such as the works of

Laskin (1996), Deloria (1997 & 2006), and Cajete (2000). In reality, time is required to read through or view media pertaining to the history, contemporary issues, language, and culture to identify points/topics relating to weather and climate. Working with tribal language and cultural instructors during a literature search is also crucial. Avant

(2010:87) has noted some important considerations for all teachers when “evaluating” or

“vetting” literature pertaining to Indigenous peoples and she has recommended four basic questions be considered: 1) Is the source respectful? 2) Is it accurate? 3) Is there anything that would hurt or embarrass a student? 4) Is there anything that would perpetuate stereotypes of Native people?” Working with language and cultural instructors and

269 tribal/community members can also aid in answering some of these questions (Lipka

1989; Allen 1997; Cleary and Peacock 1998; Avant 2010).

Pre-Assessment Surveys

This project aimed to survey approximately 50 people from the Tohono O’odham

Nation to learn of topics relating to weather and climate that are of most interest to them and that they feel are most relevant in their communities. A “pre-assessment survey” instrument was developed, which was reviewed by the principal investigator’s doctoral committee, TON Water Resources, and community advisory board members. Surveys were administered at community and district council meetings and at local community events via project information booths (Figure C4).

The surveys were anonymous with mostly fixed-answer responses. However, there were also open-ended response questions at the end of each section in the survey. The survey is shown in Appendix F. In addition, individuals interested in attending the weather workshops left their contact information so they could be informed on the dates and times of the workshops. The goal of the pre-assessment survey was to learn about the audience through answering these questions:

 What are the demographics (i.e., age, sex, occupation) of those interested in weather and climate?

 What information do people have access to; and to what degree, do they have access to these sources, such as cable television or home Internet?

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 In school (whether currently or in the past), which subjects tend to be of highest interest for people?

 How do people get weather information or observe the weather?

 Which topics relating to weather and climate are of the highest interest?

Youth ages 14-17, adults, and elders could take the survey. Since the curriculum was intended for instructors of Tohono O’odham high school and college students, the age range of 14 and older was deemed appropriate. The age ranges were divided into four categories: youth (age 14-17), young adults (18-29), adults (30-49), and adults/elders

(50+). Occupation was also an important demographic question to gain a sense of how many survey respondents had occupations where they were often spent time outside. The survey “occupational” question was open-ended, in consideration for those who were

“unemployed” but still had an occupation (e.g., a high school student, full-time college student, or stay-at-home family member/caregiver).

Identifying peoples’ access to information is very important to teachers and college instructors. Obtaining web-based weather/climate data is a relatively easy exercise for

Americans who have home Internet; and college instructors tend to assume most college students have regular Internet access. Furthermore, all the chapters in the Aguado and

Burt (2012) textbook also have web-based exercises or assignments for students.

The level of interest in specific school subjects was another topic on the survey. In order to make an academic curriculum “high context” so it can connect to the students, it was important to learn what school subjects people enjoy most or are most interested in.

It was considered that people may enjoy more than one class subject. Therefore

271 respondents could mark as many subjects as they desired. High interest or the “score” was based on the number of “checks” per subject.

The next series of questions dealt with how people observe the weather or how they obtain weather information. Although it could be assumed that most people from rural communities would be more inclined to do outdoor weather observation over getting information from television or a web-based resource (e.g., computer or smartphone), such an assumption may not always be true. The weather observation questions were fixresponses with individual scores of: 0 (Never), 1 (Rarely), 2 (Sometimes), or 3 (Often) for different ways of observing the weather or obtaining weather information. This section was also followed with an open-ended question, “Do you have ‘other ways’ you get your weather information?”

The last set of survey questions dealt with the primary project aim, identifying high interest topics related to weather and climate. The principal investigator’s experience teaching Geo 101, as well as input from the principal investigator’s doctoral committee,

TON Water Resources, and community advisory board members, aided in the design of appropriate questions and the removal of “jargon” from the survey as recommended by

McLafferty (2003). The scoring was scaled from 1-5 with one indicating “absolutely not interested” and five indicating “really interested.” Examples of survey questions to indicate level of interest included, “How do O’odham stories describe things in weather and climate?” or “How is a thunderstorm created?” A space was provided for an openended response in case there was a topic of interest not listed in the survey.

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Lastly, the pre-assessment surveys were designed to be more enjoyable for participants and included cartoon characters and Tohono O’odham Nation weather and climate facts.

Those who completed the survey were given a cartoon booklet created by the principal investigator during the project that describes the basics of weather and climate (Appendix

E). The fictitious characters, Ma:liya and Husi, are Tohono O’odham youth who are curious about the world around them. They are young up-and-coming Tohono O’odham scientists, respectful of the natural world, and learning from their own observations and from their teachers and elders. Ma:liya and Husi and other characters from the cartoon are featured in the survey.

Informal Interviews

Adult participants were also invited to be interviewed on either their unique knowledge of local weather and climate, or on recommendations they had on weather and climate topics to be added to the curriculum. The interview was designed to be informal and led by the interviewee who picked the topic of discussion. Interviewees were asked if they were willing to have the session audio or video recorded to be added into the weather and climate curriculum.

Educational Outreach Workshops

Weather workshops were planned for the summer of 2012 to be held within the participating districts of San Lucy, San Xavier, Schuk Toak, and Sells. The workshops were facilitated by all of the authors of this paper (C.C. Kahn-Thornbrugh, C.B. Kahn-

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Thornbrugh, D. Andrews, S. Francisco, H. Pio-Martinez, and M. Saraficio).

Tribal/community members who took a survey and/or who signed in at a weather and climate informational booth at a community event were contacted and invited to the workshops. The authors of this paper developed and refined hands-on teaching activities relating to weather and climate. In addition, prior to the workshops, the authors received training from University Corporation for Atmospheric Research (UCAR)-Spark program on developing and implementing hands-on weather and climate demonstration models/kits, using inexpensive household materials (e.g., plastic bottles, food coloring, a cleaned-out pickle jars, hot/cold water; Figure C5). These activities from the UCAR-

Spark training were also incorporated into the workshops. The community advisory board members assisted in planning the times and venues for the workshops as well as advertising the workshops in the communities.

RESULTS

Literature Review Findings and Considerations

A reference list on Tohono O’odham experiences related to weather and climate and

Sonoran Desert climate topics are listed in Table C5. The reference list provides instructors teaching Geo 101 a list of resources to draw from to supplement a standard atmospheric science textbook, such as Aguado and Burt (2012) or other college-level weather and climate textbooks. These materials can also be used as supplementary materials for teaching weather and climate topics to Tohono O’odham high school

274 students. However, it is always the responsibility of instructors to review all reading material, view videos, or otherwise “vet” the content before using it in their class.

For example, much literature identified relating to weather and climate refers to

Tohono O’odham rain ceremonies (Underhill et al. 1979; Nabhan 1982; McCarthy 1989;

Fontana 1989; Erickson 1994; Sheridan 1996; Moreillon 1997; Lopez 2005; Chana et al.

2009; TOCA 2010). Instructors are responsible for vetting some of these sources and to be mindful of varying authors’ perspectives. For example, Tohono O’odham authors/presenters describe rain ceremonies from within the cultural frame of reference

(Lopez 2005; Chana et al. 2009; TOCA 2010), whereas non-Tohono O’odham describe these ceremonies outside of the cultural frame of reference (Nabhan 1982; Fontana 1989;

Erickson 1994; Sheridan 1996; Moreillon 1997). All perspectives provide good information; however, Tohono O’odham students may be able to relate more personally to the information as presented by Tohono O’odham authors. Part of this is because

Tohono O’odham authors/presenters “validate” the knowledge and the epistemology surrounding the ceremonies through having “lived the experience” and maintaining it as valid knowledge within their own belief systems. Lopez (2005), Chana et al. (2009), and

TOCA (2010) are some recent resources on the rain ceremonies from Tohono O’odham perspectives.

Another issue for instructors to be mindful of is the fact that many of the older books written about Tohono O’odham use the term “Papago” to refer to the tribe and tribal members. This is an old term and used in modern times can be offensive (P. Miguel, personal communication, multiple dates). Various linguist have attempted derive the

275 origin of the term (Sheridan 1996); nevertheless it is no longer used. In 1986 the

Legislative Council officially changed the tribal name from the “Papago Tribe” to the

“Tohono O’odham Nation.” Older texts, although useful in terms of containing historical experiences-references, including Tohono O’odham autobiographies; often use the term

“Papago.” Rather than discard useful historical information, it was recommended that instructors remind students of the historical context when using pre-1986 resources on

Tohono O’odham history and culture.

Another concern was related to the use of terms from O’odham language dictionaries and other texts (e.g., Mason 1950; Saxton and Saxton 1969; Mathiot 1973; Saxton et al.

1998) in curriculum. Like many Indigenous languages in North America, the O’odham language is learned orally, and had not been a written language until recent decades

(Zepeda 1983; P. Miguel and C. Fitzgerald, personal communication, March 29, 2012).

The early O’odham language texts and dictionaries used different orthographies with varying English-based characters for O’odham language sounds (e.g., Mathiot uses “ah” and Saxton et al. use “aa” for “long ‘a’ sounds”). In 1974 the Tohono O’odham Nation adopted the orthography developed by linguists, Albert Alvarez (a Tohono O’odham tribal member) and Kenneth Hale, which is also the orthography used by Zepeda (1983) and by the Tohono O’odham Nation Education Department. Some of the differences in the spelling of basic weather terms from Saxton et al. (1998) and Zepeda (1983) are shown in Table C6. One challenge is that Mathiot (1973), Saxton and Saxton (1969), and

Saxton et al. (1998) all contain substantial weather and climate-related terms, yet they are different orthographies than Alvarez and Hale. To remedy this, TOCC O’odham history-

276 language-culture instructors, assisted the principal investigator to rewrite many of the

Saxton and Saxton (1969) and Saxton et al. (1998) terms into the Alvarez and Hale orthography over the course of this project.

The literature search also identified an O’odham language CD-ROM program Acim ac

O’odhamkaj ñeñeok: “We’re talking in O’odham.” developed by the Tohono O’odham

Nation Education Department (Thomas et al. 1999), which has weather (e.g., Unit 8,

Lesson 1) and climate (e.g., Unit 8, Lesson 2) O’odham language lessons. This CD-

ROM program is currently used in the O’odham language courses at TOCC, and has interactive language lessons (in the Alvarez-Hale orthography) with the terms and meanings pronounced by O’odham language speakers. The usage of O’odham language does distinguish whether the speaker is talking about today’s weather, such as ju:kĭ ‘o, meaning “it is raining,” or the seasonal climate, such as toniabkad o si jujku, meaning “in the summer it is rainy” (i.e., during the summer monsoon; Thomas et al. 1999). The principal investigator listed this CD-ROM program as a resource in the weather and climate curriculum.

An Overview of Tohono O’odham Epistemology from the Literature

The Tohono O’odham relationship with the Sonoran Desert climate is one with deep respect and also with an acceptance of the unpredictable nature of weather events or the intraseasonal/interannual variability of climate. Linguist, William Pilcher, noted that the

O’odham language often steers away from direct prediction of weather events (e.g., t ‘o

tju: or “it will rain on us”) in favor of describing the probability of events (e.g., tki ‘o

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tju:ks or “looking like it may rain on us;” Nabhan 1982:6; Ingram 2000:48). Tohono

O’odham writer and professor at the University of Arizona, Ofelia Zepeda (1995:2), has also noted O’odham terms for various weather outcomes in her book of poetry Ocean

Power.

Like so many others, these women talked about the movements of potential rainclouds…They spoke of the clouds, the ones “mat aṣ e-paḍc” (that just ruined themselves). These were the ones that fell apart…These were the clouds that the people said, “aṣ t-iatogí” (just lied to us).

Variables in weather, such as the clouds, wind, and rain are referred to in the O’odham creation stories and epistemology as spiritually living and having a reciprocal relationship with human beings (Blackwater et al. (1927) 2001; Saxton and Saxton 1973; Sheridan

1996; Manuel and Neff 2001; Miguel 2005b; Chana et al. 2009; TOCA 2010). There are

O’odham stories of wind and rain staying away (e.g., drought) until the people recognized them as being important, thus having ceremonies acknowledging them for their return (Sheridan 1996; Miguel 2005b; TOCA 2010). In Tohono O’odham epistemology, having the proper respect for things, such as wind, rain or other environmental entities, biologically living or not, helps to ensure a natural balance and a continuation of seasonal cycles (Manuel and Neff 2001; Miguel 2005b; Villegas 2004;

Chana et al. 2009; TOCA 2010).

During the summer monsoon in southern Arizona, the media and local National

Weather Service offices work to keep the public aware of the hazards associated with thunderstorms (e.g., flash floods, lightning strikes, electric power outages, etc.). This is

278 done for public safety. The Tohono O’odham too, have respect for severe weather, and have lost people to lightning strikes and flashfloods (M. Saraficio, personal communication, August 17, 2012; Tohono O’odham Nation Fire Management, personal communication, November 19, 2012). However, Tohono O’odham perception tends to have a more balanced view of summer thunderstorm weather, acknowledging both its blessings while also having a deep respect for the more severe and destructive events.

Zepeda (1995:3) states,

To women, my mother, my grandmother there was beauty in these events, the events of a summer rain, the things that preceded the rain and the events afterward. They laughed with joy at all of it. Simultaneously, they had an everabiding fear and respect for the other components of rain–lightning and flood…

Flooding waters were a cautious gift. The women’s (crop) fields were saturated with run-off from washes that flooded; but then there were the unusual cloud bursts or the continual rains that caused only flooding and damage.”

Tohono O’odham knowledge maintains that atmospheric moisture during the summer monsoon comes from Ka:cim Ṣu:dagĭ meaning “ vast, lying there water” or in other words “the ocean.” The Tohono O’odham and other O’odham communities in the

Sonoran Desert have a strong spiritual connection and the utmost respect for the ocean or the Gulf of California, which is approximately 100 miles west-southwest of the center of the reservation; Zepeda 1995; Lopez 2000; Chana et al. 2009; Morago 2012). O’odham men traditionally embarked on a coming of age ceremony, the “Salt Ceremony” or “Salt

Run” where the young men would run from their villages to the ocean to collect salt from

279 the beaches (Fontana 1989). Upon arriving at the shores, prayers would be offered so the moisture and the clouds from the ocean would follow them back to their villages in the desert (San Xavier community member, personal communication, May 28, 2012; S.

Francisco, personal communication, August 17, 2012). The O’odham have actually revitalized the Salt Run in recent years, with several young men and elder runners going each spring (Morago 2012). Atmospheric science has determined a substantial proportion of the moisture for summer monsoon rainfall in the Sonoran Desert originates from the Gulf of California transported via mechanisms known as “gulf surges” (Adams and Comrie 1997; Higgins et al. 2004; Dixon 2006; S. Francisco, personal communication, August 17, 2012, Bieda et al. in prep). Tohono O’odham Indigenous knowledge has understood this relationship for generations.

Lastly, the literature search identified O’odham language description of the climate and the seasons as listed on the O’odham Calendar (Saxton and Saxton 1969; Saxton et al.

1998; TOCC 2013a). Beginning with the O’odham New Year, these months/seasons are listed in Table C7. The O’odham Calendar describes the months and the climate of the

Sonoran Desert, and is an important resource for a high context and culturally responsive lesson on the Sonoran Desert climate. However, it should be noted that different villages/communities also have some distinct names for certain months. Some of these alternative names for months are listed in Saxton and Saxton (1969) and Saxton et al.

(1998).

PRE-ASSESSMENT SURVEY RESULTS

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Demographical Information

There were 47 pre-assessment surveys completed. The majority of survey respondents were women (79%) and adults over the age of 30 (76%) (Figure C6). However, 9% of the respondents were youth, and 15% young adults (ages 18-29); thus a fourth of the respondents covered the high school to young college student demographic (Figure C6).

In terms of occupation, the most prominent responses were student (e.g., high school or college) (18%), stay at home parent/grandparent/family member (18%), and clerical

(14%), although there was also a wide and diverse range of occupations listed, such as rancher, maintenance/trades/utilities, medical/healthcare, food service, teacher, or tribal government (Table C8; Figure C7).

Access to Information

Most survey respondents (94%) indicated they had a television at home; however, fewer respondents had Internet access at home. A little over a decade ago, James (2001) noted that American Indian households were less likely to have home Internet access than the general U.S. population. The survey results indicate that this was true today on the

Tohono O’odham Nation, for 64% of respondents indicated they did not have Internet access at home (Figure C8), which is high in comparison to the estimated 29% of the

U.S. population that does not have home Internet access (Huffington Post 2012).

Favorite School Subjects: Past or Present

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Among the 47 respondents, the most enjoyed school subjects were art, history, Native

American studies, and science, which had scores of 21, 21, 20, and 20, respectively

(Figure C9). The mean score for “favorite school subjects” was 14.07 and the standard deviation was 5.1. Therefore, any subject scoring above 19 was beyond one standard deviation of the mean. In the open-ended section, respondents listed business three times, writing twice, and other subjects at least once (Table C9). The school subjects of Tohono

O’odham history-culture and Tohono O’odham Language scored 15 and 9 respectively, within the mean standard deviation. However, a few respondents commented that these classes were not available to them in their open-ended responses (Table C10). In the

U.S., culturally relevant classes (e.g., tribal language-history or general Native American studies-history) in schools serving Native student populations were largely absent even until the late 1990s (Cleary and Peacock 1998).

There are some differences in the responses of favorite school subjects by age group.

Of the 11 youth-young adult respondents between the ages 14-29, the two highest scoring and beyond the standard deviation subjects were science (score = 7) and Native American studies (score = 6; Figure C10). The highest scoring school subjects for the 17 adult respondents were science (score = 9), music (score = 8), and art (score = 8), which were all beyond the standard deviation (Figure C11). The highest scoring school subjects for the 19 adult-elder respondents included: history (score = 10), art (score = 9), literature/poetry (score = 9), which were also all beyond the standard deviation (Figure

C12).

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In summary, among the total number of respondents the subjects of art, history, Native

American studies, and science tended to be the most favored school subjects. These were followed by math, literature/poetry, music, physical education, and Tohono O’odham history and culture. Consistent and cross-generational, favored subject “hits” included

“science” for youth-young adults and adults, and “art” for adults and adults-elders.

Observing the Weather

Among the total 47 respondents, outdoor observation (score = 112) and watching television or the news (score = 106) were the highest scoring responses for observing weather and obtaining weather information. These were followed by talking to family or neighbors (score = 95), body senses (e.g., joint pains or body aches; score = 88), and observing the behavior of animals or the conditions of plants (score = 86; Figure C13).

The mean score was 76.6 with a standard deviation of 27.95. The Internet as a source of weather information scored 77 within the mean, but slightly higher than AM/FM or satellite radio, which scored 71 (Figure C13). Although the majority of respondents do not have home Internet access, many students and community members have smart phones with Internet access in Sells and other locations on the Tohono O’odham Nation.

The methods of observing the weather and obtaining weather information were generally consistent across different age groups, with outdoor observation and watching television/news scoring the highest for all age ranges (Figures C14, C15 & C16).

However, there were some subtle differences. The score for outdoor observation and watching television/news tied for youth and young adults (Figure C14), whereas for

283 adults and adults-elders, outdoor observation scored slightly higher than watching television/news (Figures C15 & C16). The Internet as a source of weather information scored highest for youth-young adults. In fact, the Internet was the third highest scoring source of weather information for youth-young adults (Figure C14). There were three responders who wrote comments regarding how they observed the weather and obtained weather information (Table C15).

Weather and Climate Topics of Interest

The mean score for weather and climate topics of interests was 199.1 with a standard deviation of 10.85. Among the 47 respondents the topics of highest interest were

“O’odham creation stories and legends describing things in weather and climate” and

“climate change” both with a score of 211 (Figure C18). These were followed by:

 O’odham observations, “How do O’odham observe and predict the weather?” (score

= 208)

 O’odham cultural teachings, “What are some cultural teachings on things related to weather and climate?” (score = 207)

 Thunderstorms, “How is a thunderstorm created?” (score = 207)

 Oceans, “How do oceans affect weather and climate? What are El Niño and La

Niña?” (score = 207)

 O’odham language, “How does the O’odham language describe things in weather and climate?” (score = 206)

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 O’odham knowledge of the seasons, “How does the O’odham calendar describe the months, seasons and the climate?” (score = 206)

 O’odham knowledge of wind, clouds, and rain, “What do O’odham say about wind, clouds, and rain?” (score = 206)

 Weather safety, “How do I keep my family and home safe during severe weather?”

(score = 205)

 The Sun and energy, “What does the Sun have to do with the climate?” (score = 205)

The tendency to favor O’odham culturally relevant topics was generally consistent across different age groups with some subtle differences. For example, for adult respondents “weather safety” scored as the second highest topic of interest (Figure C19).

Adult-elder respondents also favored weather safety and O’odham culturally relevant topics; however, what was unique for this age group was that the highest scoring topic was “How does the monsoon work according to climate science?” This suggests a desire for learning new information (e.g., new information from Western science) to add to existing Indigenous-based knowledge (Aikenhead 2001).

Seventeen respondents also responded to the open-ended section at the end of the survey (Table C18). Despite the fact that “weather, climate, and agriculture” was not a high scoring topic in the fixed-response section of the survey, a couple community members were clearly interested in how agriculture was affected by climate and the monsoon. Another respondent asked about “rain calling traditions” or “rain ceremonies” and how Tohono O’odham stayed in sync with the climate and the seasons when moving their summer and winter camps. Other respondents indicated concern for the changes

285 they were observing over the past 20 to 40 years and a concern for certain insect species they no longer saw as often (Table C18).

Interview

One adult volunteered to interview and to be recorded as a resource for the weather and climate curriculum. A community member from San Xavier witnessed a tornado descend and move through her village on August 27, 1964. During this event eight people were injured and a mother and child were killed (Arizona Daily Star 1964). She observed a “black funnel cloud” then observed the “commotion” that followed the event, such as people and emergency vehicles trying to reach the damaged houses (San Xavier community member, personal communication, December 14, 2012). Following her story she reflected on the importance of severe weather safety, noting the community was caught off-guard, and although these events are rare they can happen (San Xavier community member, personal communication, December 14, 2012).

THE CURRICULUM AND THE WORKSHOPS

The Curriculum Activities

Curriculum development began with the responses from the pre-assessment surveys serving as a baseline for relevant topics. Some of the topics of highest interest from these surveys included O’odham culturally relevant topics, as well as the topics of thunderstorms, the ocean, weather safety, and the Sun’s energy. The first activity/material developed was a description of the hydrologic cycle in O’odham and

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English (Figures C21 & C22; Appendices I and J). These were developed with the assistance of TON Water Resources, O’odham language instructors, and San Xavier and

San Lucy community advisory board members who were fluent O’odham language speakers, and had experience teaching written O’odham in K-12 schools. In addition to reconciling varying orthographies of the written O’odham language, there are also different dialects of the O’odham language spoken across the Tohono O’odham Nation.

It was recommended by the advisory board members to have a version of the hydrologic cycle with the written O’odham terms representative of the local dialects. Thus far, this project developed two versions of the hydrologic cycle, one in the “Totokwañ” (e.g., eastern Tohono O’odham Nation) dialect (Figure C21; Appendix G) and one in the

“Hu:huhla” (e.g., northwestern Tohono O’odham Nation) dialect (Figure C22: Appendix

H). Keeping in mind that there are other O’odham dialects still spoken on the Tohono

O’odham Nation, such as “Koklolodi” (along the US-Mexico border), “Kohatk”

(northern Tohono O’odham Nation), and “Hia C’eḍ” (on the western part of the Tohono

O’odham Nation and northwestern Sonora, Mexico), there will likely need to be more versions of this material developed.

Other materials and activities for the curriculum were matched with TOCC student intern research projects. These projects included 1) O’odham traditional knowledge of hydrology by D. Andrews, 2) O’odham and Western science knowledge of gulf surges and the summer monsoon by S. Francisco, 3) feasibility of solar energy on the Tohono

O’odham Nation by H. Pio-Martinez, and 4) lightning physics and safety by M. Saraficio.

These projects were also mentioned in the spring 2013 edition of Tribal College Journal

287

(Lee 2013). The TOCC student interns developed demonstrations to “teach” community members about their topics using the hands-on activities they learned from the UCAR-

Spark training, but also with their own personal modifications. Therefore, they made the activities very relevant to weather and climate as experienced by the Tohono O’odham in the Sonoran Desert. These demonstrations included: 1) describing the hydrological cycle in the O’odham language with a water-soils infiltration activity (Figure C23), 2) a discussion of the Salt Run to the ocean and its purpose, 3) a model to demonstrate cloud development and thunderstorms during the monsoon (Figure C24 and C25), 4) a

PowerPoint describing what happens to solar radiation when it passes through the atmosphere, 5) a discussion of O’odham cultural respect for lightning, as well as presenting the National Atmospheric and Oceanic Administration (NOAA) guidelines for lightning safety, and 6) a spark-charge activity (using Styrofoam, wool, and tin) to demonstrate the separation of charges that occur within a cloud contributing to lightning discharges.

The Workshops

The workshops served a purpose of testing the curriculum activities, yet they also served another critical purpose. The workshops were opportunities for the TOCC student interns to take what they had learned from their own projects, and give back to Tohono

O’odham communities through teaching. This is an example of “service learning,” which is a critical component of Indigenous-based education; or in other words “giving back to

288 one’s community the knowledge and the skills that one has learned (Hall 1991; Hampton

1995; MacIvor 1995).

There were five weather workshops offered during the summer of 2012 on the Tohono

O’odham Nation (Table C19). Most of the workshops were two hours long with the exception of a workshop held at Kitt Peak Observatory on June 30, which was a day trip,

8:30AM – 2:30 PM. Recruitment for the workshops occurred via contacting individuals who left their contact information at the weather and climate booths at public events, posting flyers at community centers, and through word-of-mouth by the TOCC student interns and community advisory board members. Workshop attendance was small for some workshops, but larger for others (Table C19).

The first workshop offered was held at the San Xavier Education Building in the San

Xavier District on June 13 (Figure C24). At this workshop a community advisory board member assisted with reading and translating the hydrologic cycle in the “Totokwañ” dialect (Figure C21). At a community’s request, another weather workshop was held in the village of Ali Chukson at the community building on June 21. For this workshop there was high attendance, composed entirely of Tohono O’odham high school students.

Ali Chukson was the village of one of the TOCC student interns, and in the spirit of PAR, this workshop was a way for them to actively give back to their community.

The next workshop was held at the Kitt Peak Observatory, which is in the Schuk Toak

District. This was a day trip that included all of the activities done in the San Xavier and

Ali Chukson workshops, but also included a tour of the Visitor’s Center and the NOAA

COOP weather station as well as a hands-on science experiment on air pressure changes

289 with altitude/elevation (note: this location is 6 800 feet above sea level, approximately 4

300 feet higher in elevation than Sells, Arizona; Figure C26). The next workshop was held at the TOCC Central Campus in Sells on July 31. One highlight of this workshop was the soil infiltration activity following the hydrologic cycle in O’odham description, which was facilitated by the TOCC student interns (Figure C23). The final workshop was held at the San Lucy Education Building in the San Lucy District on August 2

(Figure C23). This was a unique workshop where the audience consisted of elementary school youth accompanied by a parent chaperon and a community advisory board member. For this workshop, all activities were 100% hands-on, using all the demonstrations in weather and climate curriculum portfolio. A San Lucy community advisory board member, assisted with reading and translating the hydrologic cycle in the

“Hu:huhla” dialect, the local O’odham dialect of the community (Figure C22). At the conclusion of the workshop series the TOCC student interns presented their research projects and their internship experience before an audience of TOCC administrators, faculty, students; the TON Water Resources director; and UA Space Grant staff (Figure

C29). This was held at the TOCC Central Campus on Friday, August 17, 2012.

Evaluations

There were eight evaluations completed by those who attended a workshop, and were able to complete an evaluation (i.e., they were members of the participating districts of

San Lucy, San Xavier, Schuk Toak, or Sells, had completed a pre-assessment survey, and

290 were at least 14 years or older). The first section of these evaluations asked participants how well they felt they could:

 Describe more things in weather and climate using O’odham language

 Understand temperature, air pressure, humidity and how these are measured

 Remember some O’odham cultural teachings related to weather and climate

 Describe how the Sun influences the climate

 Remember some steps to stay safe in severe weather

 Understand how wind, clouds, and rain form according to climate science

 Understand how O’odham describe wind, clouds, and rain

 Understand how the oceans affect the weather and climate

 Understand how climate science describes the monsoon

 Understand how O’odham knowledge describes the monsoon

Based on the evaluation responses, the strongest impact of the curriculum was identified via seven of the eight (i.e., 85%) evaluation respondents indicating they

“strongly agreed” they learned more steps to keep their family safe during severe weather and learned how the oceans affect weather and climate (Figure C27). The next strongest were the evenly split responses (i.e., 50% agree and 50% strongly agree), which were for a better understanding of how wind, clouds and rain form according to climate science and understanding how climate science describes the monsoon (Figure C27). The remaining responses indicated the strongest tendency toward “agree” and these were in response to learning more about Tohono O’odham knowledge related to weather and climate. One respondent indicated they “disagreed” that they had learned more about

291

O’odham language and cultural teachings related to weather and climate, and two respondents indicated they disagreed that they had learned more about how O’odham understand and know about wind, clouds, and rain (Figure C27). However, one respondent “strongly agreed” they learned more O’odham language descriptions of weather and climate, and two respondents “strongly agreed” they learned more O’odham cultural teachings related to weather-climate and O’odham knowledge of the monsoon.

Three respondents “strongly agreed” they learned more about how O’odham describe and understand wind, clouds, and rain (Figure C27).

The second section of the evaluations inquired on the participant’s assessment of the appropriateness of the activities of the curriculum done during the workshop. This was an assessment on if:

 Sufficient weather and climate examples were in the curriculum

 O’odham knowledge examples were in the curriculum

 O’odham language examples were in the curriculum

 The activities were appropriate for O’odham college students

 The activities were appropriate for O’odham high school students

 The activities were appropriate for O’odham middle school students

 The activities were appropriate for O’odham elementary school students

 The activities were appropriate for O’odham adult learners

The evaluation responses to these assessments all indicated “agree” or “strongly agree.” The assessment of weather and climate examples and O’odham language examples in the curriculum were both skewed toward “strongly agree,” and the

292 assessment of O’odham knowledge in the curriculum was skewed more towards “agree”

(Figure C28). In terms of appropriateness of curriculum activities, the evaluation responses were all skewed toward “strongly agree” indicating appropriateness for various age groups. However, the target age group of high school and college appears to have been met (Figure C28). The evaluations also had a section for open-ended responses.

Six workshop participants responded to the open-ended section and all left very positive comments (Table C20).

Applying the Curriculum: Teaching Geo 101 at TOCC Fall 2012

After the conclusion of the weather workshop series and the TOCC weather and climate student internship, the knowledge gained and activities developed from this project for the curriculum were applied in Geo 101, which the principal investigator taught at TOCC during the fall 2012. A summary of the course curriculum activities is shown in Appendix L. One of the successes in regard to a more culturally responsive curriculum was the frequent use of O’odham language in describing the weather and climate, which was practiced during almost every class meeting. Each student was given a copy of the O’odham language CD-ROM computer program and the lessons and terms were practiced throughout the semester.

Recalling that O’odham legends and stories were of high interest based on the preassessment survey responses, a class dedicated to O’odham weather-related stories and legends was done the first week of December, and was led by an O’odham historylanguage-culture instructor. Tohono O’odham cultural etiquette maintains that many

293 specific legends, especially those dealing with the creation of natural phenomena (e.g., water, wind, rain, etc.) or discussing animals are to be told during the winter. This is why the activity was held at the end of the semester. Deloria (1999) and Cajete (2000) both note the value of teaching science in Native communities beginning with the tribal creation stories and drawing from the lessons they teach about human relationships with natural environment from Indigenous perspectives.

A final highlight of the Geo 101 fall 2012 class was a high context topic, not yet captured by the pre-assessment surveys but of high interest in the class, which was

“wildfire.” With the invasion of buffelgrass (Pennisetum ciliare) into the Sonoran Desert ecosystem, and increasing human activity in the Baboquivari mountain range, moderatesize wildfires have been occurring with relatively high frequency (i.e., almost every year) in recent years. In addition, a couple Geo 101 students had served as wildland firefighters. Our class was also privileged with a tour of the Remote Automated Weather

Station (RAWS) managed by the Tohono O’odham Nation Fire Management (TON Fire

Management hereafter) as well as a presentation on weather emergency response on the

Tohono O’odham Nation. The TON Fire Management responds to wildfires and other emergencies, such as flash flood-swift water rescues, and human injury from other severe weather events (e.g., microbursts and wind damage).

CONCLUSION

This project aimed to improve an existing TOCC weather and climate class, GEO 101, through the development of a high context and culturally responsive curriculum. It is

294 important to acknowledge the initial foundation of the GEO 101 curriculum developed by

Michael Evans of the UA LTRR in 2005, with contributions from Tohono O’odham tribal members Phillip Miguel, Cathy Garcia, the late Danny Lopez, and the late Francis

Manuel. However, this particular weather and climate curriculum project demonstrated a push forward toward culturally responsive education through emphasizing: 1) the use of

O’odham language descriptions of weather and climate, 2) an honoring of Tohono

O’odham cultural relationship with the local weather and climate, and 3) a grounding of that which is taught about weather and climate in the place of the Sonoran Desert and

Tohono O’odham ancestral domain, including the ocean-Gulf of California.

Furthermore, the involvement and dedication of the co-authors-TOCC student interns helped to strengthen the integrity of the knowledge that Tohono O’odham students bring with them into the classroom and academic settings. The involvement of TON Water

Resources, O’odham history-language-culture instructors, and community advisory board members aided in keeping Tohono O’odham cultural knowledge as a “living”

Indigenous-based knowledge “adapting to modern contexts.” Specifically this was done through validating Tohono O’odham knowledge of weather and climate, such as the ocean’s influence on local climate and relationship with cultural teachings associated with the Salt Run, other ceremonies, or the connection of oral legends to weather events, such as thunderstorms, wind, and rain. Another example of drawing from Tohono

O’odham knowledge was the use of O’odham language to describe “ṣu:dagĭ sikol him am” or the “water cycle,” or to differentiate between weather and climate (e.g., Unit 8,

Lessons 1 and 2 in Acim ac O’odhamkaj ñeñeok: “We’re talking in O’odham.” ).

295

Assistance from the UCAR-Spark program allowed for the connection of a culturally responsive curriculum to Western science-based knowledge of weather and climate processes, such as the physical mechanisms also “supporting” the North American monsoon, and its associated events, such as gulf surges (e.g., warm bodies of water, land surface heating, and mountains for orographic-forced convection).

The North American monsoon is easily the most prominent climate feature in the

Sonoran Desert, but also the most recognized in Tohono O’odham Himdag and epistemology. Modern climate science has studied the physical driving mechanisms behind Sonoran Desert thunderstorm development and the monsoon for just over a century (Adams and Comrie 1997). However, the Tohono O’odham have lived with the monsoon for as long as their oral historical accounts recall, and they have developed both an in depth knowledge and a close relationship with the monsoon. In balancing the validity of Tohono O’odham knowledge and Western science-based knowledge of the monsoon when teaching, word choice can be important. Specifically when discussing the physical properties of the monsoon and teaching Tohono O’odham students, the principal investigator chooses the term “supporting” over “driving” the monsoon as a more culturally responsive approach. This is an approach that asserts that all the physical properties (e.g., heat, air, moisture, and mountains) are indeed real contributors to atmospheric physics and movement of air (i.e., circulation) associated with the monsoon.

To say these are the “only driver” of the monsoon is strongly worded and implies that human ceremonial practice and relationships are absent from the equation, which contrary to Tohono O’odham knowledge and epistemology.

296

The Tohono O’odham relationship with the Sonoran Desert environment and its weather-climate has developed over a millennia and factors into the “monsoon equation.”

Therefore, a truly culturally responsive weather and climate curriculum would be one that supports Western science’s focus on atmospheric “physical processes,” as well as

Tohono O’odham knowledge and epistemology’s focus on “relationships,” as both valid forms of knowledge. Perhaps there are just different “specialties” and “specialists.” To put it simply, a climatologist is going to specialize in physical processes and how they function and they are apt to become more knowledgeable about “the details” of the climate system then the general population. A similar thing can be said for tribal medicine people and medicine/ceremonial societies, for these people specialize in

relationships, and also understand the “details” of natural relationships (including peopleto-environment/climate) more so than the general population. A connection can be made in that both types of specialist (climate scientists and medicine people) are both working toward understanding “energy and balance” and to answer certain questions, such as

“Why do the rains come some years and not others?” Thus, a culturally responsive educational experience for Tohono O’odham students could be one where students conclude, “The more we learn about weather and climate the more we also believe in our traditional teachings.”

Recommendations

In order to develop high context and culturally responsive curriculum, science instructors of Native K-12 and tribal college students must be involved with and

297 participate in the local tribal community. This means making an effort to learn new knowledge (e.g., examples of the local Indigenous knowledge of the community), yet also having the patience to understand that this knowledge is gained and understood over time and has with it responsibilities for the knowledge carriers. The principal investigator for this project took several years of getting to know the community and the students as well as working to develop the curriculum and developing appropriate ways to deliver culturally relevant content in science classes. Regular involvement in the community mitigates some of the cultural disconnect that can develop under circumstances of living apart from the community where one teaches. Many science instructors commute to-and-from the reservations, schools, or the tribal colleges where they teach. Building relationships with the community also enables relationships to be built with community members, including elders, formally-trained tribal scientists (e.g., water/natural resources, wildlife biologists, and other specialists), and those knowledgeable in the tribal language, all whom can provide valuable insight and feedback on connecting Indigenous and Western-based knowledge in modern education.

In order to support high context and culturally responsive curriculum, more materials, such as textbooks, computer software, and other technologies need to be developed. As was demonstrated in this project, a curriculum can be developed; however, culturally responsive resources and materials to support the curriculum are quite disparate. For example, this project continued supplement a wide array of culturally relevant materials with a standard atmospheric science textbook (e.g., Aguado and Burt 2012). An alternative to this could be a single or a consolidated subset of materials or electronic

298 programs with examples of culturally relevant information, tribal language material, and

Western scientific concepts. The ANKN has progressed quite well in this direction with the publication of many culturally responsive texts such as Village Math by A. Dick

(2012) and Alutiiq Plantlore: An Ethnobotany of the Peoples of Nanwalek and Port

Graham, Kenai Peninsula, Alaska by P. Russell (2011) as well as and course materials available for educators of Alaska Native students.

Lastly, although a high context and culturally responsive curriculum could be developed it is important to keep some aspects of culturally responsive education experiential, not necessarily from a textbook or a formalized curriculum, but as Cajete

(2000) mentions learning “through participation in the natural world.” Students must remember to keep looking at the world around them and paying attention to natural events. In fact, one of the lessons the TON Fire Management emphasized was using one’s own senses when dealing with the weather, especially because technology can fail

“forcing people to temporarily go back to the basics” (Personal communication,

November 19, 2012). It is useful for student to understand and be able to access developing climate informational technology, including seasonal forecasts of the North

American monsoon. However, it is equally important for students to learn and know where they can find and manage water on their own lands, using Indigenous and local knowledge, and to live and adapt to a variable and changing climate.

Remaining Challenges

299

Two primary challenges on the development and application of culturally responsive curriculum in atmospheric science or any natural science are 1) limited financial support for culturally responsive curriculum development and 2) the lack of Native science instructors, especially tribal members of the same tribe/community where the students are taught. Federal financial support (e.g., grants) for curriculum development and science education for Native students tend to emphasize the student learning of national scientific literacy standards, and the support of a pipeline for students toward higher education and employment opportunities away from their communities. Granted that the U.S. has a federal trust obligation to support education for American Indian tribes and Native students, the support has always historically been grounded in American educational standards developed from cultural frames-of-reference beyond those of Indigenous communities. Federal, academic, or private support for culturally responsive education also tends to produce projects/efforts of relatively short duration (i.e., 1-3 years) with activities largely outside of formal education (e.g., after-school activities, workshops, or summer camps). Ultimately, tribes/communities must garner their own resources to develop more “continuous” science education that is grounded in their own values, epistemology, and standards.

The lack of Native science instructors presents another limitation to the development and application of culturally responsive curriculum, and this is apparent in both K-12 schools and the tribal colleges. As previously implied, non-Native/non-tribal member instructors of students who are involved with the local community have the potential to greatly contribute to culturally responsive education. However, Native/tribal/community

300 member instructors who have lived the culture (i.e., come from the local Indigenous cultural frame-of-reference) are most able to deliver culturally responsive education in its essence and maintaining it in an appropriate, yet ever evolving context. Therefore, increasing the number of Native graduates in a scientific field, especially in atmosphericgeosciences, who are fortunate enough to have received culturally responsive science education (i.e., have been supported to develop as culturally healthy individuals), will demonstrate the greatest hope for the future of science education in Native communities.

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GEO 101: Spring 2005

Tohono O’odham Culturally Relevant Curriculum Activities

Topic

Date/Activity

Guest Speaker

& Topic

Danny Lopez:

“The O’odham two village system”

Supplemental

Readings

Assessment

Links between

O'odham culture and regional physical geography:

Saturday, Jan. 15

Fieldtrip: Comobabi

Village and Kitt Peak

Tohono

O’odham ways of knowing:

How do we know what we know?

Summer weather & the Rain

Ceremony

Saturday, Jan. 22

In class speaker: Listen to story of wind and rain. Discuss how

Tohono O’odham know and relate to the weather

Phillip Miguel :

“A Tohono

O’odham story of

Wind and Rain”

*Video recorded*

Assignment:

Written summary of story as told by guest speaker and how it relates to local weather and climate (also describe how the characters in the story:

Bear, Coyote, Buzzard, and the Hummingbird use “science” to find wind and Rain.)

Sunday, Feb. 27

In class speaker: Listen

Danny Lopez:

“The Rain to a presentation on the

Rain Ceremony held in

Big Fields on the

Tohono O’odham

Nation.

Ceremony”

*Video recorded*

NOAA-Report on the North

American

Monsoon

Assignment:

Written summary of the

Rain Ceremony as told by guest speaker and how it relates to the

North American

Monsoon

Seasons in the Sonoran

Desert

Sat., Mar. 12

In class speaker: Listen

Francis Manuel:

Ingram (2000)

“Medicinal from Natural to a presentation on medicinal plants found in the Sonoran Desert and during which season they grow

Plants”

*Video recorded*

History of the

Sonoran Desert

Assignment:

Written summary of medicinal plants as told by guest speaker and how it relates to seasons in the Sonoran Desert

O’odham agriculture in

Sat., Mar. 19

Fieldtrip: Schuk Toak

Phillip Miguel:

“O’odham

Selections from

Nabhan (1982)

Assignment:

Written summary of

310

the past and present

Village, Listen to a presentation on winter and summer farming on the Tohono O’odham

Nation

Agriculture”

*Video recorded*

The Desert

Smells Like Rain

(1982) and

Nabhan (1985)

Gathering the

Desert

O’odham agriculture as told by Phillip Miguel.

How do winter and summer climate determine, which crops can be grown.

O’odham knowledge of past climates:

Tree-rings and

O’odham

Calendar

Sticks

Sat., Apr. 23

Fieldtrip: The

University of Arizona

Laboratory of Tree-ring

Reseach, Listen to a presentation on winter and summer farming on the Tohono O’odham

Nation

Cathy Garcia

“O’odham

Calendar Sticks”

*Video recorded*

Selections from

Russell, The

Pima Indians

(1908)

Assignment:

Written summary on

O’odham calendar sticks and what they can tell us about O’odham observations of past weather and climate events.

Table C1. “Culturally relevant” topics and curriculum activities included in the orginal

GEO curriculum in 2005.

311

Data from Pablo (2011) Fighting Unemployment on the Tohono O’odham Nation

United States Tohono O'odham Nation

Unemployment rate

(2010)

9.6% 35.5%

Table C2. Unemployment in the United States and the Tohono O’odham Reservation from Pablo (2011).

Data from Public School Review (2013)

Arizona Tohono O'odham Nation

Median Household

Income (2012)

$42,682 $18,048

Table C3. Median household income for Arizona and on the Tohono O’odham

Reservation. The data for median household income were obtained from Public School

Review.

312

2007-2011 American Community Survey 5-year estimates

United States Arizona

Tohono O'odham Reservation,

AZ; Tohono O'odham

Reservation and Off-Reservation Trust

Land, AZ

Percent high school graduate, GED or higher

Percent high school graduate, GED or higher and some college

Percent associate’s degree or higher

Percent bachelor’s degree or higher

85.4%

56.8%

35.8%

28.2%

85.2%

60.5%

34.5%

26.4%

67.8% (margin of error +/-4.9%)

28.6% (margin of error N/A)

8.3% (margin of error N/A)

5.6% (margin of error +/-2.2%)

Table C4. Educational attainment by percent for population age 25 and older for the US,

Arizona, and on the Tohono O’odham Reservation (note: this excludes tribal members not living on the reservation). The margin of error for the US and AZ for each category is negligible (<0.3) and therefore not listed. The data are courtesy of the United States

Census Bureau.

Subject Matter Author (year)

Tohono

O’odham language

Zepeda, Ofelia

(1983)

GEO 101: Reference Guide

Books & Writings

Title (topic: pages)

A Tohono O’odham Grammar

(O’odham language description of weather conditions : 45, 50 & 110)

Location

TOCC Library: Call#

Call # PM2123 .Z28

Tohono

O’odham history

Chana, Leonard et al. (2009)

The Sweet Smell of Home (I’itoi,

O’odham epistemology, natural

TOCC Library: Call#

N6537.C462 A2

313

and culture

world & rain ceremonies: 21-35)

Erickson, Winston

(1994)

Sharing the Desert: The Tohono

O’odham in History (drought: 55,

94, 102, 107, 120-122, 139-140; floods: 3, 96, 123; rainmaking/vi:gida ceremony: 128-129,

147.

TOCC Library: Call#

E99.P25 E75

Fontana, Bernard

(1989)

Of Earth and Little Rain (Sonoran

Desert climate: 12-13; Wi:gita ceremony: 99-102)

TOCC Library: Call#

E99.P25 F66

McCarthy, James

(1985)

A Papago Traveler (Sonoran Desert climate: 12-13; rain ceremony: 109-

110)

TOCC Library: Call#

PS501 .S85 v. 13

Moreillon, Judi

(1997)

Sing Down the Rain (rain ceremony, summer monsoon, & O’odham farming)

TOCC Library: Call#

PZ8.3O7745 S564

Nabhan, Gary P

(1982)

The Desert Smells Like Rain: A

Naturalist in O’odham Country (the summer monsoon: 3-9; rain ceremony: 25-38; monsoon breaks

& summer drought: 41-48)

TOCC Library:Call#

PZ8.3O7745 S564

Sheridan, Thomas E.

& Parezo, Nancy J.

(1996)

Paths of Life: American Indians of the Southwest and Northern Mexico

(O’odham relationship with desert land-climate:115-126; legend of wind and rain: 118-119; rain ceremonies: 119-120; summer rains

& desert farming: 120-126; wi:gita ceremony: 124-125; water rights struggles: 126-133)

TOCC Library:Call#

E78.S7 P38

Tohono O’odham

Community Action

(2010)

From I’toi’s Garden: Tohono

O’odham Food Traditions (saguaro fruit harvesting, the new year & the rain ceremony: 104-128; summer

Available for purchase at Desert Rain Café in

Sells, Arizona.

314

O’odham literature & poetry

Arizona-

Sonoran Desert

Weather

Climate

Zepeda, Ofelia

(1982)

Zepeda, Ofelia

(1995)

Durrenberger,

Robert (1979)

Keen, Richard

(2004) monsoon & flood water farming:

355-357)

Mat Hekid o Ju: When it Rains

(rain: 7, 74-75; the sun: 14-15;

August, rain & wind: 40-41; sky & atmosphere: 44-45: wind: 47-48; the moon & rain: 58-59;)

TOCC Library:Call#

PM2174.A2 W43

Ocean Power: Poems from the

Desert (O’odham relationship with the weather and climate:1-5; saguaro fruit harvesting and the rain: 9-13; rain song: 14; cloud song: 15; wind:

17-19; the 1993 El Nino floods: 21-

25; clouds: 26; morning air: 65; ocean 83-84)

TOCC Library:Call#

PS3576.E64 O25

Arizona & Southwest Climate

(Climate)

TOCC Library: Call#

TJ810 D85

Skywatch West: The Complete

Weather Guide (Weather & climate in high context with human populations living in the western & southwestern U.S.)

Available for purchase online

Philips, Steven J. &

Comus, Patricia W.

(2000)

A Natural History of the Sonoran

Desert (climate & natural events:

19-28; the summer monsoon & desert storms: 41-50; desertatmospheric optical illusions: 51-59; paleoclimate: 61-69)

TOCC Library: Call#

QH104.5.S58 N38

Robinett, Dan (1992) Drought & Recovery in the Sonoran

Desert (Drought)

TOCC Library:Call#

SF85.35A6 R63

NOAA (2013) The North American Monsoon

(Online PDF)

National Weather

Service Forecast Office-

Tucson: Available online:

315 http://www.wrh.noaa.go

v/twc/monsoon/monsoo n_info.php

Subject

Matter

Tohono

O’odham pilgrimage from the

Ocean to

Reservation

Author (year)

Arizona Illustrated

(2000)

Video & Media

Title (topic: length) Location

From the Ocean to the Desert (An

O’odham 2-week pilgrimage walking from the Gulf of California to the Arizona Desert Museum near

Tucson. Deals with O’odham worldview and the ocean: 30 min.)

TOCC Library: Special

Collections

O’odham

Calendar

Sticks

Rain

Ceremonies

Medicinal plants & the seasons they

are found

Tohono

O’odham legends, weather &

climate

Tohono

O’odham farming, weather &

climate

Treerings &

Climate

Garcia, Catherine

(2005)

Lopez, Danny (2005)

(deceased as of fall

2008)

Ju:jkida (The Rain Calling

Ceremony: 60 min.)

Manuel, Francis (2005)

(deceased as of fall

2008)

Calendar Sticks (The Si:l Nakyia

Calendar Stick: 60 min.)

Medicinal plants (Medicinal plants:

60 min.)

Miguel, Phillip (2005) The Story of Wind and Rain

(O’odham legends, weather & climate: 60 min.)

Miguel, Phillip (2005) O’odham agriculture (O’odham agriculture, weather & climate: 60 min.)

Morino, Kyomi (2005) Tree rings (Tree rings & past climate: 60 min.)

TOCC Library: Special

Collections

TOCC Library: Special

Collections

TOCC Library: Special

Collections

TOCC Library: Special

Collections

TOCC Library: Special

Collections

TOCC Library: Special

Collections

Seasons,

Villegas, Selso; Jefford The Desert Speaks: The Living

316

farming & water in the

Sonoron

Desert as told by Tohono

O’odham

Francisco; Regina

Siquieros (2004)

Wildland fires

in Arizona

Zeig, Sande (2011)

Traditions of the Tohono O’odham

(Seasons, farming & water in the

Sonoron Desert as told by Tohono

O’odham: 30 min.)

Apache 8 (White Mountain Apache woman’s wildland fire crew, tell their stories: 60 min.)

TOCC Library: Special

Collections

Subject

Matter

Tohono

O’odham language

Author (year)

CDROM Media

Title (topic: pages) Location

Thomas, Dena &

Tohono O’odham

Nation Department of

Education (1999)

Acim ac O’odhamkaj ñeñeok:

“We’re talking in O’odham”

(O’odham weather and climate language lessons: Unit 8, Lessons 1

& 2)

TOCC Library &

Student Success Center

Table C5. Reference list for supplemental materials for Geo 101 and the weather and climate curriculum.

Weather and Climate Terms & O’odham Language Orthography

English Term

O’odham

Phonetic Sound

[chew-wak]

O’odham Term

(Saxton and Saxton) chewagi

O’odham Term

(Alvarez & Hale) cewagĭ cloud wind

[hew-wr] hewel hewel rain sun

[juuk]

[tah-sh] juhki

Tash ju:kĭ taṣ water

[shoo-thah-k] shuhdagi ṣu:dagĭ

Table C6. Spelling variation of basic weather terms in the Saxton-Saxton and Alvarez-

Hale orthographies.

O’odham Language description of months & seasons

O’odham month

(Alvarez & Hale Orth.)

Ha:ṣañ Ba:k Maṣad

Jukiabig Maṣad

Ṣopol Eṣabig Maṣad

Waṣai Gakidag Maṣad

Al’ Ju:pig Maṣad

S-ke:g S-he:pijig Maṣad

Ge’e S-he:pijig Maṣad

Gakimdag Maṣad

U:walig Maṣad

English meaning

Saguaro Fruit Ripening Month

Rainy Month

Short-planting Month

Grass Drying Month

Small Rains Month

Pleasant Cold Month

Big/Very Cold Month

Thining (of Animals) Month

Ce:dagĭ Maṣad

Uam Maṣad

Scent/Odor (and Deer Mating)

Month

Green (Grass) Month

Yellow (Trees) Month

U’us Wihogdag Maṣad Mesquite Bean (Growing) Month

Table C7. Months of the O’odham calendar.

English month

June

July

August

September

October

November

December

January

February

March

April

May

317

318

Occupation

Stay at home parent/family member

Retired

Number of

Respondents

11

Occupation

Medical/Healthcare

Number of

Respondents

5

Occupation

Maintenance,

Trades, or Utilities

Food Service

Number of

Respondents

5

2 Clerical 8 2

Education

(I'm a student)

Education

(I'm a teacher)

Subject

1

Writing

10

4

Social work

1

Computer

Class

Librarian

1

Black History

2

3

1

Spanish

Rancher

Tribal or Local

Government

3

Home

Economics

2

5

Table C8. List of written in occupations and number of survey respondents for each occupation. Note that the numbers add up to 59 responses total, so some respondents listed more than one occupation.

Subject

Public

Speaking

Sewing and

Crafts

Photography Early Childhood

Education

Business Typing

Score

1

Score

2 1 1 1 1

Table C9. Certain subjects a respondent enjoyed my not have been listed on the survey.

Therefore a space was provided on the survey for respondents to also write in subjects they enjoyed. The table above shows the write-in subjects, and the score or number of respondents that wrote these subjects in. For example, “business” was written in on 3 surveys, therefore receiving a score of three.

319

Comments on school subjects

1. "We did not have have Native history, Tohono O'odham history, or Tohono O'odham studies as subjects in school in the past."

2. "I did not have Tohono O'odham history and culture classes, but would have liked to take the subject."

3. "I did not have Native American studies and history, Tohono O'odham history and culture,

Tohono O'odham language when going to school, but wish we did so I can learn more about my heritage and American Indians.

4. "Science was fascinating, we studied the respiratory system and used cows' lungs to see how they worked."

Table C10. Similar to Table C9, but with more specific comments written in by 4 survey respondents about certain school subjects.

Photography Business

Subject

Typing Computer

Class

Score

1

Writing

1 1

Subject

2

Black History

Score

1 1

Table C11. Same as Table C9, but for adults (age ~ 30-49).

320

Comments on school subjects

1. "I did not have Tohono O'odham history and culture classes, but would have liked to take the subject."

2. "Science was fascinating, we studied the respiratory system and used cows' lungs to see how they worked."

3. "I did not have Native American studies and history, Tohono O'odham history and culture,

Tohono O'odham language when going to school, but wish we did so I can learn more about my heritage and American Indians.

Table C12. Same as Table C10, but for adults (age ~ 30-49).

Subject

Public

Speaking

Sewing &

Crafts

Business

Score

Subject

Score

1

Writing

1

1

Spanish

1

1

Home

Economics

1

Table C13. Same as Table C9, but for adults and elders (age > 50).

Comments on school subjects

1. "We did not have Native history, Tohono O'odham history, or Tohono O'odham studies as subjects in the past."

Table C14. Same as Table C10, but for adults and elders (age > 50).

321

Comments on Observing Weather

1. "By looking at the sky and its color, texture, and the mist, or feeling the wind blowing, smells, seeing darkness, or hearing sounds, or looking at how high the clouds are."

2. "By looking at Doppler Radar on the Internet."

3. "By looking at the Moon".

Table C15. A space was provided on the survey for respondents to also write in the methods and places they observe weather. Three respondents listed other methods of observing weather and these are listed above.

Comments on Observing Weather

1. "By looking at the sky and its color, texture, and the mist, or feeling the wind blowing, smells, seeing darkness, or hearing sounds, or looking at how high the clouds are."

Table C16. Same as Table C15, but for adults.

Comments on Observing Weather

1. "By looking at the sky and its color, texture, and the mist, or feeling the wind blowing, smells, seeing darkness, or hearing sounds, or looking at how high the clouds are."

2. "By looking at Doppler Radar on the Internet."

322

Youth & Young Adults: Comments on interests relating to weather and climate

1. "My main focus is 'global warming.' How is it today and how will it be in the future?"

Adults: Comments on interests relating to weather and climate

1. "How do clouds move around the world? How is rain made? Lightning, is it real light? Where does lightning come from? How do we get dust storms? How do clouds form?"

2. "I'm interested in the different types of clouds."

3. "How did the weather and climate affect O'odham farming in the past?"

4. "What are the winter and summer solstice?"

5. "Why doesn't it rain like it used to and why are there certain insects and animals I do not see anymore?"

6. "Weather and the (human) body, rain calling traditions, and how do the Tohono

O'odham how to move from summer to winter camps?"

7. "I am concerned with the change that is occurring now, as compared to 20 or 40 years back. The weather to me has changed a lot. I am more concerned with the rainy season and how it relates to farming and cattle driving."

Table C18. A space was provided on the survey for respondents to also write in specific interests they had relating to weather climate. This was optional. The responses are listed by those provided by youth and young adults (1 response), adults (7 responses), and adults and elders (next page) (9 responses).

323

Adults & Elders: Comments on interests relating to weather and climate

1. "I think it is important to include the following: a) geography of the Earth and how it determines the climate in different countries, b) movement and location of the Sun in different seasons, and c) the issue of global warming and reduction of the ozone layer and what may be some solutions to this dilemma."

2. "Learning how to keep records (of temperatures, rain, and other data) to compare to last year and years before."

3. "Only the rain"

4. "Is global warming caused by man?"

5. "We do certain live (power) line work on days when the weather is the driest.

Working on energized lines and knowing about the weather is very important to us."

6. "How about fog and cold weather?"

7. "What about plans during flooding and other weather events such as microbursts?

All communities should have a plan on what to do when this happens."

8. "The severity of a storm coming. What makes it rain a little or a lot?"

9. "Lightning strikes"

Table C18. Continued

Date:

Wed. Jun. 13,

2012

Thurs. Jun. 21,

2012

Location

San Xavier Education Building

San Xavier District

Ali Chukson Community Building

Baboquivari District

Audience

5 adults

1 middle school youth

12 high school youth

Sat. Jun. 30, 2012

Tues. Jul. 31, 2012

Thurs. Aug. 2,

2012

Kitt Peak Observatory

Schuk Toak District

TOCC Central Campus

Sells District

San Lucy Education Building

San Lucy District

3 adults

9 adults

1 high school youth

2 adults

1 high school youth

10 elementary school youth

Table C19. Dates, location and audience for climate science educational workshops.

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325

Additional comments and thoughts regarding the workshops

1. "I didn't realize that the lightning went down like a streamer with the positive and negative (charges). The workshop was awesome! It has been coordinated and really professional in the sharing of their (student interns) knowledge."

2. "Please give my encouragement to your student interns who showed experiments.

They were so knowledgeable and clear with their presentations. I was very impressed with their 'professional' attitudes. They were like experts and very open in asking me to participate with the experiments. I think future demonstrations and presentations would help our staff learn more about weather and these science classes. Also future students will increase their learning with these 'hands-on' experiments."

3. "Everything well done! Keep it up!"

4. "I enjoyed the presentations about how the weather plays a really big part. I had fun observing the activities and also participating. I learned a lot during these workshops and I found it interesting. I wasn't really too wild about weather until I had learned more about weather by taking these workshops."

5. "The workshop was very interesting. I really enjoyed it, especially the 'hands-on activities.' It helped me to understand more about the weather and climate."

6. "I really enjoyed the workshop. The hands-on activities really helped me develop a sense of how weather and climate work. The learning experience for me was fun and worth attending. Thank you for all the hard work you do."

Table C20. A space was provided on the workshop evaluation survey for respondents to also write in any other thoughts they wished to share regarding their experience during the workshop. Six participants wrote additional thoughts about the workshop and these are written above.

326

Figure C1. Map of southern-central Arizona, the Tohono O’odham Nation and its districts. The districts of San Lucy, San Xavier, Schuk Toak, and Sells included in this project are underlined on the map. The orange triangles mark the location of NOAA

COOP weather stations with long-term, high quality climate data in relative close proximity to the districts included in this project. Figure by C. Kahn-Thornbrugh.

Figure C2. (Left) TOCC West Campus and (right) TOCC Central Campus. Photos courtesy of TOCC 2012.

327

13 %

12 %

75 %

40 %

53 %

6 %

67 %

(12)

28 %

(5)

6 %

(1)

78 %

(7)

11 %

(1) 11 %

(1)

Figure C3. Demographic profile of TOCC students, personnel, and faculty for the 2011 fall semester. Data from the TOCC Annual Report 2011. Available: http://www.tocc.edu/AnRept%202011%20Final%205%2002%202012.pdf

328

Figure C4. Top left: Weather and Climate Project Principal Investigator (PI), Casey

Kahn-Thornbrugh and Tohono O’odham Community College Weather and Climate student intern, Hilario “Eli” Pio-Martinez at the Weather and Climate table at the 2012

Tohono O’odham Nation Rodeo and Fair, Saturday, February 4, 2012. Photo credit: C.

Kahn-Thornbrugh. Top right: PI, Casey Kahn-Thornbrugh and Tohono O’odham

Community College Weather and Climate student intern, Duran Andrews with 2nd Place

Table Exhibit Award for the 2012 Tohono O’odham Nation Rodeo and Fair, Sunday,

February 4, 2012. Photo credit: C. Kahn-Thornbrugh.

329

Figure C5. Top left: TOCC student interns and I at NCAR. Photo by C. Kahn-

Thornbrugh. Top right: Duran Andrews and Matthew Saraficio learning a thermal expansion and contraction demonstration using two plastic trays, one with hot water and one with cold water, a plastic bottle, and soapy water. Photo by C. Kahn-Thornbrugh.

N = 47

(a) (b)

Figure C6. Demographic information for the 47 survey respondents showing the percent of participants by (a) age range (youth <18, young adults 18-29, adults 30-49, adults and elders 50<) on and (b) gender.

Figure C7. Same as Figure C5, but showing percent by occupation.

330

331

(a)

N = 47

(b)

(c)

Figure C8. Survey respondents access to information and media from home such as, (a) having a television at home, (b) type of television or cable service, and (c) Internet access at home.

332

Figure C9. Scoring of survey responses indicating favorite school subjects for respondents currently in school or college (present), or those not currently in school, but reflecting on subjects they enjoyed most in the past. Respondents could check as many subjects as they felt they enjoyed. The highest scores show the subjects marked most often. The mean score is 14.07 with a standard deviation of 5.175. Dark red bars indicate scoring beyond one standard deviation above the mean (>19.245), orange indicates values within the standard deviation (8.895-19.245), and blue indicates scoring beyond one standard deviation below the mean (<8.895).

333

Figure C10. Same as Figure C9, but for youth (age ~ 14-17) and young adults (age ~ 18-

29). The subjects of geography and wood/auto shop were never checked therefore, they are left out of the statistical analysis. However, “early childhood education” was written in by a respondent, so it is considered in the statistical analysis (e.g. replaces wood/auto shop in the graph) with a score of 1. The mean score is 3.5 and the standard deviation

1.912. Dark red bars indicate scoring beyond one standard deviation above the mean

(>5.41), orange indicates values within the standard deviation (1.59-5.41), and blue indicates scoring beyond one standard deviation below the mean (<1.59). Of the 11 respondents, 2 are male and 9 are female.

334

Figure C11. Same as Figure 9, but for adults (age ~ 30-49). The subjects of business was written in twice and considered for the statistical analysis. The mean score is 5.125 and the standard deviation 2.276. Dark red bars indicate scoring beyond one standard deviation above the mean (>7.4), orange indicates values within the standard deviation

(2.8-7.4), and blue indicates scoring beyond one standard deviation below the mean

(<2.8). Of the 17 respondents, 4 are male and 13 are female.

335

Figure C12. Same as Figure C9, but for adults and elders (age > 50). The subjects of business was written in twice and considered for the statistical analysis. The mean score is 5.73 and the standard deviation 2.6. Dark red bars indicate scoring beyond one standard deviation above the mean (>8.33), orange indicates values within the standard deviation (3.13-8.33), and blue indicates scoring beyond one standard deviation below the mean (<3.13). Of the 19 respondents, 4 are male and 15 are female.

336

Figure C13. Scoring of survey responses indicating the methods and places of observing weather. Respondents could check “never” (0 points), “rarely” (1 point), “sometimes” (2 points), or “often” (3 points). The highest scores show the most frequent methods and places of weather observation. The mean score is 76.6 with a standard deviation of

27.95. Dark red bars indicate scoring beyond one standard deviation above the mean

(>104.5), orange indicates values within the standard deviation (48.6-104.5), and blue indicates scoring beyond one standard deviation below the mean (<48.6). Note: the

“Internet” category also includes obtaining weather information from “smart phones” that have access to the Internet.

337

Figure C14. Same as Figure C13, but for youth and young adults. The mean score is

14.5 with a standard deviation of 5.64. Dark red bars indicate scoring beyond one standard deviation above the mean (>20.14), orange indicates values within the standard deviation (8.86-20.14), and blue indicates scoring beyond one standard deviation below the mean (<8.86).

338

Figure C15. Same as Figure C13, but for adults. The mean score is 30 with a standard deviation of 9.63. Dark red bars indicate scoring beyond one standard deviation above the mean (>39.63), orange indicates values within the standard deviation (20.37-39.63), and blue indicates scoring beyond one standard deviation below the mean (<20.37).

339

Figure C16. Same as Figure C13, but for adults and elders. The mean score is 32.1 with a standard deviation of 13.56. Dark red bars indicate scoring beyond one standard deviation above the mean (>45.66), orange indicates values within the standard deviation

(18.54-45.66), and blue indicates scoring beyond one standard deviation below the mean

(<18.54).

340

Figure C17. Scoring of survey responses indicating interests in topics related to weather and climate. Respondents could check “absolutely not interested” (1 point), “not really interested” (2 points), “a little interested” (3 points), “interested” (4 points) or “really interested” (5 points). The highest scores show the topics with the highest level of interest. The mean score is 199.1 with a standard deviation of 10.85. Dark red bars indicate scoring beyond one standard deviation above the mean (>209.95), orange indicates values within the standard deviation (188.25-209.95), and blue indicates scoring beyond one standard deviation below the mean (<188.25).

Figure C17. Continued

341

342

Figure C17. Continued

343

Figure C18. Same as Figure C17, but for youth and young adults. The mean score is

42.52 with a standard deviation of 4.33. Dark red bars indicate scoring beyond one standard deviation above the mean (>46.85), orange indicates values within the standard deviation (38.19-46.85), and blue indicates scoring beyond one standard deviation below the mean (<38.19).

Figure C18. Continued

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345

Figure C18. Continued

346

Figure C19. Same as Figure C17, but for adults. The mean score is 77.48 with a standard deviation of 4.5. Dark red bars indicate scoring beyond one standard deviation above the mean (>81.98), orange indicates values within the standard deviation (72.98-

81.98), and blue indicates scoring beyond one standard deviation below the mean

(<72.98).

Figure C19. Continued

347

Figure C19. Continued

348

349

Figure C20. Same as Figure C17, but for adults and elders. The mean score is 79.2 with a standard deviation of 3.36. Dark red bars indicate scoring beyond one standard deviation above the mean (>82.56), orange indicates values within the standard deviation

(75.84-82.56), and blue indicates scoring beyond one standard deviation below the mean

(<75.84).

350

Figure C20. Continued

Figure C20. Continued

351

352

Figure C21. Hydrologic (water) cycle in O’odham (eastern “Totokwañ” dialect). This was a hand out used in the weather and climate workshops in the San Xavier, Schuk

Toak, and Sells districts. The O’odham terms have been superimposed on an Arizona

Hydrological Cycle drawn by C. Kahn-Thornbrugh. The O’odham labels were written by

C. Kahn-Thornbrugh with assistance from San Xavier community advisory board member, Felicia Nuñez; TOCC O’odham language instructor, Phillip Miguel; and

University of Arizona O’odham language instructor, Ofelia Zepeda.

353

Figure C22. Same as Figure C22, but for the western “Hu:huhla” dialect. This was a hand out used in the weather and climate workshops in the San Lucy District. The primary difference is that the “Ws” become “Vs.” The O’odham terms were written by C.

Kahn-Thornbrugh with assistance from San Lucy community advisory board member,

Jana Montana.

354

Figure C23. (Left) Weather and climate educational workshop held at TOCC Central

Campus within the Sells District. The TOCC student interns are leading a demonstration on water infiltration for different soil types collected from the Sonoran Desert. The observation-question is “When it rains in the desert, why does the water collect or “pond” in certain areas.” A second question was “What happens to water that flows down washes when it rains?” (Left) Weather and climate educational workshop held at the San

Lucy Education Center within the San Lucy District. TOCC student interns Matthew

Saraficio and Hilario Pio-Martinez, demonstrate how to make a cloud in a plastic soda bottle. They do this by using a bike pump to pump air into a bottle that has rubbing alcohol (i.e. rubbing alcohol evaporates and condenses more efficiently than water, but this experiment can also be done with matches (i.e. to create smoke and condensation nuclei) and water) then rapidly releasing the air from the bottle. The sudden drop in air pressure and cooling temperature creates a cloud.

355

Figure C24. Weather and climate educational workshop San Xavier Education Center,

San Xavier District. TOCC student interns Duran Andrews and Sara Francisco are demonstrating “deep convection” in a model and how it contributes to the development of summer monsoon thunderstorms in the Sonoran Desert. The demonstration uses food coloring and hot water to start the convection (red food coloring). Sara is holding a photo of a cumulonimbus cloud labeled “cewagĭ” the O’odham word for cloud while she describes what is happening. Duran has also just placed and ice cube (blue food coloring) in the model, while represents the “cold cloud tops” and descending hail, rain and cold air that create thunderstorm outflows and sometimes dust storms called “jegos” in O’odham. Photos by C. Kahn-Thornbrugh.

Figure C25. Same as Figure D29, but a close-up of the model. Notice a water cycle figure with O’odham-English labels has been placed behind the model. Photos by C.

Kahn-Thornbrugh.

356

Figure C26. Weather and climate educational workshop held at the Kitt Peak

Observatory on Ioligam Do’ag in the Schuk Toak District. (Left) TOCC student interns, adult community members, and I observe how rain and snow are measured, and how climate records are kept at the NOAA COOP station located at the Observatory. (Right)

TOCC student interns Matthew Saraficio and Duran Andrews demonstrated how air pressure has decreased outside of the sealed glass bottles (i.e. causing the air inside the bottles to apparently expand) as we drove up the mountain, a 3,800 ft. increase in elevation. This activity was also done for the interns and participants to “practice” science: (1) observe something (unusual) happen, (2) ask a question or form a hypothesis,

(3) get information or “data,” (4) see if the information answers the question via another observation or doing an experiment, and (5) obtain new knowledge about what has happened.

357

3

2

1

5

4

7

6

0

Figure C27. Responses from 8 participants whom both took the survey on their interest related to weather/climate and participated in the weather and climate education workshops. Scoring of the evaluation survey responses indicated how much the participants felt they learned about a specific topic during the workshops. Respondents could check “strongly disagree, disagree, agree,” or “strongly agree.” The highest score shows the most frequent response.

5

4

3

7

6

2

1

0

Figure C27. Continued

358

359

Figure C28. Responses from 8 participants whom both took the survey on their interest related to weather/climate and participated in the weather and climate education workshops. Scoring of the evaluation survey responses indicates the participants’ assessment of the appropriateness of the activities during the workshops for O’odham students of various ages. Respondents could check “strongly disagree, disagree, agree,” or “strongly agree.” The highest score shows the most frequent response.

8

7

6

3

2

5

4

1

0

Figure C28. Continued

360

361

Figure C29. The day of final presentations given by the TOCC weather and climate student interns on Friday, August 17 2012 at the TOCC Central Campus in Sells. These presentations were of the interns’ research projects: Duran Andrews- O’odham traditional knowledge of hydrology, Sara Francisco-O’odham and Western science knowledge of

Gulf Surges, Hilario Pio-Martinez- Feasibility of solar energy on the Tohono O’odham

Nation, and Matthew Saraficio- lightning physics and safety and of the weather and climate workshops held during the summer. Back row-standing from left to right: Susan

Brew-Program Manager-University of Arizona NASA Space Grant Consortium, Eli Pio-

Martinez, Sara Francisco, Chandra Collins-Assistant Director-University of Arizona

NASA Space Grant Consortium. Front row-kneeling, left to right: Barron Orr-Associate

Director-University of Arizona NASA Space Grant Consortium, Duran Andrews, Casey

Kahn-Thornbrugh-Principal Investigator, and Matthew Saraficio.

362

APPENDIX D

INDIAN EDUCATION AND SCIENCE: A PERSONAL, HISTORICAL AND

MODERN PERSPECTIVE

Casey C Kahn-Thornbrugh

Paper was prepared to submit to the American Indian Culture and Research Journal

363

INDIAN EDUCATION AND SCIENCE: A PERSONAL, HISTORICAL AND

MODERN PERSPECTIVE

PERSONAL INTRODUCTION

Wunneekeesuq. Nutusooees Casey Kahn-Thornbrugh, nuwtômâs Massachusetts, kah

nu-Wôpanâm. Noohkas usooeesuw Cheryl Green uwtômâs Massippi kah noohsh

usooeesew Curtiss Thornbrugh uwtômâs Garnett. “Good day. I am Casey Kahn-

Thornbrugh, originally from Massachusetts, and I am Wampanoag. My mother is Cheryl

Green from Mashpee, Massachusetts and my father is Curtiss Thornbrugh from Garnett,

Kansas.”

This paper places Indian education in a historical context from the Colonial Period

(i.e., 17 th

century North America) through the present day. Also interwoven for context are some of my personal experiences as a Native student, a Mashpee Wampanoag, and as a member of a family that has worked in Indian education. I also refer to the Tohono

O’odham because of my experience over the past five years teaching at Tohono O’odham

Community College, an American Indian tribal college serving students mainly from the

Tohono O’odham Nation. All American Indian tribes represent unique cultures, languages, and historical experiences; therefore, the experience of one tribe or community does not necessary reflect the exact same socio-cultural issues or historical experiences of others. However, American Indian tribes do share “similar” experiences with reconciling different epistemological points of view with European epistemologies at the time of each tribe’s respective “first contact.” Each tribe within the United States

364 has also had to struggle with maintaining the ability to educate members of their own society in the face of forced historic or subtle contempory policies aimed to assimilate

Indigenous people into mainstream American culture. Despite diverse cultures,

Indigenous people in North American share similar experiences with conquest, colonization, and the struggle to persist as distinct peoples in the national and global community.

The topics discussed in this paper may be more or less trivial information for those well versed in American Indian history, or those who have experienced it first hand.

However, this paper is also intended to provide further context for the other appendices in the dissertation. This context is important because currently there are a growing number of efforts to improve Native K-12 student academic performance in the science technology engineering and math (STEM) fields, and Native student completion of higher education in also in STEM. Many of these efforts are supported with funds from federal agencies (e.g., NASA, USDA) or private philanprothy organizations, who generally understand the importance of “culture” in Indian education; however, the depth of Indigenous struggles in education remains to be fully understood. There are still subtle approaches to science in Indian education with the assumption that Native students need to change to be more like Western scientists instead of approaches that truly honor

Indigenous people, and that offer Western science knowledge to Native students for them to chose how they can incorporate into there own knowledge systems. As recently as one year ago I was at a meeting with Native graduate students in science and their research mentors when one mentor said of his student (who was not in the room at the time), “I am

365 trying to get my student to leave out the ‘Indian’ and be a ‘scientist.’” Case in point, there is still a ways to go for full understanding of Native students and science. Thus, this paper is especially intended for those wishing to better understand the historical context of Indian education as well as the experiences (albeit “diverse experiences”) of

Native students in K-12, higher education, and in science.

As far as my own personal background, I am an enrolled Mashpee Wampanoag tribal member, however, I am also of mixed ethnicity and my family is made up of different cultural heritages. My maternal grandfather, George Green Sr., is an elder from the

Mashpee Wampanoag, which is an American Indian tribe located on Cape Cod,

Massachusetts. My maternal grandmother, Patricia Hicks (maiden name Lovett), is

African American, French Canadian, and Jewish. The families of my paternal grandparents are from Kansas and Oklahoma and are English, Scottish, Dutch, German,

Spanish, and Cherokee.

Today there are two U.S. federally recognized Wampanoag tribes, and these are the

Aquinnah and the Mashpee Wampanoag. However, there are four additional

Wampanoag communities recognized by the state of Massachusetts. Wampanoag or

Wopanâak means “those of the dawn light” or “those from the east,” which is a fitting title because along with the Abenaki, Penobscot, Passamaquoddy, Mi’kmaq, and other

New England-Canadian Maritime tribes, we are the most eastern Algonquin peoples on the North American continent. The Wampanoag originally, were a confederation of over

60 villages spread across southeastern Massachusetts, Cape Cod, and the islands of

Martha’s Vineyard and Nantucket. Our Indigenous society and history go back to our

366 creation stories, or in other words, back to “the origin of the world around our domain as we recall it through our perspective, stories, and legends.” Evidence of our society goes back 13,000 years (C. Green, Mashpee Wampanoag Natural Resources Department, personal communication, November 28, 2009), which in climate or geologic terms is the mid-Holocene, following the last glacial maximum. In fact, we are one of the few

American Indian tribes facing the challenge of protecting cultural areas, which were once on dry land, but are now 10-20 meters below the surface of the Atlantic Ocean. The

Wampanoag are also known as the people who signed a peace treaty with the English colonists or the “Pilgrims” of the “Plimoth Colony” in 1621, which was an event later to be commemorated as “Thanksgiving.” However, 50 years later, after our lands were taken, our ceremonies outlawed, and after witnessing genocide committed against other tribes (e.g., the massacre of ~700 Pequot people in May of 1637), we rebelled against

English oppression in what is known as the “King Philip’s War.

1

Although my mother’s entire family live in or near Mashpee, I grew up away from the community, and lived in other places, such as Seabrook, New Hampshire and

Albuquerque, New Mexico. My experience in elementary though middle school during the late 1980s-early 1990s, was one where I was always the only Native student in the school, hence I got many questions from classmates, such as “Do you speak Indian?” or

1

Although, the surviving colonists of Plimoth generally upheld their end of the treaty during the first few years, scores of additional English colonists and merchants (i.e., the “Massachusetts Bay

Colony”) soon absorbed the colony. Thus, Plimoth Colony’s political power to enforce the treaty and prevent further settler encroachment and intervention in Indigenous affairs was soon lost within one generation. In 1621, 50 English colonists were permanently settled in southeastern

Massachusetts; however, by 1675 there were over 50,000 colonists, and an estimated 10,000

Indigenous people remaining in the area of modern day Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and

Connecticut.

367

“Does your family live in a tipi?” Just to shed some light on the cultural context of the environment; I will say that in New Hampshire, most of my classmates and their families had never met an Indigenous person. They assumed that any surviving “Indians” lived out West, and that the Indians of New England were “extinct,” known only from books written about the “Thanksgiving story” or about the “Colonial Indian Wars.”

Fortunately, this prompted a “teaching opportunity” for my mother. She came to my third grade class with an eight by eight-foot, felt cloth she had cut in the shape of North

America. With it were separate felt pieces in the shapes of Indigenous traditional homes, such as Iroquois and Tlingit longhouses, Algonquin wetus/wigwams, Plains tipis,

Pawnee-Arikira earth lodges, Navajo hogans, Pueblo village complexes, and others. She had the students stick these on the North American felt map in their appropriate cultural regions. She also shared photos of our family “modern Indians” living in “modern houses” and wearing “modern clothes.” The lessons she taught were: 1) Indians are diverse with many tribes, many cultures, and many languages; and 2) Indians are modern and “we are still here, not extinct.”

My mother is an educator and a counselor. She worked with different Native communities across the U.S. coordinating leadership, behavioral health, and educational programs, and working with organizations, such as the National Indian Youth Leadership

Project (e.g., Hall 1991). At the time I was born, she was the assistant director of the

Boston Indian Center, which today is the “North American Indian Center of Boston.”

We eventually moved to Albuquerque, New Mexico where I lived from my middle school through college years. My school interests always revolved around weather,

368 climate, and physical geography, and I believe frequent travel to Native communities in

Arizona, Oklahoma, South Dakota, Montana, or other very diverse physical and cultural landscapes, further kindled my interest in geography. Therefore, I majored in geography both during my undergraduate and master’s degree programs, which led me to study the climate of the U.S. Southwest and the North American monsoon at the University of

Arizona. This is also where I met my wife, Carmella, who is Diné (Navajo) from the northeastern New Mexico area of the Navajo Nation.

At the time of writing this, I have lived for the past eight years in Tucson, Arizona completing my Master’s in Geography and working toward my Ph.D. Over the past five years, I have also taught physical geography and climate-related classes at Tohono

O’odham Community College (TOCC), a tribal college located in Sells, Arizona 60 miles west of Tucson on the Tohono O’odham Nation. Much of my dissertation research and practice have steered toward developing culturally responsive (i.e., drawing local

Indigenous knowledge and languages) climate science curriculum for teaching Tohono

O’odham college students. As a non-Tohono O’odham instructor, I have had to work closely with Tohono O’odham history and language instructors, as well as community members, to appropriately integrate Tohono O’odham knowledge and language examples in class. I chose this research path because in my experience it has become clear to me that teaching science, such as climate in a way that draws from local Indigenous knowledge and language helps Native students recognize that “Indigenous people are also scientists.” Students that recognize scientific knowledge within their own culture,

(albeit with unique practices, values, and epistemological frameworks) are more likely to

369 see the value of science, and to pursue it in higher education. This also benefits the communities where the students come from because there is always a need for Native scientists, knowledgeable in Indigenous and Western scientific concepts.

NATIVE STUDENTS AND SCIENCE EDUCATION

At this point it is necessary to discuss the present circumstances of Native students in the U.S., and their experiences with science education. There have been two prominent issues widely discussed in the literature. First, there is the issue of cultural conflict many students have with Western scientific epistemologies that contrast their own values and belief systems (Kawagley 1995; MacIvor 1995; Nelson-Berber and Estrin 1995;

Aikenhead 1996; Cajete 1999; Pewewardy 2001; Brayboy et al. 2008). Second, there are the frequent reports addressing lower standardized tests scores on scientific and mathematical comprehension by Native students compared to students of other backgrounds (Cajete 1999; Bielenberg 2000; Forbes 2000; Brayboy et al. 2008).

However, Nelson-Berber and Estrin (1995) caution us when addressing the issue of

Native American student academic performance. Although they concur that the standardized tests do not consider the diverse social-cultural backgrounds and experiences of the students (Nelson-Berber and Estrin 1995; Forbes 2000; Stevens 2011), they also note that literature highlighting lower test scores has tended to perpetuate some problematic terms such as “disadvantaged” or “at-risk,” which places the focus of the problem on the students, and not on the learning environment. Demmert and Towner

370

(2003) refer to a section in a report by Havighurst (1970) noting the frequent learning environments of Native students as those with a: lack of Native teachers, lack of a curriculum that supports the language and cultural base of the Native community served, and the presence of federal policies and practices that have caused a loss of dignity and the ability for many students to adjust to the demands of modern society (Demmert and Towner

2003:2).

The documentation of Native student academic performance has also been tied to situations of inadequate science instruction

2

within schools serving Native communities

(Brayboy et al. 2008).

Another reality related to science education is that there are few Native science teachers in both the K-12 schools and in the tribal colleges (James 2001; Shangreaux

2001). In fact, even today most teachers in schools serving Native communities are non-

American Indian (Kawagley 1995; Allen 1997; Cleary and Peacock 1998; Yazzie 1999;

Agbo 2001; Manuelito 2003; Pewewardy and Hammer 2003; Alliance for Excellent

Education 2008; Brayboy et al. 2008; Wright 2010). However, we must consider there are many non-American Indian K-12 teachers and tribal college instructors who do a superb job teaching students through employing dynamic pedagogies, building trust and strong rapport, and integrating locally relevant information (Tippeconnic 1983; Kawagley

1995; Cleary and Peacock 1998; Yazzie 1999; Bergstrom et al. 2003). We must also

2

A reality in many K-12 schools in Native communities is a high teacher turnover rate, and occasionally, science and math classes are placed in the responsibility of the next available teacher who may or may not be qualified or versed in the subject.

371 recognize the capacity of many teachers to “acculturate” to communities, thus remedying their teaching pedagogy to closely follow local-cultural norms (Cleary and Peacock 1998;

Yazzie 1999; Bergstrom et al. 2003). Nevertheless, the issue is that having more Native teachers establishes the potential for science to be taught more often from a similar cultural frame of reference, as that of the students. Today, there continues to be lack

Native scientists and Native science teachers as role models for doing science in ways compatible with Indigenous epistemology and local tribal culture (Dukepoo 2001; John

2001; Pewewardy 2001; Manuelito 2003; Brayboy et al. 2008).

Grounding science curricula within local Indigenous frameworks can be challenging if the teachers who would be applying it were not raised within the local tribal culture or do not speak or understand contextually, the tribal language (Kawagley 1995; Allen 1997;

Agbo 2001; Manuelito 2003). This can even be true for some Native teachers not originally from the tribe/community where they teach, or those who were raised and acculturated outside of the community. It is one thing to learn the basics of an

Indigenous knowledge and language, but it is another thing to understand these and to be able to apply them toward scientific concepts while maintaining their cultural-contextual integrity (Kawagley 2001). In fact, this was especially a challenge for me. Although I am Native, I am not Tohono O’odham and I was very unfamiliar with Tohono O’odham culture, history, and language upon my arrival at TOCC, let alone how to integrate the information in class. However, a “complimenting factor” for me was being a

Wampanoag with a traditional belief-system, and epistemology, which meant I shared a

“similar” cultural frame of reference, which enabled me to “relate” to Tohono O’odham

372 students. In other words, I came from a completely different Indigenous culture, but nevertheless, a culture with a similar spiritual relationship to a place and with the natural world, and a similar historical struggle to maintain language and culture in the face of colonization.

The lack of Native teachers or teachers from any cultural background, who are able to teach science from an Indigenous cultural frame of reference, has had impacts on education from K-12 through post-secondary. There continues to be a national underrepresentation of Native undergraduate and graduate students in science disciplines, especially in environmental and geo/atmospheric sciences at universities (Pandya

2006a&b; Elmore et al. 2010). According to the U.S. Census in 2004, 14% of the

American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN) students earned a bachelor’s degree or higher; however, less than 1% earned this degree in science, engineering, or technology

(NACME 2008). Furthermore, students who do pursue science in higher education face the challenge of finding Native scientists with similar cultural frames of reference (i.e., mentors) that they can work with and learn from. However, Cajete (1999) also notes that some students with strong cultural support at home are able to mitigate this challenge. In other words these are students that have “traditional mentors” at home and “Western science mentors” in school.

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CLASHES BETWEEN INDIGENOUS AND WESTERN EPISTEMOLOGIES

“The encroachment of Western civilization in the Yupiaq world changed a people that did not seek changing.” (Angayuqaq Oscar Kawagley,

Yup’ik elder and educator, 1995:53)

It has been stated many times that the failure of schools to effectively teach Native students is related to the schools’ lack of acknowledgment of the student-community tribal cultures (Hawthorne 1967; Hampton 1995; Kawagley 1995; Peacock and Cleary

1998; Cajete 1999; Agbo 2001; Deloria and Wildcat 2001; Brayboy et al. 2008). Related to this is also the lack of relevance of that which taught in the schools to the lives of the students (MacIvor 1995; Aikenhead 1997; Peacock and Cleary 1998; Cajete 1999;

Deloria and Wildcat 2001; Brayboy et al. 2008; Stevens 2011). This is a major issue that goes back hundreds of years, and is deeply embedded in the historic progression of

Indian education. Thus, it is a painful, but a necessary task to examine Indigenous experiences with Western-based education, and the conflict between these epistemologies.

Indigenous experiences with Western education started at first contact with the clash of different cultural values and epistemologies that came with the arrival of Christopher

Columbus in 1492, but matriculated through eastern North America during the pre-

American colonial period of 1607-1776 (Spicer 1962; Szasz 2007). In the centuries following, the education of Indigenous peoples would be governed by a Euro-centric model, which would reach its peak enforcement during the Indian Boarding School Era

374 of the late 19 th

and early 20 th

century (Spicer 1962; Adams 1995). With few exceptions, any Indigenous control of Indian education would be lacking until the 1970s.

Differing Indigenous and European Perceptions of the Natural World

In 1621, my Wampanoag ancestors made a treaty of peace with the English colonists, of Plimoth Colony (Mann 2006; Avant 2010). This peace treaty was based on survival more so than mutual cultural respect. The Wampanoag needed an ally (e.g., disease had decimated tribal numbers and the ability to defend the territory) and the surviving 50 colonists needed protection from other tribes. In reality the English colonists perceived our culture to be uncivilized, and our Indigenous knowledge, to be laden with superstitious beliefs and practices. However, this did not stop the colonists from utilizing the practical environmental and subsistence Indigenous-based knowledge for their own survival purposes (Simmons 1986; Mann 2006). In regard to “educating” members of their own society, the Wampanoag and the English colonists also had very different ideas about what a person should know in terms of skills, values, and relationship with natural environment. Wampanoag epistemology supported teaching a person how to learn how to live in rhythm with the climate and seasons, and a value of putting one’s community welfare before individual gain (e.g., individual/family wealth of items or food was always re-distributed among the village and personal/organizational “profit” was not a concept;

Simmons 1986). The English colonists were not prepared for the eastern North American climate (e.g., colder winters and hotter summers than Western Europe) and 50 out of 102 colonists perished during the first winter of 1620-1621 (Simmons 1986; Mann 2006).

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This experience reaffirmed an ideology that the natural world could be the worst enemy, and therefore gaining control of the environment could lead to human salvation. Control often meant eliminating that which was perceived a threat. For example, although the

New England weather could not be controlled; other things could be, such as a systematic elimination of gray wolves and the clearing of forests through the 17 th

-19 th

centuries.

Although the colonists denounced scientific secularism (i.e., they still maintained that

God was ultimately in charge of all things), they were keen on applying scientific knowledge (i.e., rational and generalizable) and technology to meet their purposes. To the colonists, North America was a savage wilderness that their scientific knowledge and technology needed to overcome and tame.

The Wampanoag epistemology, developed over thousands of years of being in the area. Although the Wampanoag acknowledged the dangers in the natural world, they held that everything still had its purpose, even bad weather or predatory animals.

Patience and observation enabled the Wampanoag to develop a profound knowledge of local soils, herbs, weather patterns, and land/marine life, and this knowledge actually aided the colonist in surviving subsequent years in the so-called “wilderness” (Mann

2006). Wampanoag epistemology also maintained a connection between that which was physical (i.e., could be observed or measured) and that which was spiritual (i.e., existing, but is not readily observable/quantifiable; Simmons 1986). Hence, there was not a concept of “natural philosophy being at odds with theology,” which had been playing out in Europe during a period of technological change (Lindberg 2007). According to

Indigenous Wampanoag knowledge, “weather” occurred due to physical changes in wind,

376 dampness, and cloudiness. However, the Wampanoag and other Indigenous peoples in the region also held that other forms of energy were factors; more specifically, they affirmed the presence of “spiritual energy.” Therefore, ceremonies were held, acknowledging local spirits, and to “keep the world in balance” (Simmons 1986; Mills and Breen 2001). Interestingly though, the English colonists also held spiritual beliefs and prayed for events like rain, or fair weather, in their own Christian way. The difference was that Indigenous prayers/ceremonies directly acknowledged the water/rain, the ocean, the sun, or other physical feature as spirits (e.g., Kesuckquandannit “Sun

Spirit,” Ohkeannit “Earth Spirit,” Paupangausit “Ocean Spirit,” Wabanannit “Wind

Spirit,” etc.; Mills and Breen 2001). The English regarding these beliefs and ceremonial practices as “polytheistic,” “idolatry,” “sinful,” and akin to “witch craft” (Simmons

1986), hence the outlawing of ceremonies, and corporal punishments for those caught performing them. European colonist could continue their prayers and rituals; however, they would begin to distinguish and compartmentalize such acts as non-scientific practices. In Medieval Europe, acts of prayer frequently addressed events beyond the control of the scientific/technological interventions of the time (e.g., plagues, individual terminal illnesses, droughts,) and this is continues to be true to some extent in modern industrialized societies today (Lindberg 2007).

As the 17 th

century progressed, disease and war took their toll on Indigenous populations along the North American Atlantic seaboard. The English perceived these events as divine intervention on their behalf and some hoped for a complete extinction of

Indigenous populations to make way for their society (Simmons 1986; Mann 2006).

377

Moderate, more compassionate individuals and missionaries, assumed the surviving

Native people needed to be educated in English-Western European ways of knowing if they were going to survive (Szasz 2007). This set the stage for the next 200 years of

Indian education and the varying European-American attitudes toward Indigenous populations over time. On one extreme there was the attitude which hoped for a full on extinction of Indigenous populations, so that the “Indian problem” as it was so-called would simply go away. On the other extreme was the idea to simply let Indigenous societies be, but move Native communities away from European-American populations

(e.g., “Indian reservations;” Spicer 1962). In the middle of this range of variation was a moderate proposition that if Indigenous people were going to survive they needed “an education” that would make them more European or American, even if this meant extinction of their cultures (i.e., full assimilation into Anglo-American culture; Spicer

1962; Adams 1995; Szasz 2007). It was assumed that Euro-American or Western-based cultures were in the Americas to stay and that these would develop into the dominant or mainstream American and Canadian societies. Hence, this was the beginning of Indian education that would be grounded in Western knowledge with more relevance to Western principles and epistemologies than Indigenous ones.

Tohono O’odham Indigenous Knowledge and Science

I will now discuss Tohono O’odham examples of Indigenous knowledge and science, as I have come to learn them while teaching at TOCC. The Tohono O’odham in their desert lands, later to be called “Sonoran Desert” had a similar first contact experience as

378 my ancestors, the Wampanoag, with conflicting epistemologies; however, their first contact was with the Spanish. Jesuit Priest, Father Eusebio Francisco Kino, other Jesuit missionaries, and the Spanish traveling from New Spain to the south, arrived in Tohono

O’odham lands during the spring of 1687 (Spicer 1962; Erickson 1994; Sheridan 1996).

To the Spanish, the desert was very harsh and forbidding (Spicer 1962; Nabhan 1982;

Erickson 1994; Sheridan 1996), but like the English, the Spanish referred to scientific knowledge and technology to tame their new environment, which was desert. However, the Sonoran Desert in its limited surface water resources and extreme summer heat was not immediately desirable land for Europeans, as was the eastern woodlands and Atlantic seaboard of North America (Spicer 1962). Thus, Wampanoag and Tohono O’odham historical experience with European colonization differs somewhat in the actual rate of colonization and interference in Indigenous affairs. With exception to localized oasis or exotic desert stream-based colonies (i.e., Spanish missions and rancherias) and occasional conflicts, Europeans largely left the Tohono O’odham and other Indigenous enclaves alone until the late 19 th

century (Spicer 1962). The Tohono O’odham would be uninhibited from traditional practices, and passing down this knowledge, until the

“Americans” established themselves in what would be called “Arizona Territory” and involvement in Indigenous affairs (e.g., education) increased (Spicer 1962; Erickson

1994).

For the pre-American European settlers, the Sonoran Desert as it was, would not by suitable, and required the transfer of technology, materials, plants, and animals from New

Spain and Europe (Spicer 1962; Nabhan 1982; Erickson 1994). However, just as

379

Wampanoag local knowledge aided those ill-prepared for new environments, O’odham

3 also have a history of compassion and aiding foreign travelers on their lands (Spicer

1962; Erickson 1994; Sheridan 1996). Travelers passing through the desert going to

California, especially during the Gold Rush of 19 th

century, were often very ill equipped for survival in the desert. Often their survival was contingent on the aid of an Akimel

O’odham (i.e., Gila and Salt River-based O’odham) village, which had food and water

(Erickson 1994; Sheridan 1996).

O’odham Indigenous knowledge is a form of natural science. O’odham were, and are today, the scientists, namely the ecologists and hydrologists of the Sonoran Desert. The essence of O’odham science included some of the very information modern scientific disciplines cover such as the ecology and taxonomy of desert flora and fauna (Zepeda

2001; TOCA 2010) and hydrology, specifically, knowing where to find water and how water permeates through desert soils and geomorphologic features (Villegas 2004). The

O’odham also had something in common with the Wampanoag in that their Indigenous knowledge understood spiritual relationships that affected things, such as the weather

(Spicer 1962; Lopez 2005; Miguel 2005). The O’odham knew that the moisture for rain in the desert came from the Ocean to the south and west of their lands, therefore songs, ceremonies, and pilgrimages acknowledging these relationships were essential to maintain balance (Nabhan 1982; Lopez 2005).

3

The term “O’odham” means “People” and is just a broader cultural term to include all the peoples of

O’odham language and culture, of whom Tohono O’odham are a part of. It is often used on the everyday vernacular (e.g. O’odham students, O’odham history, O’odham culture etc.).

380

What then is Indigenous/Native Science?

Since I have begun to mention “science” and have been discussing the concepts such as “O’odham science” or “Indigenous/Native science,” the term must be defined and discussed. Some scholars refer the meaning of “science” to its original Greco-Latin etymology scientia, which means “knowledge” (Cajete 2000), as was obtained through a number of methods to understand the natural world. Another is a tendency to refer to a more modern dictionary definition, “an organized, systematic knowledge of the material world” (Cajete 2000:78; Lindberg 2007:1). According to historian David Lindberg

(2007) science in the context of Western civilization, (i.e., from the Classical Greek period through the Middle Ages) is composed of the: languages for describing nature, methods for exploring and investigating it

(including the performance of experiments), factual and theoretical claims

(stated mathematically whenever possible) that emerged from such explorations, and criteria for judging the truth or validity of the claims thus made (pg. 2).

A scholar on Indigenous/Native science, Greg Cajete (2000) defines science in an

Indigenous context as, “a story of the world and a practiced way of living with it” (pg.

14). I would add that Indigenous/Native science not only exists by Indigenous standards, it also meets many of the Western scientific criteria as defined by Lindberg (2007).

Specifically, Indigenous/Native science has the following: 1) Indigenous languages to describe nature (Zepeda 2001), 2) knowledge systems with methods of investigation including experimentation (Cajete 2000), 3) methods to obtain factual and theoretical claims from these explorations (Deloria 1997) and stated mathematically when

381 appropriate (Landon 1993), and 4) a criteria for judging the truth or validity of the claims

(Black Elk and Neihardt 1961; Deloria 1997; Cajete 2000; Deloria and Wildcat 2001). In terms of why scientific concepts, definitions, and practices vary from society-to-society and culture-to-culture, each society-culture has its own motivation, purpose, instrumentstechnology, appropriate methods, means of dispersing information, societal function

(Lindberg 2007). I would also add each has a unique epistemology. For example,

Indigenous cultures concepts of “place” or more specifically, the climate-environment from which Indigenous cultures have developed a strong relationship, represents a unique epistemology. Wampanoag and Tohono O’odham were motivated to practice a science that would ensure their physical and cultural survival in their respective places or environments and there cultures hold an epistemology of an organic (both biological and non-biological) natural world (Simmons 1986; Sheridan 1996; Miguel 2005). Thus, the appropriate scientific practices-methods they apply and their societal function aims to be consistent with this epistemology. The early English and Spanish were also motivated to practice science for survival purposes. These societies had to reconcile survival in a new environment, which they did not know or understand or in many cases had the preexisting knowledge to comprehend and carried with them an epistemology focused on an atomic-mechanical based natural world endowed with biological organisms (Spicer

1962). Therefore European-American science would employ different practices-methods and establish different relationships with the natural world.

Differing Indigenous and Western perceptions of and relationships with the natural world have been the primary factor in distinguishing Indigenous/Native from Western

382 science. Spicer (1962) notes that in the U.S. Southwest and northern Mexico, the primary factor in the persistence of Indigenous cultures and traditional knowledge dissemination, was the priority of Indigenous societies to maintain their connection with their ancestral lands. Hence, Indigenous/Native science is an extremely localized affair built upon generations of a relationship to “a place,” and an ongoing scientific and spiritual process on how to continue living in that place (Cajete 2000; Deloria and Wildcat 2001).

Western civilization whether the Spanish, the English, or the Americans had been practicing science while constantly changing places, and arriving at new places over the past 500 years (Spicer 1962). This circumstance provided more of a means to practice an

“objective science” or a concept of a removed approach to studying “new” natural phenomena. Negative historic impacts on Indigenous societies or contemporary negative experiences of Native students with science have come about when objective science has been held in higher esteem than Indigenous/Native place-based science. The Western science assumption was that Indigenous people were too connected to their places to understand the world “objectively.” This led to European colonial and U.S. federal educational policies, including science and math education, to assume to draw out

Indigenous people from their cultural enclaves (Spicer 1962) and educate them in “real science.” Paradoxically, in the face of global climate change in the new millennium,

Western science, is aggressively seeking local Indigenous knowledge, to fill the gaps in scientific understanding of the climate (e.g., Wenzel 1999; Krupnik and Jolly 2002).

U.S. Federal Trust Relationship and Indian Education

383

As the colonization of North America continued, European nations (e.g., 16 th

-19 th century), Canada and the U.S. (e.g., 19 th

-20 th

century), and Mexico (e.g., 20 th

century) assumed the responsibility of educating members of Indigenous societies (Spicer 1962;

Adams 1995; Szasz 2007). In the U.S., a very unique relationship with regard to any other nation-state and Indigenous people had developed, and this was the “trust relationship.” Therefore, the next critical historical construct with regard to Indian education was the establishment of the U.S. federal trust relationship with Indian tribes.

This trust relationship is managed through the federal agency of the Bureau of Indian

Affairs (BIA) and is overseen by the Secretary of the Interior (O’Brien 1996; Canby

2004; Hiller 2005). The federal trust relationship was essentially born from hundreds of treaties signed 1776-1870 between individual Indian tribes and the U.S. government, which were then reconstructed by Congress and the Supreme Court (O’Brien 1996;

Canby 2004; Getches et al. 2005). Indian tribes were either militarily conquered by the

U.S. or faced imminent encroachment from Euro-American settlers and the odds that they would lose a military engagement with the U.S. Army. Both scenarios usually ended in

“peace treaties” between tribes and the U.S. Such treaties amounted to tribes giving up most of their lands in exchange for smaller reservation area, and the U.S. was obligated to provide resources to tribes, especially for health and education as payment for the lands for a specific time period or in perpetuity (Canby 2004). There are Indian tribes that do not have treaties with the U.S., such as Wampanoag tribes who had treaties with England colonists, New Mexico’s Indian Pueblos tribes who had land grants recognized by the

Spanish, and the Hopi and Tohono O’odham whose reservations were established after

384 the U.S. Congress ended treaty-making with tribes in 1871. Nevertheless all of these tribes mentioned faced encroachment from American settlers, and had reservation lands put into trust (except for Wampanoag and many other eastern Indian tribes).

4

All U.S. federally recognized tribes now have a trust relationship with the U.S. government.

The U.S. federal trust relationship frequently needs to be addressed in education due to the ever present and all-too-common stereotype that “Indians get special treatment over other Americans” (Cleary and Peacock 1998). With regard to the trust relationship and education, the treaties and the federal trust relationship obligates resources and support for education. However, what needs to be understood is that in the treaties, Indian tribes may have given up lands, but the tribes never voluntarily gave up their languages, cultures, or their authority to define “how their children were to be educated.” In short, the U.S. is obligated to support Indian education through funding and resources, but ideally it should be the responsibility of the tribes through a relationship among tribal governments, communities, families, and schools, to frame the standards of the education for their children.

Conflicting Standards on Education

As was implied previously, Wampanoag and Tohono O’odham histories diverge in a way in that for the Tohono O’odham the desert would hold off the largest influx of

4

Many eastern Indian tribes petitioned the U.S. federal government and fought state-local governments in the courts to have their ancestral lands or at least remaining undeveloped lands put into trust in the 1970s and 1980s. The Mashpee Wampanoag lost their land claim in 1978, the

Aquinnah Wampanoag successfully had a few acres on land on Martha’s Vineyard put into trust in 1987, and the Penobscot and Passamaquoddy tribes of Maine also had lands put into trust in the 1980s.

385

Western civilization until the late 1800s and early 1900s (Spicer 1962; Erickson 1994).

This would continue until the technology to draw up ancient groundwater would begin along with the establishment of urban centers, cattle ranching, intensive agriculture, and mining in the Sonoran Desert (Spicer 1962; Nabhan 1982; Sheridan 2000). During the early 20 th

century, it was the Americans that assumed the Tohono O’odham needed to be educated in the skills of carpentry, woodwork, welding, iron-working, baking, home economics, and intensive agriculture without consideration for what the desert meant to cultural and daily living (Spicer 1962; Erickson 1994). All this was undertaken with the intention of drawing the Tohono O’odham into an American wage-based economy and lifestyle, away from perhaps the most valuable education Indigenous O’odham knowledge had to offer, which were lessons for living sustainably in the desert.

One of the most significant impacts of colonization on Indigenous societies has been an unwelcomed intervention into Native peoples’ teaching or “educating” members of their own societies (Spicer 1962). By definition, education is a teaching and learning process for human beings to be able to develop maturity (e.g., ability to reason, socialize) and to survive or “make a living” within the context of their own environment and society. Native societies have always had education, or as the term is used in anthropology, “enculturation,” which includes a formal system of education. In his book

My Indian Boyhood, Luther Standing Bear (1868-1939) an Oglala Lakota, eloquently describes his childhood education as learning everything a young man needed to know to live and thrive within the context of being a member of a Lakota society and living in the environment of northern Great Plains (Standing Bear 1931). Likewise, most of the

386 education of the late Francis Manuel (1913-2008), a Tohono O’odham elder, consisted of learning things she would need to know to live successfully in the Sonoran desert (e.g., gathering wild plants-foods-herbs, making baskets for storage, finding water, and desert farming; Manuel and Neff 2001). With colonization, most Native peoples in the U.S. were forced to learn the skills, values, and education that Euro-Americans or Western societies held in high esteem, which tended to be generalizable and abstract in educational settings. This brought with it a tremendous difference in epistemology, behaviors, life priorities, and culture (Spicer 1962).

Indigenous perceptions of Western education and its “mismatch” to their own societal priorities and ways of life, is well documented in the colonial period of North America.

In 1744, Benjamin Franklin recorded a statement from a delegation of Iroquois chiefs to an English offer to take six of their young men to be educated at a college in

Williamsburg, Virginia:

Several of our young people were formerly brought up at the colleges of the

Northern Provinces. They were instructed in all or your sciences, but when they came back to us they were bad runners; ignorant of every means of living in the woods, unable to bare cold or hunger; know neither how to build a cabin, hunt a deer, or kill an enemy; spoke our language imperfectly; they were therefore neither fit for hunters, warriors, or counselors; they were totally good for nothing. We are however, not the less obligated by your kind offer, though we must decline it; but to show our grateful sense of it, if the gentlemen of Virginia

387 will send us a dozen of their sons, we will take care of their education, instruct them in all we know and make men of them (Huff 1997:2).

Nevertheless, as wars were fought and lost, diseases took their toll, social systems had to be rebuilt, and a new country pushed its way from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean,

Native people encountered homogenizing and essentializing Western education (Spicer

1962). However, Indian tribes and Native people also made choices and adaptive strategies. The Wampanoag and other eastern tribes in the 1600s sent many of their young people to schools offering a Western education to Native students, such as

Harvard, William and Mary, and Dartmouth (Szasz 2007). The Cherokee in the 1800s controlled their own school systems and taught both Cherokee and Western-based education. All of these were done as a strategy to learn legal ways by European or

American standards to secure tribal lands and gain some measure of autonomy to continue as distinct peoples or tribal nations. The idea was akin to: If we can understand how these people (e.g., the English or the Americans) operate, their politics-rules, ideas of land tenure, and so on, we may be able to secure what’s left of our land, and return to some degree of self-governance, cultural autonomy, or ‘sovereignty.’ In the early 1800s the Cherokees established and controlled their own local schools and curricula. Their tribe subsequently reached a literacy rate in both English and Cherokee of 90%, which was a much higher literacy rate even in English than their non-Indian neighbors (Huff

1997; Skinner 1999). However, Western education was not enough to stem the tide of

American demand for land and natural resources to exploit or “develop.” In the 1830s,

U.S. President Andrew Jackson signed the Indian Removal Act forcing the Cherokee and

388 other tribes from their lands in the Southeast to Indian Territory in present day

Oklahoma. Also, despite the efforts by educated Wampanoag tribal members, the

Mashpee Wampanoag also lost their land title in 1870. Although, Wampanoag families could stay on the land, the land was taxable, expensive, and the remaining forest lands were opened up for sale and development (Campisi 1991).

Other Indigenous peoples such as the Hopi in northern Arizona and the Yup’ik in southwestern Alaska for example, held to the notion that pursuing a Western education meant dramatic changes to their people, sacrificing their basic principles, which would have undesired impacts to their own societies (Spicer 1962; Qoyawayma 1964; Kawagley

1995). When Polingaysi Qoyawayma (also known as “Elizabeth White”) returned to her

Hopi community after receiving a boarding school education, an elder greeted her as “the little one who wanted to be a White man” (Qoyawayma 1964:3). According to Yup’ik elder and educator, the late Angayuqaq Oscar Kawagley, Yup’ik elders in the 1990s were very concerned that youth were gaining Western formal education at the expense of their own “common sense” or practical knowledge of the land, weather, ocean, and ice, which they would need to know to continue living and thriving in the southwestern Alaskan environment (Kawagley 1995).

The overt forcing of Native children from their families and communities to be educated in American institutions began in earnest in the late 19 th

century. This is known in American Indian/Native American history as the “Indian Boarding School Era,” which reached its zenith 1875-1928 (Spicer 1962; Adams 1995; Szasz 1999). This system began with the removal of children from their families and communities (i.e., removal

389 from their “original teachers” and learning environments) for schooling in off-reservation boarding schools. American educators assumed the process would enable individuals to assimilate into a larger American society (Spicer 1962; Adams 1995; Huff 1997; Cleary and Peacock 1998; Cajete 1999; Szasz 1999; Deloria and Wildcat 2001; McCarty et al.

2006). Some individuals did assimilate into American culture. However, others returned to their homes unprepared for reservation life. These individuals had to make adaptive changes and “relearn” the cultural etiquette of their community, all while facing great difficulty in applying the skills and values they learned from a Western education in their home environment (e.g., refer to No Turning Back by P. Qoyawayma 1964 and Papago

Traveler by J. McCarthy 1985). The Meriam Report of 1928, which was a critical analysis of the BIA’s operation, cited dismal conditions in the Indian boarding schools and the need to reverse the policy of forced assimilation removing Indian children from their families, tribes, and home environments (Cleary and Peacock 1998; Szasz 1999;

Yazzie 1999).

Under the trust relationship, the U.S. government continued its obligation to support education for Indian tribes. However, in the late 19 th

century this trust obligation began to be perceived as a “burden” for the federal government, which was still recovering from the Civil War and adjusting to a changing capitalist and industrializing economy.

Support and funding for Indian education had fallen down the priority list, which led to profound neglect of federal trust responsibilities. In this sense, it was bad enough to assume an elimination of Indigenous knowledge, languages, and cultures; but it is even

390 worse to do it badly, in substandard infrastructural-sanitary conditions, and under the auspices of questionable (i.e., incompetent or criminal) administrators.

PROGRESSION OF INDIAN EDUCATION THROUGH THE 20

TH

CENTURY

Indian Education: 1900-1970

An American educational system imposed on Native people assumed Indigenous knowledge was inferior to Western Euro-American-based knowledge (Kawagley 1995;

Deloria 1997; Cajete 2000; Deloria and Wildcat 2001). It also worked under the erroneous premise that it was a foregone conclusion for an extinction of Indigenous cultures, part of an evolutionist mentality about human progress and ideas about

American manifest destiny (Spicer 1962; Adams 1995; Szasz 1999). Until the 1930s, most forms of Indigenous knowledge, especially conversing through tribal languages were forbidden

5

in schools with Native student populations (Erickson 1994; Adams 1995;

Szasz 1999). However, there were some “on the ground” exceptions to this generalization. For example, the first day schools to open on the Tohono O’odham reservation during the 1910s had mostly Tohono O’odham teachers, and primary instruction took place in the O’odham language (Erickson 1994). The circumstances were that: 1) the children only spoke O’odham, 2) the teachers spoke O’odham, and 3) these were on-reservation day schools, as opposed to off-reservation boarding schools that had more stringent rules and administration-instruction by non-American Indians.

Furthermore, the BIA had yet to take over stringent control to apply these universalizing

5

As a side note, children of immigrants from non-English speaking countries also experienced this same treatment in American schools during this time.

391 rules in Indian education (Spicer 1962). However, even these day schools on the Tohono

O’odham reservation were supervised with the intent of leading students toward fulfilling the Arizona state curriculum standards of the time, so instruction and learning was expected to eventually be done in English (Erickson 1994).

The Meriam Report of 1928 recommended the “introduction of Indian culture and the revision of the curriculum…adaptable to local conditions” in Indian education (Szasz

1999:2). Specifically, the report called for 1) the incorporation of tribal languages in the curriculum, 2) the hiring of more Native teachers, and 3) the establishment of more onreservation day schools rather than off-reservation boarding schools (Szasz 1999;

Demmert and Towner 2003). Following this report, the John Collier administration of the BIA (1933-1945) hired Will Carson Ryan Jr. and Willard Beatty as the Directors of

Indian education (i.e., Ryan: 1930-1935; Beatty: 1936-1952). They attempted to apply these recommendations to make improvements in Indian education. For example, they spoke out against the “flogging” of students in schools (Szasz 1999:28). However, the practice of punishing students (e.g., hitting or washing students’ mouths out with soap) for speaking their language, and other abuses were still practiced well into the 1960s 6

(Allen 1997; Cleary and Peacock 1998).

As far, as “Indian culture” in the curriculum, on the surface it seemed like a good thing; however, there are some unresolved issues. First, considering that the administrators and teachers were mostly non-American Indian or non-tribal members

6

Granted that corporal punishment occurred and was legal in the American public school system for all students (In fact, it is still technically legal in 19 U.S. states according to The Center for

Effective Discipline, 2013), the impact it had on Native students and families is significant in that students were punished for cultural expression.

392 raised these questions: How should tribal culture be appropriately included in the curriculum? Should the teachers be trained to do this? Is the curriculum to assume a generalized and homogenized Indian culture or should it be focusing on unique tribal cultures separately? Interestingly enough, these are many of the same questions asked today in Indian education. Secondly, according the reformers of education, certain classes such as “algebra” and “geometry” were “not pertinent to Indian cultural backgrounds” and “should be removed from the regular course of study” (Szasz

1999:32).

However, such courses of action would eliminate the ability of Native students to attend college or engage in formal scientific education and professions if they desired so.

Also, as not to criticize the reformers too harshly, be it they were attempting to reverse the tide of forced assimilation policies (and no scholarship on “Indigenous/Native science” existed at the time), their assumptions about Indian culture as a generalized entity without cultural diversity, were still erroneous. Mathematics and geometry are embedded within many Indigenous cultures (Closs 1986; Landon 1993; Cajete 2000;

Barta et al. 2001). Furthermore, such assumptions started a negative trend with regard to

Native students and science education, such as the assumption of what is best for Indian education being the removal of math and science content all-together. Thus Indian education began to steer Native students away from scientific and mathematic studies continuing the earlier emphasis on “trades” and “vocational-based” education (Spicer

1962; Lomawaima 1995; Szasz 1999). This likely had the effect of contributing to the minimal number of Native students pursuing math and science degrees in higher

393 education throughout the 20 th

century. Furthermore, it had the effect of a continual need for Indian tribes to seek outside scientific expertise regarding anthropological, environmental, and natural resources issues of concern (Aikenhead 1997; Deloria and

Wildcat 2001).

Indian Self-Determination in Education: 1960s-Present

Forty years after the Meriam Report of 1928, another report Indian Education: A

National Tragedy-A National Challenge (i.e., the “Kennedy Report on Indian

Education”) of 1969 was released, which had the same findings as those of 1928: under funding, poor conditions, and federal neglect of Indian education (Szasz 1999; Demmert and Towner 2003). Culturally relevant curriculum continued to be lacking and Native students were also not completing secondary education with high school dropout rates as high as 80-90% in some communities (Subcommittee on Indian Education 1969). This situation ignited the fire to again attempt major reforms in Indian education.

It is widely accepted in American Indian Studies (AIS) that the “Indian Self-

Determination Era began in the 1970s, based on the passage of key pieces of legislation.

However, the practice of self-determination in education began earlier in many places

(e.g., the Cherokees in the 1800s). In 1966, the community of Rough Rock on the

Navajo reservation used federal funds to charter the Rough Rock Demonstration School, which would be the first of its kind (Szasz 1999). The Rough Rock Demonstration

School grounded all its curricula in Navajo language and Diné (Navajo) philosophy of learning and epistemology. In years following, a wave of Indian education policy

394 reforms began to take place, which included the Indian Education Act of 1972 and the

Indian Self-Determination and Educational Assistance Act of 1975 (Szasz 1999). The

Indian Education Act of 1972 was legislation designed to 1) fund schools to develop culturally-based curriculum, 2) support the hiring of Native teachers and professionals, 3) provide opportunities to develop tribal languages and cultural programs, and 4) require parental participation (Demmert and Towner 2003). The subsequent 1975 legislation was to give the previous 1972 legislation “more teeth” via requiring the federal government to sign contracts with tribes to fund schools and provide opportunities to transfer the BIA operation of schools over to local tribal governments (Kawagley 1995; Cleary and

Peacock 1998; Demmert and Towner 2003).

By this time period Native students were beginning to attend mostly public schools

(both on and off-reservation), but many still attended boarding schools or private-mission run schools (Szasz 1999). While boarding schools were on the decline, a few stayed open at the request of tribes, as many of these schools remained a viable educational option for Native students, especially from the most rural communities (Szasz 1999).

Indigenous knowledge or even very basic, culturally relevant information continued to be lacking in curricula in most institutions for decades to come (Cleary and Peacock 1998;

Cajete 1999; Yazzie 1999). Exceptions were the occasional, individual teacher and local school efforts to develop culturally relevant and local context curricula (e.g., Rough Rock

Demonstration School on the Navajo Reservation in 1960s, Santa Rosa Boarding School on the Tohono O’odham Nation in the 1970s and others; Tippeconnic 2000; Brayboy et al. 2008). Over the past three decades Indian education has regained many of the ideals

395 of tribal control, culturally relevant curriculum, and more students pursuing higher education math and sciences. However in reality, other responsibilities, from addressing the local impacts of federal budget cuts, retaining current teachers (i.e., teacher turnover in Native schools tends to be high), finding qualified Native American administrators and teachers (Cleary and Peacock 1998; Szasz 1999; Manuelito 2003), addressing student achievement on standardized testing (Cleary and Peacock 1998; Forbes 2000), or addressing issues, such as substance use or domestic violence in the communities (Cleary and Peacock 1998; Bergstrom et al. 2003) also require the attention of the administrators and educators in the schools.

Tribal Colleges and Universities

Tribal colleges can be described as small tenacious institutions of higher education that serve the smallest and poorest minority group in the United States under difficult and challenging circumstances. These colleges are underfunded, overworked, and viewed by the rest of American higher education with some wonder at not only their ability to survive, but to survive with panache

(Stein 1999:268).

During the late 1960s and early 70s, a movement in Native communities across the country began for the establishment of tribal colleges, institutions now commonly known as tribal colleges and universities or “TCUs.” This began with the establishment of Diné

College, called “Navajo Community College” in 1968, and was followed by the establishment of other TCUs, most serving reservation-based Native communities

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(AIHEC 1999). The establishment of TCUs has been one of the most pronounced exercises in Indian tribal sovereignty during the 20 th

and 21 st

centuries. During the

1960s, members of the Navajo tribal council founded the organization “Diné Inc.” with the intention of establishing a community college on the Navajo reservation (Stein 1999).

In the words of Navajo Nation Chairman Raymond Nakai, responding to a BIA official’s remark about whether Navajos were “ready” to administer their own college, Chairman

Nakai stated, “We are not asking your permission, but rather telling you what we are going to do” (Iverson 2002:235; Clark 2009:131). At this time, during the late 1960s, the college attrition rate for Navajo students attending mainstream colleges and universities was 90% (Stein 1999), and for American Indian students in general, it was 75% (Fuchs and Havighurst 1973; Phillips 2003).

More tribal colleges were established during the 1970s, especially on Indian reservations in the northern Great Plains. At the same time, another development was the conversion of old institutions, even former Indian boarding schools, into tribal colleges.

For example, Haskell Indian School had been an off-reservation boarding school since

1884. In 1970, it achieved junior college status and was renamed, Haskell Indian Junior

College, then in 1993 the institution adopted the name Haskell Indian Nations University

(Haskell 2013) and became the first tribally run university, to offer BA and MA programs. In an effort to build camaraderie among the developing TCUs the American

Indian Higher Educational Consortium (AIHEC) was organized in 1972 (Stein 1999).

AIHEC was successful in convincing President Jimmy Carter in 1978 that funding tribal

397 colleges was part of the U.S. federal trust responsibility to support education for Indian tribes (Stein 1999). As a result, the Tribal College Act was passed the same year.

Another priority of the TCUs is “accreditation,” especially to enable the transfer of course credits for students who would be moving on to four-year colleges to further their education. As TCUs have been chartered all, have sought accreditation through one of the six available accreditation bodies

7

and 32 TCUs have received it as of this year. For example, TOCC was chartered in 1998 and received its accreditation by the North

Central Association of Colleges and Schools in 2003. In order to continue garnering financial support to operate as colleges, TCUs most frequently do “assessments” to maintain their accreditation or otherwise, their institutional ability to provide higher education services to their stakeholders (i.e., tribal communities; Karlberg 2010). As accredited college institutions, TCUs must meet the same minimal academic standards as other colleges and universities within their respective states (AICF 2011). In relation to different standards, tensions can arise when TCUs go through the accreditation process, which Cheryl Crazy Bull (2006:6), President of Northwest Indian College states,

“requires us to integrate our understanding of the world as Native people and as Native educators with a different, often Western/European based understanding of higher education.”

7

The six accreditation commissions in the United States are: 1) Middle States Association of

Schools and Colleges Commission on Higher Education, 2) New England Association of Schools and Colleges Commission on Institutions of Higher Education, 3) North Central Association of

Schools and Colleges Commission on Institutions of Higher Education, 4) Southern Association of Colleges and Schools Commission on Colleges, 5) Western Association of Schools and

Colleges Accrediting Commission for Community and Junior Colleges, and 6) Northwest

Commission on Colleges and Universities.

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Most TCUs have been chartered by tribal governments, motivated to establish accessible, local colleges that meet practical, yet diverse educational needs within their communities (e.g., liberal arts, sciences, and workforce development/training). Also, most TCUs are predicated upon providing an education grounded in local tribal values and culture (AIHEC 1999). Today there are 37 TCUs in the U.S. and one in Canada

(AIHEC 2013). In the 2010-2011 academic year TCUs served 61,000 AI/AN students, which includes both part-time and full-time students (AICF 2011). During the 2010 fall semester, 8.7% of all AI/AN college students were attending a TCU, and the number of

AI/AN students enrolled in TCUs increased by 23 percent from 2001-2006 (U.S.

Department of Education 2013).

Another substantial development in TCU history was the passage of the Equity in

Educational Land Grant Status Act of 1994 (Hiller 2005). This act of Congress gives

TCUs “land grant institution status” akin to those held by 55 larger public state universities with agricultural extension programs (e.g., the University of Arizona and

New Mexico State University), and 17 Historically Black Colleges and Universities

(Hiller 2005). Land grant institutions (i.e., institutions “granted” federal lands to operate on) were established across the U.S. beginning in the late 1800s based on the Morrill

Acts of 1862 and 1890, and were predicated on offering practical and technical education needs (e.g., agriculture, engineering, mining, military training, locally-relevant scientific studies) of local communities, counties, and states (Washington State University

Extension 2009). This priority of meeting local education needs very much aligned with the goals of most TCUs. Therefore, AIHEC, working with Senator Jeff Bingaman (D-

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NM) and 20 other senators and congressional representatives, developed and pushed legislation to give land grant status to existing and future TCUs (Phillips 2003). The

Equity in Educational Land Grant Status Act (Section 354 of P.L. 103-382) was signed into law by President Bill Clinton in 1994 (Phillips 2003; Hiller 2005).

There were 32 of the 37 TCUs that had 1994 land grant status as of February 2013 and these are known as the “1994s” (FALCON 2013). For TCUs, land grant status enables the colleges to receive annual funding from the U.S. Department of Agriculture (USDA) to supplement the tribal-based funding and revenue from student tuition. This funding comes from annual, steady Equity grants and endowments, and funding for competitive proposals for agricultural/natural resources programs and local research (Hiller 2005).

TCUs typically offer low student tuition costs, thus tuition and fees do not generate a substantial percentage of the total revenue. For example in 2012, University of Arizona full-time undergraduate student tuition was $10,035 for in-state and $25,494 for out-ofstate. Tuition and fees contributed to 36.5% of the university’s total operating revenue while federal and state contracts and grants (mostly federal) contributed to another

33.4%. The remaining 30% of the total operating revenue came from local grants, sales, services, and auxiliary enterprises (University of Arizona 2012:20). At TOCC, the nearest TCU, full-time student tuition was $792 for in-state and $1,848 for out-of-state, and tuition and fees contributed to only 3% of the college’s total operating revenue while an appropriation from the Tohono O’odham Nation contributed to 46% and government grants (including USDA funding, among other sources) contributed to another 46%, thus the remaining 5% of the total revenue came from sales, gifts, and miscellaneous income

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(TOCC 2011:10). The 1994 land grant status given to TCUs has further enabled them to continue to offer locally relevant education with relatively low tuition costs and also to develop student programs via partnerships with larger university land grant institutions.

TCUs are institutions that must balance efforts to ensure students meet state and national higher education academic achievement standards, while also considering the life priorities-circumstances of their students and tribal cultural values of the community served. This is a profound challenge on many levels. TCUs have generally adopted the typical semester or quarter academic schedules and the requirement of a certain number of “in-class” hours for course credit. While at the same time, students balance family, work, and community obligations, which also place a demand on their time. Many

Indigenous educational standards support learning at one’s own pace (Hall 1991;

Kawagley 1995; Manuel and Neff 2001) where grades and points may not be the primary focus, but rather skill mastery and visible evidence of students’ learned ability to apply their knowledge (Deloria and Wildcat 2001). Furthermore, “a failing grade” can be an abstract concept, whereas according to many Native teachings “natural consequences” are better teachers than human-derived sanctions or scoring (Hall 1991). For example, for farming cultures, incorrect management or neglect of crops would affect the food security of the community, and thus have a “tangible consequence.” Nevertheless, regarding student assessment of knowledge, TCUs must still meet accreditation by demonstrating student academic achievement. As is the case in K-12 schools serving

Native communities, most faculty members in TCUs are also non-American Indian, many of whom have not become steeped in the culture (Stein 1999; Shangreaux 2001).

401

Faculty members serving in TCUs also typically have substantial course teaching loads, such as 5-6 classes per semester. Generally speaking, TCUs continue to deal with the following operational challenges: 1) finding secure funding sources (i.e., federal funding alone is never enough for TCUs or even main stream colleges and universities), 2) finding and retaining math and science instructors, 3) dealing with high turnover rates of faculty, and 4) increasing salaries for faculty to competitive levels (Stein 1999).

Most TCUs offer associate’s degrees; however, as these institutions grow, they are becoming more diverse in many ways, including some TCUs that have developed bachelor degree programs (e.g., Diné College; Salish Kootenai College), and a few even with master’s-level degrees (e.g., Haskell Indian Nations University). Although TCUs primarily serve Native communities and often tribal-specific communities (e.g. Diné

College or TOCC) enrollment is open to students from any background. Approximately

22% of students enrolled in TCUs are of non-AI/AN ancestry (U.S. Department of

Education 2013). Furthermore, although there are over 30 TCUs, there over 500 federally recognized tribes across the U.S., therefore most Indian tribes do not have their own tribal college. As more Native students identify TCUs as viable higher education options, many are willing to leave their home communities/tribes to attend one (T.

McDonald, personal communication, July 27, 2011). Lastly, as TCUs have grown in student body population and academic degree options, many are struggling to balance the priority of placing funding and support for the science/liberal arts degrees with continuing support for the workforce development/training and apprenticeship programs, which are still needed for employment options in many of the communities served.

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MODERN NATIVE COMMUNITIES AND EDUCATION

Since the 1970s, Indian tribes and Native communities have made major strides in gaining control of education (Cleary and Peacock 1998; Szasz 1999; Tippeconnic 2000).

Some examples include 1) the handing over management of more BIA schools, which are now called Bureau of Indian Education (BIE) schools to tribes/communities (Kawagley

1995; Cleary and Peacock 1998); 2) establishing K-12 demonstration-charter schools where curriculum and pedagogy are grounded in tribal knowledge and values (Szasz

1999); and 3) the establishment of TCUs premised on offering meaningful education for community members (AIHEC 1999). Also, with endorsements from the Alaska State

Board of Education and 19 Alaska Native Education organizations, an organization known as the Alaska Native Knowledge Network (ANKN) has made substantial progress toward culturally relevant curricula and materials (ANKN 1998). In terms of the big picture, relatively recent statistics regarding AI/AN high school students have been reported by the Alliance for Excellent Education (2008) on 2002-2005 data, and these state:

 90% attend regular public schools

 7% attend BIE schools

 3% attend other schools (e.g. catholic/other religious-based, tribal charter schools, boarding schools)

 52% attend schools where AI/AN students are the majority of the student body.

 48% attend schools where AI/AN students are the minority of the student body.

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 70% of BIE schools failed the “No Child Left Behind” 2005 progress requirements

 16% of teachers are Native in public schools with high AI/AN student enrollment

As can be seen, Indian education today occurs under very diverse circumstances. The many efforts to develop culturally relevant curricula, or for tribes to establish and manage tribally-control K-12 schools or TCUs continues to be critiqued by a few from mainstream American education and educational programs. The criticism is usually along the lines of: “Why should Native students get ‘special treatment’ (e.g. have

American Indian History classes as opposed to just taking American or World

History)…Aren’t we all just ‘Americans’” (Cleary and Peacock 1998:70) or, “After long fought battles to desegregate U.S. schools in the 20 th

century, aren’t tribal charter schools just ‘re-segregating’ students away from their American counterparts?” (Oppenheim

2009:online). Interestingly these are not the same criticism levels against general charter schools or religious-based schools with specialized curricula. What critics continue to overlook is that Indian tribes do not envision themselves as ethnic/racial groups, although the education system, including the Department of Education categorizes American

Indians is this way, from a sociological standpoints. From Indian tribal perspectives, tribes are sovereign nations, federally recognized by the U.S. government. Native students who are enrolled members of a federally recognized tribe essentially have a dual citizenship status with their own tribe and with the United States. Just as schools in Italy or Japan should have the right to ground their education-curricula in Italian or Japanese history, language, epistemology and culture, tribes have the same right to do so.

Furthermore, students from all ethnic backgrounds can enroll and attend tribal schools or

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TCUs. The public schools, whether Native students make up 90% or 10% of the student body, must use curriculum prioritized on or meeting state and federal educational standards, which tends to take priority over culturally relevant curricula, in order to continue to receive government-based funds to operate (Forbes 2000; Deloria and

Wildcat 2001).

Native Languages

Another modern challenge affecting Indian education is that many tribes continue to observe further loss of Indigenous knowledge, including a decrease in the fluency rates for tribal languages (Cleary and Peacock 1998; Tippeconnic 2000; McCarty et al. 2006;

Fitzgerald 2009). Although the Indian Boarding School Era of punitive measures for students speaking tribal languages has passed, what has happened in recent decades according to Kawagley (1995) is the bombardment of Native communities by Englishbased popular culture, information, games, music, and media. Specifically, what

Kawagley (1995) refers to is that in Yup’ik communities, he has observed the television permanently bringing English language and information into his community’s homes,

English being the only language spoken in the schools (where most teachers are from outside of the community), and radio broadcasts in entirely in English. Hence the only opportunities to speak Native languages are increasingly limited to speaking with elders in the home or opportunistically, not on a regular basis. On the Tohono O’odham Nation, according to Fitzgerald (2009), there were 10,000 fluent O’odham speakers in 1990, but this figure dropped to 8,000 in the year 2000. Fitzgerald (2009) estimated the number

405 would drop to would be 6,000 in 2010, which would be about 22% of tribal members.

According to Madsen (2004), a study conducted by TOCC and the Tohono O’odham

Education Department determined that O’odham language fluency for young adults between the ages of 18-19 was only 10%, while 50% of O’odham adults over the age of

40 were fluent speakers. The issue of Native language retention actually hits very close to home for me. Fluency in Wôpanâak (i.e., our Wampanoag language) ended in the late

1800s (Makepeace 2010). Today our tribal language program has reconstructed the language from written documents, and is teaching it yet it remains a challenge because the language has not yet re-normalized 8 itself in the community and our heritage language will remain a second language, at least through this current generation.

High School and College Persistence

Indian education continues to deal with the challenge of retaining Native students through high school (Tippeconnic 2000; Faircloth and Tippeconnic 2010) and through college (CSRDE 2007). Using the Cumulative Promotion Index (CPI) for years 2004-

2005, Faircloth and Tippeconnic (2010) determined that 73% of all Arizona high school students graduated, while only 52% of the state’s Native students did so. The 2006 the national high school graduation rate for Native students was 50% (Faircloth and

Tippeconnic 2010). There are a suite of reasons why retention and graduation rates are so low, and many authors have noted that failure to retain Native students is related to the lack of the schools’ recognition of Native cultures in curriculum and teaching pedagogy

8

“Re-normalized” meaning it is a normal thing to hear the language spoken in public places or among family members with ease.

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(Hawthorne 1967; Hampton 1995; Cleary and Peacock 1998; Agbo 2001). Challenges to retain Native students through college have also been addressed. The 2006-07

Consortium for Student Retention Data Exchange Retention Report (CSRDE) indicated that of Native American college freshmen who entered during the 1999-2000 academic year, only 38% graduated by 2006 compared to 65%, 59%, 48%, and 44% for Asian,

White, Hispanic, and Black students, respectively (CSRDE 2007). Thus, Indian education faces a double-edged sword. On one edge, Indigenous knowledge and tribal languages are being lost, and on the other edge, many students are also not completing formal education or meeting the American academic standards. This situation steers toward the need for Native communities, TCUs, and educational institutions within those communities to “deconstruct” current, failing (i.e., both by Indigenous and Western academic standards) educational policies. There is also the need to “reconstruct” a foundation laid by Indigenous education standards and within the cultural framework of the communities served. On this foundation pillars, connections, or “pathways” to understanding Western scientific concepts are needed, thus to support a holistic education for students.

Indian Education and Modern Life Realities

Indian education today largely mimics American mainstream practices, which for students, means many hours per day in schools and classroom settings removed from, and out of context with the settings where Indigenous knowledge would normally be gained in the home and in the meeting places where tribal members and elders congregate

407

(Kawagley 1995; Cleary and Peacock 1998; Cajete 1999; Deloria and Wildcat 2001).

For example in Alaska, with weather and climate, Yup’ik youth would learn the most relevant knowledge about Arctic weather from their own observations and experiences, traveling, hunting-fishing, and talking with family members and elders. In the Arctic subsistence hunting is still a common way of life (albeit mixed with the cash-economy) and the weather can change quickly. The elders stress that where technology often fails

(e.g., snowmobiles break down or there are erroneous weather reports), paying attention and ascertaining cloud-wind patterns, observing ocean currents and ice-flows can mean the difference between life and death (Kawagley 1995). However, Kawagley (1995) also notes the efforts of several teachers of Yup’ik children to design their classrooms (via objects, pictures, and cultural items) to reflect the outside world, the immediate environment, and community of the students.

In terms of the “outside of formal education environment,” or the “real world” all

Indigenous societies in the U.S. have wage economies and are connected in some way to the global market (e.g., the Nez Perce Tribe farms grain that is sold to China; Colombi

2012). No U.S. Indian tribe or Native community operates solely as a subsistence or basic trade society anymore. The concept of “survival” is now increasingly related to the ability of an individual to make a wage-based living (i.e., employment = good and unemployment = bad). Grocery stores are the primary source of food, which is trucked in from areas 100s to 1000s of miles away; and the access to water, waste disposal, transportation, and electric power are contingent on local/regional infrastructure, which are also often managed by outside companies, or at least the materials and power supply

408 are provided from the outside. However, reservation economies have not been fully integrated into the national and global economies and despite the use of gaming in some groups to obtain capital for development ventures that could lead to a diversified economic base, many still lag behind. Rural, reservation-based Native communities have also experienced the brunt of extractive capitalistic corporations while receiving disproportionately small royalties and returns. As a result unemployment and poverty are high, access to healthy foods low, and the access to services that are held to be necessary for a comfortable life (e.g., running water, waste disposal, and electricity) are still absent in many Native communities. For example, according to the Navajo Tribal Utility

Authority (NTUA 2012) there are still 18,000 households (38% of the total) on the

Navajo Nation without access to electricity. According to the 2000 US Census, 14% of the AI/AN population lacked access to electricity and 12% lacked complete home plumbing, compared to 1% of the total U.S. population for both categories of access to electricity and plumbing (U.S. Census 2000; NCAI 2012). However, Native communities are also ever increasingly, becoming more connected to national and global interdependencies.

With the “real world” circumstances of Native communities, Indian education had to continue a holistic approach, grounded in Indigenous knowledge and values, but also able to prepare students for understanding and interaction with the global community. And with this should be an emphasis on learning through “participation in the global community.” One consequence of U.S. federally imposed policies on Indian education that receives very little attention is that these policies also hampered Indian tribes and

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Native communities from drawing examples of best educational and economic practices from nations beyond the U.S. The assumption on Indian education was to enable Native students and ultimately Native communities to functionally operate (i.e., educational and economic systems) “as well as non-Indigenous communities in the mainstream American society.” The Market Crash of 1929, the Housing-Economic Crisis of 2008, and

American challenges in education all have demonstrated that even U.S. economic function and educational systems are not infallible. There are other peoples and nations across the globe doing some serious self-assessment of their economic and educational priorities. For example, the government of Bhutan in Southeast Asia has made it official that assessments on the quality of life for its citizens will be weighted on the larger physical, mental, and spiritual health over gross national product (GNP). They have also determined that any national or global economic activity the nation commits to cannot reduce their natural forest cover to levels below 80% (Belic 2011). Hence, there are global examples of nations developing innovative ideas on how to sustain themselves as nations and as peoples.

CONCLUDING DISCUSSION

As demonstrated in this paper, the challenges facing Indian education and specifically

“science education” are immense. Five hundred years of history have been a rocky road, but have also created a “resilience building” path. It is true when something is lost or is at risk to being lost (e.g., Indigenous knowledge and languages) its value increases intrinsically, especially to the cultural carriers, or to those to for which it is near and dear.

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It was actually predicted by some in the 1960s that the Wampanoag would be extinct in the coming decades and that the existing communities, lacking fluency in their

Indigenous language, and that our Indigenous culture was on a permanent decline since the late 17 th

century (e.g., Travers 1961). However, such has not been the case.

Wampanoag language fluency is now higher than it was in the 1960s, due to the

Wôpanâak Language Reclamation Project (WLRP), the efforts of tribal members

(including elders, educators, and youth), and most interestingly, a historical paradox. The very same instrument that was intended to begin the assimilation of the Wampanoag into

Western-European society and to remove future generations from their tribal identities and language has actually help our people today.

In the mid-17 th

century, missionary John Elliott employed Wampanoag men (e.g.,

James Printer) to transcribe the King James Bible into the Wôpanâak-Massachusett languages for the purpose of proselytizing Indigenous people away from their culture,

Indigenous knowledge, and traditional belief systems (Szasz 2007). Then in the late 20 th century, after six-seven generation of essential language dormancy (i.e., words and phrases passed down, but not fluency) this text, a tool intended assimilation actually became a tool for us as an Indigenous people, to learn our language again and to become one of the most important cultural education assets for our Wampanoag tribes. For the

Wampanoag and other Indigenous peoples the history of Indian education has come “full circle,” changing the tide of Indigenous knowledge and language loss, to Indigenous and linguistic “cultural growth.” Other Indian tribes and Native communities have also been fortunate to take control of over their education of their youth and stem the tide toward

411 supporting culturally healthy students. For example, the Mississippi Band of Choctaw

Indians controls their own school district and has 90% language fluency among their

10,000 tribal members (Akers 2013).

What about Native students and science? Well, the answer to this question is unfolding in the diversification in Indigenous knowledge systems. These Indigenous knowledge systems, rather than succumbing to an inferior position to Western science, are continuing to incorporate Western science knowledge within their own frameworks and application. Native students supported to embrace the Indigenous knowledge of their tribes and communities will be able to incorporate Western science concepts and methods into their collected knowledge just as well. With regard to the intended results of colonization and the annihilation of Indigenous cultures, languages, and knowledge systems, Spicer (1962) points outs that:

The objectives of military and political domination over the Indians were eventually, achieved after about 350 years, but even given the control that this made possible, most of the Indians simply did not respond as the conquerors thought they would and should (pg. 581).

In fact Indigenous peoples maintain their tribal identities while incorporating any useful resource, information, concept, or application into their own knowledge system.

This is the very reason why today there are Indigenous scientists who are experts in their respective “formal science fields,” such as medicine, physics, biology, hydrology, chemistry, optics, and others. Many of these individuals are also well-grounded in their

Indigenous culture and language as well as knowledgeable in the Indigenous/Native

412 science of their own tribe or community. Very few have learned Western science actually at the expense of their own Indigenous knowledge. Even many of those students and professionals in science who may have not been raised within the cultural framework of their own tribe (i.e., grew up away from their communities) often find themselves returning to learn and connect with Indigenous knowledge at later points in their life.

Thus, modern Native scientists are becoming the role models for future generations of

Native students to follow.

When I think of my own path, walking the road between Western-based physical geography-climate science and Indigenous knowledge, I too have practically come full circle. Although, I have grown up away from my community, I have had the opportunity to travel to different Indigenous communities across North American and to see diverse cultures, and their own unique Indigenous scientific and spiritual relationships to their

places. In my time teaching weather and climate classes at TOCC I have been blessed to work with Tohono O’odham history, language, and cultural instructors, learning about

Tohono O’odham perspectives of the Sonoran Desert and the North American monsoon, and being able to connect with people who remind me of my own family in Mashpee.

Keeping an open mind is a recommendation I would give to any science student, Native or of any other culture, for this is when true discovery of self and the world happen.

Often the historical trauma from colonization-oppression that we as Indigenous people have faced can draw up anger and resentment, which is understandable, but dwelt on too long, can cloud the mind’s ability to learn new things and to incorporate useful concepts into a holistic knowledge. A Tohono O’odham elder I knew, the late Danny Lopez

413 always told his student “to learn as much as you can,” not matter where it is coming from, or in other words, “learn from your elders and people in your community, learn from people outside of the community or from different cultures.” Learning Indigenous knowledge and languages can also be a challenge, especially for those who did not learn these in their youth; for there is always the concern of doing or saying something incorrectly. Mashpee Wampanoag elder, Earl Mills Sr. (Chief Flying Eagle), a good friend of our family’s (also my mother’s track coach when she was in high school), also shares his Wampanoag philosophy, “Don’t be timid about trying something new. No twolegged is perfect. Remember on Kiehtan, the Great Spirit and Principal Maker of all is perfect.” With these words, I have high hope for myself and the next generation of

Wampanoag, Tohono O’odham, and other future Indigenous and Native scientists.

Kutaputunumuw. “Thank you.”

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APPENDIX E

WEATHER AND CLIMATE STORY CARTOON

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APPENDIX F

PRE-ASSESSMENT SURVEY

Developing a Native Science Climate Curriculum: Combining Tohono

O’odham and Western Knowledge of Local Weather and Climate

Introduction: TO BE READ ALOUD TO THE AUDIENCE BEFORE SURVEY BEGINS

S-ke:g taṣ and welcome. My name is Casey Kahn-Thornbrugh. I am developing a curriculum on local weather and climate for schools on the Tohono O’odham Nation and

Tohono O’odham Community College. The curriculum will be aimed for students from high school through early college-level. I am a Native American Ph.D. student (a

Mashpee Wampanoag tribal member) in geography and I have taught at Tohono

O’odham Community College for the past 4 years. I would like this project to benefit the

Tohono O’odham Nation by creating more materials and lesson plans that teach weather and climate from local and cultural perspectives relevant to Tohono O’odham students and community members. I am aiming to develop this curriculum for high school and college students, but I would like to include some learning activities for younger students too.

I am grateful you are all hear volunteering your time and thoughts to assist in the development of a weather and climate curriculum. The curriculum will also be utilized at workshops to teach about weather and climate to your friends, family, and neighbors in your district and community. Specifically developing this curriculum is part of my graduate research at the University of Arizona, but in collaboration with the Tohono

O’odham Nation, Tohono O’odham Community College, and the Climate Assessment for the Southwest or CLIMAS project. This climate curriculum development project will last about 1 year. When the project ends the completed curriculum will be given in a hardcopy (bound book) and CD format to the participating districts of San Lucy, San Xavier,

Schuk Toak, and Sells, Tohono O’odham Community College and the Tohono O’odham

Nation.

As I stated, your participation is completely voluntary, and you may withdraw from this project at any time. What I am asking of you specifically is the following:

1. To complete this first survey on your interest in things related to weather and climate

2. To try to attend and participate in the half-day weather and climate educational workshops offered this year (over the next 12 months)

3. To complete an evaluation survey after the workshops to inform me how much you felt the curriculum used in the workshops taught weather and climate in ways relevant to O’odham students and community members

433

These three things are specifically what I am asking for, as far as your full participation.

However, you have the option of sharing more information you have about local weather and climate in an interview, but this is extra if you feel strongly that you have unique knowledge you want to share for the curriculum.

Your identity in this survey will remain confidential. However, if you volunteer to be interviewed on more specific knowledge you have of local weather and climate you will be asked if you still wish for your identity to remain confidential or if you are willing to have your identity made known through a video or audio recording of your interview.

With your permission, such audio recordings or videos will be incorporated into the curriculum and be made available at libraries on the Tohono O’odham Nation and at

Tohono O’odham Community College.

Do you have any questions about what I’ve just told you?

PART 1: Your background

q1. About how old are you today? Please check one.

____ Youth (under 18 years old) ____ Young adult (between 18-29 years)

____ Adult or Elder (50 years or older) ____ Adult (between 30-49 years old)

q2. What is your gender? Check one.

____ [1] Male ____ [2] Female

434

q3. Are you a student?

____ [1] Yes ____ [0] No

(If you are a student right now, please check what level of school you are in

below)

____ [a] Middle school (6 th

– 8 th

grade)

____ [b] High school (9 th

– 12 th

grade)

____ [c] College (apprenticeships, associates, or bachelor’s degree programs) or

nursing, pharmacy, veterinary training, or vocational training

____ [d] Master’s/Ph.D. degree program, law school, or medical school

q4. Are you a teacher?

____ [1] Yes ____ [0] No

(If yes, please check which level of school you teach below)

____ [a] Elementary school teacher ____ [b] Middle school teacher

____ [c] High school teacher ____ [d] College or other post-secondary education instructor

q5. What would you consider your occupation to be? Please list below.

(Examples: police officer, artist, rancher, farmer, carpenter, student, teacher, grandparent, stay-at-home mom (or dad) etc.)

_________________________________________________

435

PART 2: Information & School

q6. Do you have internet access at home?

____ [1] Yes ____ [0] No

q6b. If no, do you have another place you can go to get on the internet, like work, school, or a library?

____ [1] Yes ____ [0] No

q6c. If you answered “Yes,” where can you go to get on the internet?

Please write where on the line below.

______________________________________________________________________

q7. Do you have a television at home?

____ [1] Yes ____ [0] No

If you answered yes, what service do you have?

____ [1] Basic service (no Cable)

____ [2] Cable service (i.e. Cox Communications, Quest, or other service)

____ [3] Satellite service (Dish Network, Direct TV, or other service)

436

q8. In school, what is (or were) your favorite classes or subjects? You can check

more than one.

____ [1] Agriculture & farming ____ [9] Physical Education

(PE) and sports

____ [2] Art ____ [10] Reading (including

literature and poetry)

____ [3] English (or grammar) ____ [11] Science

____ [4] Geography ____ [12] Social studies

____ [5] History (U.S. or World) ____ [13] Tohono O’odham

history and culture

____ [6] Math ____ [13] Tohono O’odham

language

____ [7] Music ____ [11] Woodshop, metal

shop, or auto shop

____ [8] Native American studies and history

____ [16] Did you have other classes or subjects that you really liked? Please describe.

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

437

PART 3: Observing the Weather.

q9

q10 q11 q12 q13 q14 q15

How often do you observe weather this way? PLEASE CIRCLE: 0, 1, 2, or 3.

I spend time outside, observing the sky, the clouds, and paying attention to what the wind is doing.

I observe the behavior of desert animals and conditions of plants to get a sense of what the weather might do.

I pay attention to the behavior of cattle, horses, or other livestock to get a sense of what the weather might do.

I speak with my family members or neighbors about the weather.

I pay attention to my body, and if I have body or joint aches to indicate if the weather might change.

I watch the weather forecasts on the news or on other television programs.

I listen to weather information on the radio

(AM/FM or satellite radio).

Never Rarely Sometimes Often

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

0

1 2 3 q16 I read about weather in the newspaper.

q17 q18

I get weather information from the internet

(including hand-held devices like an “Itouch,” blackberries or cell phones).

I have a “weather radio” that I listen to for weather information.

0

0

1

1

2

2

3

3

438

q19. Do you have other ways you get your weather information? If yes, please

describe.

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

Part 4: Learning about Weather & Climate

q20

How interested would you be in learning more about these topics?

PLEASE CIRCLE: 1,

2, 3, 4, or 5.

The sky or atmosphere:

How big is it? What are its levels?

How does the air move around in it?

Absolutely not

Interested

1

Not really

Interested

A little

Interested Interested

Really

Interested

2 3 4 5

q21 q22 q23 q24 q25 q26 q27 q28 q29

O’odham language:

How does the O’odham language describe things in weather and climate?

O’odham creation stories & legends:

How do O’odham stories describe things in weather and climate?

Scientific studies:

What are meteorology and climatology? Where did these sciences come from?

Agencies:

What U.S. government agencies deal most with weather and climate?

Observing & measuring

weather & climate: What are temperature, air pressure & humidity?

How do we measure them?

O’odham observations:

How do O’odham observe and predict the weather?

O’odham observations:

Have calendar sticks recorded major weather events or changes in climate?

O’odham cultural teachings:

What are some cultural teachings on things related to weather & climate?

The Sun and energy:

What does Sun have to do with climate?

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

2

2

2

2

3 4

3 4

3 4

3 4

5

5

5

5

2 3 4 5

2

2

2

2

3 4

3 4

3 4

3 4

5

5

5

5

439

440

q30 q31 q32 q33 q34 q35

How interested would you be in learning more about these topics?

PLEASE CIRCLE:

1, 2, 3, 4, or 5.

Agriculture: How does weather and climate affect farming

& livestock animals?

Wildlife: How does weather and climate affect wild animals of the desert?

O’odham knowledge

of the seasons: How does the O’odham calendar describe the months, seasons & climate?

Stars and seasons:

How can you tell the season and the month by the position of the stars seen at night?

Wind, clouds & rain:

How do they form?

What are their different types?

O’odham knowledge of wind, clouds &

rain: What do

O’odham say about wind, clouds, and rain?

Absolutely not

Interested

1

1

1

1

1

1

Not really

Interested

A little

Interested Interested

Really

Interested

2 3 4 5

2

2

2

2

2

3

3

3

3

3

4

4

4

4

4

5

5

5

5

5

441

q36 q37 q38 q39 q40 q41 q42 q43 q44

Thunderstorms:

How is a thunderstorm created?

Other weather:

How do the “jegos”

(dust storms) form?

How do dust devils form?

Other severe weather:

How do tornadoes form? Where and when do they happen?

Severe weather in other places:

How do blizzards & ice storms happen?

How do hurricanes form?

Weather safety:

How do I keep my family and home safe during severe weather?

Oceans: How do oceans affect weather and climate? What are El Niño & La

Niña?

The Monsoon: How does the monsoon work according to climate science?

How interested would you be in learning more about these topics?

PLEASE CIRCLE: 1,

2, 3, 4, or 5.

O’odham

Knowledge & the

Monsoon: How does the monsoon work according O’odham knowledge?

Climate Change

(What some call

“Global Warming”):

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

Absolutely not

Interested

1

1

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

5

5

5

5

5

5

5

Not really

Interested

A little

Interested Interested

Really

Interested

2

2

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

4

4

4

4

4

4

4

4

4

5

5

442

How is the climate changing and why is it changing?

q45. Are there other things that you feel are important to learn about related to weather and climate?

If yes, please describe.

____________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

REMINDERS

If you would be willing to be interviewed on more detailed knowledge you have about weather and climate on the Tohono O’odham Nation…

OR, you speak or write O’odham and would you be willing to assist the PI, Casey

Kahn-Thornbrugh, compile a list of words and phrases that describe weather and climate in O’odham…

Please see Casey to give him your contact information.

APPENDIX G

O’ODHAM LANGUAGE DESCRIPTIONS OF WEATHER

(CENTRAL TOHONO O’ODHAM NATION DIALECTS)

443

444

APPENDIX H

O’ODHAM LANGUAGE DESCRIPTIONS OF WEATHER (WESTERN TOHONO

O’ODHAM NATION DIALECTS)

APPENDIX I

THE WATER CYCLE (TOTOKWAÑ DIALECT)

Ṣu:dagĭ sikol him am

The water cycle

445

Akĭ Wash (arroyo) Ak ciñ Mouth of the wash

Cewagĭ Cloud (clouds) Cewagĭ o’ hihim. Clouds are moving.

Hewel Wind Ju:kĭ Rain Ju:pin Soaking in (groundwater recharge)

Ṣu:dagĭ Water Taṣ Sun Taṣ tonlig Sun light (solar radiation)

Jeweḍ weco ṣu:dagĭ ka:cim Water under the earth/soil (groundwater)

Ge:ṣhim ‘o g ṣu:dagĭ. Water is falling (precipitation).

Wu:ṣonhim ‘o g ṣu:dagĭ. Water is rising (evaporation & evapotranspiration).

S-wa’us Dampness you can feel (humidity from evaporation).

E-cewag-kc It forms itself into a cloud (condensation).

Wi’in Currents that carry away (runoff) Wo’o Charco (small body of water)

APPENDIX J

THE WATER CYCLE (HU:HUHLA DIALECT)

Ṣu:dagĭ sikol him am

The water cycle

446

Akĭ Wash (arroyo) Ak ciñ Mouth of the wash

Cevagĭ Cloud (clouds) Cevagĭ o’ hihim. Clouds are moving.

Hevel Wind Ju:kĭ Rain Ju:pin Soaking in (groundwater recharge)

Ṣu:dagĭ Water Taṣ Sun Taṣ tonlig Sun light (solar radiation)

Jeveḍ veco ṣu:dagĭ ka:cim Water under the earth/soil (groundwater)

Ge:ṣhim ‘o g ṣu:dagĭ. Water is falling (precipitation).

Vu:ṣonhim ‘o g ṣu:dagĭ. Water is rising (evaporation & evapotranspiration).

S-va’usig Dampness you can feel (humidity from evaporation).

E-cevag-kc It forms itself into a cloud (condensation).

Vi’in Currents that carry away (runoff) Vo’o Charco (small body of water)

447

APPENDIX K

EVALUATION SURVEY

Developing a Native Science Climate Curriculum:

Combining Tohono O’odham and Western Knowledge of

Local Weather and Climate

Introduction: TO BE READ ALOUD TO THE AUDIENCE BEFORE SURVEY BEGINS

S-ke:g taṣ and welcome. You are have been volunteering to assist in the development of a climate curriculum for O’odham students at the elementary, middle, high school, and college level. This curriculum has been developed and also been used at workshops teaching about climate to your friends, family, and neighbors in your district and community.

As the Principal Investigator (PI) for this project, I have been grateful for your participation, your time, and your knowledge contribution for the development of this curriculum. Today will be your second and last survey. Some of the questions will be similar, but most of the questions are new and are aimed at evaluating your experience in this project. From your responses I will evaluate the science curriculum developed that combines Tohono O’odham and Western knowledge of weather and climate. Any participants that wish to share more specific personal knowledge and information about local weather and climate are still invited to be interviewed for this project.

Your responses and evaluation of the curriculum will allow me to make the appropriate edits and revisions to the curriculum. When the project ends the completed curriculum will be given in a hard-copy (bound book) and CD format to the participating districts of San Lucy, San Xavier, Schuk Toak, and Sells, Tohono

O’odham Community College, and the Tohono O’odham Nation.

Please remember to complete the last section “Part 4,” which is your own evaluation of how much you learned about weather and climate from the curriculum.

As with your first survey, your identity in this survey will remain confidential. Do you have any questions about what I’ve just told you?

448

PART 1: Background

q1. Did you take the first survey given at the beginning of this project (before the workshops began)?

____ [1] Yes ____ [0] No

Part 2: How much do you feel you learned about weather and climate?

How much do you agree with these statements?

PLEASE CIRCLE: 3, 2, 1, or 0.

Strongly

“Disagree” Disagree Agree

Strongly

“Agree” q2

I can describe “more” things in the weather and climate in “O’odham.”

0

1 2 3

q3 q4 q5 q6 q7 q8 q9 q10 q11

I know what temperature, air pressure

& humidity are and how they are measured.

I know and can remember some of the

O’odham cultural teachings on things related to weather & climate?

I know and can describe how the Sun influences the climate.

I know some steps to keep my family and home safe during severe weather.

I know how wind, clouds and rain form based on weather and climate science.

I know how O’odham describe wind, clouds, and rain, and how they are formed.

I know how the oceans affect weather and climate.

I know how the monsoon works according to climate science.

I know how the monsoon works according O’odham knowledge.

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

449

Part 3: Curriculum Evaluation

How much do you agree with these statements?

PLEASE CIRCLE: 3, 2, 1, or 0.

q12 q14

I feel there were enough weather and climate science examples in the curriculum.

q13

I feel there were enough O’odham knowledge examples in the curriculum.

I feel there were enough O’odham

“language” examples in the curriculum.

q15 q16 q17 q18

I feel this curriculum has enough activities that would help O’odham

COLLEGE students learn more about weather and climate.

I feel this curriculum has enough activities that would help O’odham

HIGH SCHOOL students learn more about weather and climate.

I feel this curriculum has enough activities that would help O’odham

MIDDLE SCHOOL students learn more about weather and climate.

I feel this curriculum has enough activities that would help O’odham

ELEMENTARY SCHOOL students learn more about weather and climate.

Strongly

“Disagree” Disagree Agree

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

q19 q20

How much do you agree with these statements?

PLEASE CIRCLE: 3, 2, 1, or 0.

I feel this curriculum has enough activities that would help O’odham

ELEMENTARY SCHOOL students learn more about weather and climate.

I feel this curriculum has enough activities that would help O’odham

Strongly

“Disagree”

0

0

1

1

1

1

1

1

1

2

2

2

2

2

2

2

Disagree Agree

1

1

2

2

Strongly

“Agree”

3

3

3

3

3

3

3

Strongly

“Agree”

3

3

450

ADULTS learn more about weather and climate.

q21. Are there any other thoughts you would like to share regarding your experience during this workshop?

If yes, please describe.

____________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________

__________________________________________________________

451

APPENDIX L

CURRICULUM ACTIVITIES FOR GEO 101: INTRODUCTION TO WEATHER AND

CLIMATE FALL 2012

GEO 101: Fall 2012

Weather and Climate Curriculum: All Topics

Topic

Activity

Guest Speaker, video

or other activities

Readings (Text &

Supplemental)

Assessment

O’odham language and the weather

(Note:

O’odham language examples continued to be review weekly through the semester.)

Group activity:

Break into groups and go through

O’odham language day-to-day weather lesson

CD-Rom Program:

Thomas & Tohono

O’odham Education

Department (1999)

Zepeda (1995)

“Introduction Things

That Help Me Begin to

Remember” in Ocean

Acim ac

O’odhamkaj

ñeñeok: (We are speaking O’odham)

Beginning O’odham

– Level 1, Unit 8,

Weather: Lesson 1

Have the students go through lesson

1, which are the basics of describing

today’s weather in

O’odham.

Power: Poems from the

Desert, pp. 1-5.

Hand out O’odham word list for various types of weather.

Assignment: Take home weather journal. Do you know someone in your family or community who speaks O’odham?

Ask them how they would describe things related to weather and climate in O’odham? Take some time for the next few days to write in your journal what the weather is in O’odham using what you learned in class and/or from your family/community.

Atmospheric science (i.e., weather and climate) 101

Oudoor weather observation:

Measure and record temperature, humidity, and wind direction-speed with your Kestrel weathermeter

Kestrel weathermeter:

Use in classtime outdoor weather observation.

Websites:

Remote automated weather station

(RAWS): real-time data for Sells,

Arizona http://www.wrh.no

aa.gov/twc/raws.p

hp

Aguado and Burt (2012):

Chapter one: “Weather and Climate Basics” in

Understanding Weather and Climate: 5 th

Edition, pp. 22-26.

Assignment: Take your weather journal again and observe the weather for the next few days.

Describe the weather in O’odham; then use your Kestrel to measure and add the variables of temperature, humidity, and wind direction-speed to your observations.

452

Taṣ Tonolig c

We:pegĭ

(Solar

Radiation &

Energy)

Discussion: Discuss characteristics of taṣ “the Sun” using

O’odham descriptions.

Group activity:

Break into groups

Websites:

Remote automated weather station

(RAWS): Real-time data (e.g., solar) for

Sells, Arizona http://www.wrh.no

and build a sundial.

Measure the angle of the noon sun.

Presentation: aa.gov/twc/raws.p

hp

Discuss solar angles, lines of latitude on the globe, and seasons.

Discuss solar radiation and view local measurements of solar energy in watts/m

2

.

Zepeda (1982) “Taṣ/Sun” by Elaine Antone in

When it rains:

Papago and Pima Poetry ‘Mat hekid o ju, 'O'odham Nacegitodag

, pp. 14-15.

Aguado and Burt (2012):

Chapter two: “Solar

Radiation & the Seasons” in Understanding

Weather and Climate: 5 th

Edition, pp. 32-50.

Assignments:

Continue the weather journal entries using

O’odham language to describe the weather and the

Kestrels to measure the weather variables (e.g., temperature, humidity, air pressure).

Describe the concepts of wepegĭ

(energy), gewkdag

(strength or

“power”), and taṣ

tonlig (sun rays or

“solar radiation”).

Recall and write about the “Pisenimo

Solar Project on the

Tohono O’odham

Nation” and “Native

Sun on the Hopi

Reservation.”

Topic

Activity

Guest Speaker, video

or other activities

Readings (Text &

Supplemental)

Assessment

Tohono

O’odham two village system

(e.g., winter mountain villages & summer valley villages)

Da:m Ka:cim

(The Heavens or “Earth’s

Atmosphere”)

We:cdag

Fieldtrip: Saturday field trip to Ioligam

Du’ag (Manzanita

Plant Mountain) aka

“I’itoi’s Garden” or

“Kitt Peak.” Travel from the base @

3,000 ft. el. To summit at 6,800 ft. stopping at the

4,000; 5,000; and

6,000 ft. levels to observe biome changes and to measure air

Community

Member or TOCC

Tohono O’odham

Langauge, History

& Cultural

Instructor:

“The Tohono

O’odham two village system”

Kitt Peak National

Observatory Staff

Scientist and

Cooperative

Weather Observer:

“Observing daily

Aguado and Burt (2012):

Chapter one: “Thickness of the Atmosphere,

Composition of the

Atmosphere & Vertical

Profile of the

Atmosphere”” in

Understanding Weather and Climate: 5 th

Edition, pp. 6-21.

Assignments:

Review the changes in the environment

(e.g., plants, temperature, air pressure, humidity, etc.) at different points of elevation as we went up the mountain.

As a general rule, what happens to temperature and air pressure as we go up in elevation?

Discussion: Why is

453

Da:m Ka:cim

(Weight of the Sky or

“Air

Pressure”)

pressure and temperature gradients weather and recording longterm climate on

Kitt Peak” the mountain called

I’itoi’s Garden? How is the environment different than the valley below?

Topic

Activity

Guest Speaker, video

or other activities

Readings (Text &

Supplemental)

Assessment

Indigenous

Peoples and

Tohono

O’odham seasonal planting, star observations and climate.

Class discussion:

Discuss, how do

Tohono O’odham and other Native people planned their activities with the climate and seasons suing the seasonal positions of the stars?

Note: No guest lecturer, however,

Casey shares information of the stars and O’odham planting/harvesting times as was taught to him by the late

Danny Lopez.

Cajete (2000) “Native

Astronomy” in Native

Science.

Archie Ramon (1982)

“’Eḍa hukkam maṣad/Quarter moon) &

“Mat o ṣ:ud g maṣad/Full moon)” in When it rains:

Papago and Pima Poetry

‘Mat hekid o ju,

'O'odham Na-cegitodag.

Assignment: Go look at the stars one hour after sunset. Find: the North Star

Find: the Pleadies,

Orion’s Belt (late fall,

winter, or early

spring activity).

Find: Big Dipper and note it position

(spring, summer, or

fall activity).

O’odham

Maṣad Kuinta

(The Season/

Month

Counter) or the “O’odham

Calendar”

The Sun and

Seasons

Class discussion:

Return to the sun dial. What do the elders say happens to the shadows of the haha:ṣañ

(saguaros) as we get closet to summer or winter?

Why do these shadows change seasonally?

Group activity: Use a pencil, protractor, and a string to demonstrate these angles: 0º, 23º,

66º, and 90º.

Review: latitude and important lines of latitude on regard to Earth’s seasons. Use an inflatable beachball

Class activity: Have the student groups use the step latter to tape print-outs of each month (in

O’odham and

English) of the

O’odham Calendar on the ceiling.

Have the class create a “counterclockwise” circle with these. Be sure to start with the

O’odham New Year month Ha:ṣañ Bak

Maṣad (June) on the “south ceiling” with subsequent months placed in counter-clockwise order until

Ge’e S-he:pijig

Maṣad (December) is reached on the

“north ceiling.”

Aguado and Burt (2012):

Finish Chapter two:

“Solar Radiation & the

Seasons” in

Understanding Weather and Climate: 5 th

Edition, pp. 32-50.

Assignment: Group in-class assignment.

Place lamp light in the center of the room. Give each group a globe

(standard kind with the 23º tilt from the verticle) and a flash light (so they can see the months on the ceiling). Have each group go around counter-clockwise, noting the the angle of the light’s (i.e.,

Sun’s rays) on their globe for each of the months.

Ask, when (which months) does the

Arctic (i.e., top of their globe) get 24 hours of sunlight (or

454

Topic globe and toss it around.

Activity

Keep placing the months until the circle is finished.

Guest Speaker, video

or other activities

Readings (Text &

Supplemental)

24 hours of night)?

Assessment

We:pegĭ c

Toñĭ (Energy

& Heat

(Temperature

)

Discuss: “Desert heat.” What gets hot in the Sun? Are their materials that get hotter than others? Or what about when things are wet, or if you are wet (if you splash water on your head), why do you feel cool? It’s not just because the water is cool.

Group activity:

(best on a sunny relatively hot day if possible).

Each group gets four 6-quart clear plastic containers.

They fill all 4 with desert soil.

They put enough water in two of their containers to moisten the soil and leave the other two containers with dry soil. Place one thermometer

(just on top of the soil) each of the four containers

Lastly they take plastic and cover

“one” of their moist soil containers and

“one” of their dry soil containers.

Take all the containers outside and leave them in the Sun for 15 minutes.

Supplemental assignment:

(Topic: Indigenous

knowledge): Ask a family member or an elder.

How did the Tohono

O’odham keep cool in their homes during the summer before everyone had swamp coolers or an air conditioner? Discuss in class why/how this method worked?

Aguado and Burt (2012):

Chapter three: Pg. 56-60

“Atmospheric Influences on Insolation” Pg. 60-62

“The Fate of Solar

Radiation” Pg. 62-68

“Energy Transfer

Processes Between the

Surface and the

Atmosphere”

Assignment: Group in-class assignment.

After 15 minutes.

Each group goes outside and documents the change in temperature in each of their four containers. Which containers heated up more? Discuss daytime heating of the Earth’s surface and “shortwave radiation.”

Do this very same activity, only this time take all four containers inside the classroom, preferably a relatively cool and dark spot if available.

Leave for 15 minutes, then return to observe the temperature of each.

Which ones cooled the fastest (i.e., greatest change in temperature from when they were outside)? Discuss nighttime cooling of the Earth’s surface and “shortwave radiation.”

Topic

Activity Guest Speaker, video Readings (Text &

Assessment

455

or other activities Supplemental)

We:cdag

Da:m Ka:cim c

Hewel

(Atmospheric

Pressure &

Wind

Outdoor observation: (Best on a day with some wind or a

breeze) Take class outside with their kestrel weather meters. Measure the wind speed (3- second average as well as gusts) and take note of the wind direction.

In-class activity:

Give each student a dry-empty plastic water bottle, each with a small (1/4 cm) hole punctured into the side of it.

Have the students tape the hole closed (a small piece of duct tape works best). Give each student a balloon, have them place the ballon in the bottle and have them try and blow the balloon up.

They can’t!

Describe why: The air already sealed in the bottle has pressure and is resisting “more” air being added in.

Then have them take the tape off and try. They are able to blow up the balloon because, air is free to flow out of the bottle.

Web-based activity.

Have the students on their computers go to the following website:

ww2010: The

World Weather

Project:

http://ww2010.atm

os.uiuc.edu/(Gh)/w x/surface.rxml

Have the students click on “Sea Level

Pressure Map with

Wind Vectors.”

This pulls up the most current sea level pressure map over the U.S. with wind speed and direction super imposed on it.

Discuss how wind flows out of “high pressure zones” into “low pressure zones.” Ask the students if they can see this demonstrated on the map.

Discuss the

“Coriolis Effect” and show this video of people on a rotating merry-goround, trying to pass a basket ball to one another.

The basket ball is constantly deflected. http://www.youtub

e.com/watch?v=_3

Supplemental:

Zepeda (1982) Mat

Hekid o Ju: When it

Rains: (wind: 47-48)

Aguado and Burt (2012):

Chapter four: Pgs. 94-95

“The Concept of

Pressure” Pgs. 95-96

“Vertical & Horizontal

Changes in Pressure” Pg.

106-109 “Forces

Affecting the Direction and Speed of the Wind”

Pg. 109-111 “Winds in the Upper Atmosphere”

Pg. 111-115 “Near

Surface Winds &

Cyclones, Anticyclones,

Troughs, & Ridges” Pg.

116 “Measuring Wind.”

Assignment: In-class lab assignment in groups.

Have the students get on the computers and go online to the

Geostationary

Opperational

Environmental

Satellite (GOES) webite: http://www.goes.no

aa.gov/index.html

Have the students click on the animations for GOES

West (Eastern Pacific

Ocean and Western

North America)

Have the students identify clockwise and counterclockwise air flows based on the movement of clouds or water vapor. In other words have them identify areas of low and high pressure.

456

Topic

Activity

6MiCUS1ro Discuss that we are on a rotating planet and wind is also deflected.

Guest Speaker, video

or other activities

Readings (Text &

Supplemental)

Assessment

Tohono

O’odham two village system

(e.g., winter mountain villages & summer valley villages)

Fieldtrip: Saturday field trip to Tohono

O’odham

Community Action

(TOCA) Farms in

Cowlic (25 minutedrive from TOCC

Central Campus)

Members of TOCA present on traditional Tohono

O’odham summer farming and winter faming (i.e., the farming of winter crops introduced from Europe).

How is run-off water from the monsoon diverted to the fields? What other weather affacts farming?

Supplemental: TOCA

(2010) From I’itois

Garden: “Reflection”

Pgs. 284-285;

“Floodwater farming”

Pgs. 354-357.

Ka:cim

Ṣu:dagĭ (The

Ocean)

Writing assignment:

Recall and write what was presented about Tohono

O’odham farming, how weather and climate play a role in what is planted and how to take care of these plants, and how “floodwater” farming is done.

Video:

“From the Ocean to the Desert” (An

O’odham 2-week pilgrimage walking from the Gulf of

California to the

Arizona Desert

Museum near

Tucson. Deals with

Supplemental: Zepeda

(1995) Ocean Power:

Poems from the Desert

(the 1993 El Nino floods:

21-25; ocean 83-84)

Aguado and Burt (2012):

Chapter eight: Pgs. 241-

246 “The Oceans” Pgs.

255-266 “Air-Sea

O’odham worldview and the ocean: 30 min.)

Interactions” Pgs. 243-

252“El Nino, La Nina, and the Walker Circulation”

Assignment: Writing reflection: How is the Ocean important for Tohono O’odham or other O’odham in the Sonoran Desert?

Recall the experiment with the dry soil and wet soil heating and cooling off. Based on what we know about water, how do you think temperature change is in the ocean? Does the temperature change easily and quickly or is it slow? How does this characteristic of the ocean affect the

457 climate, especially locations close to the ocean? How does El

Nino/La Nino impact climate in Arizona?

Why?

Topic

Activity

Guest Speaker, video

or other activities

Readings (Text &

Supplemental)

Assessment

Ṣu:dagĭ Sikol

Him Am

(Water Cycle)

Watch Video: On the Sonoran Desert environment and water from Tohono

O’odham perspectives.

In-class lab: Using a water cycle kit, warm water and ice have the students create their own water cycle. Using the water cycle in

Video:

“The Desert

Speaks: The Living

Traditions of the

Tohono O’odham”

(Seasons, farming

& water in the

Sonoron Desert as told by Tohono

O’odham: 30 min.)

O’odham hand-out, have them use the

O’odham words to describe the different points of the water cycle.

Supplemental: Ṣu:dagĭ

Sikol Him Am (The

Water Cycle): Hand-outs of the water cycle in the

O’odham language.

Assignment: Take home the water cycle in O’odham handout. Using a separate sheet of paper or a blank water cycle diagram, draw and re-label the water cycle using the O’odham terms you have learned.

Ṣu:dagĭ ceḍ

Da:m Ka:cim

(Moisture in the

Atmosphere)

Discussion: Discuss the poem by Ofelia

Zepeda “Morning

Air.” What does morning air feel like, especially in the winter “or” the summer after it has rained the day or night before?

Presentation:

Present on atmospheric moisture and concepts of humidity, dew point, vapor, and

In-class demonstration:

Use clean-empty pickle jar for this condensation experiment. Can be done outside and works very well if it is warm or hot.

Add ice and water into the base of the pickle jar, ans watch the condensation form outside the jar.

Discuss “dew” and

“dew point” and

Supplemental: Zepeda

(1995) Ocean Power:

Poems from the Desert

(Morning Air: 65)

Aguado and Burt (2012):

Chapter five: Pgs. 125-

126 “Water Vapor &

Liquid Water” Pgs. 126-

132 “Indices of Water

Vapor Content” Pgs. 135-

137 “Distribution of

Water Vapor”

Assignment:

Have students complete two temperaturedewpoint graphs: one for different times of the year for the Sonoran Desert and one for different locations in North

America in June (e.g.,

San Francisco, Sells,

Houston, and Rapid

City. Have the students apply what they have learned about dew point and moisture to identify

458 vapor pressure.

Cewagĭ (Cloud

Development and Forms)

In-class activity:

“Creating convection and a thunderstorm with food coloring: Part

1”

Provide a six-quart clear-plastic container to each group. Have the students fill their container with room temperature water. Then have them use a pipet to place “ice-cold” water marked with red food coloring at the bottom of the tank. Since this is cold the red water should stay settled at the bottom of the tank. Then slide a styrofoam cup of hot water under the tank where the red food coloring has settled. What the red food coloring begin to rise! We have just created convection, a cloud lifting mechansim, and mimicked the growth of a what is happening on the glass.

the dry and moist times of year in the

Sonoran Desert, and whether the locations mentioned would tend to be more dry or moist in

June based on their temperatures and dew points.

Supplemental: Zepeda

(1995) Ocean Power:

Poems from the Desert

(cloud song: 15; 21-25; clouds: 26)

Aguado and Burt (2012):

Chapter six: Pgs. 160-162

“Mechanisms That Lift

Air” Pg. 163-167 “Static

Stability & the

Environmental Lapse

Rate” Pgs. 167-169

“Factors Influencing the

Environmental Lapse

Rate” Pgs. 170

“Limitations on the

Lifting of Unstable Air”

Pgs. 171-172 “Extremely

Stable Air Inversions” Pg.

172-181 “Cloud Types”

Assignment:

Provide students a take home assignment from the lab and the readings.

Have the students describe “stability” as it relates to heated-rising, and cooled-sinking air.

Have the students describe the four mechanisms for lifting air to form clouds.

459 cumulonimbus

(thunderstorm) cloud.

Ju:kĭ

(Precipitation)

In-class activity:

“Creating convection and a

Tatañikĭ

(Thunder)

thunderstorm with food coloring: Part

2”

Complete all of the steps in “Creating convection and a thunderstorm with food coloring: Part

2.” After the red food coloring rises almost to the surface of the water in the tank, add ice cube with

“blue food coloring.” These ice cubes will float, but the blue food coloring will sink from the ice cube mimicking cold rain and downdrafts falling from a thunderstorm.

When the blue food coloring hits the bottom of the tank it spreads out ward rapidly creating the same process as an

Arizona dust storm associated with early season monsoon thunderstorms.

Jujkiabig

Mamaṣad

(Rainy

Months and

Supplemental:

Zepeda (1982) Mat

Hekid o Ju: When it

Rains: (rain: 7, 74-75)

Supplemental: Zepeda

(1995) Ocean Power:

Poems from the Desert

(rain song: 14)

Aguado and Burt (2012):

Pg. 190-195 “Growth of

Cloud Droplets” Pgs.

195-203 “Distribution &

Forms of Precipitation”

Pgs. 204-207 “Measuring

Precipitation” Pgs. 207-

208 “Cloud Seeding”

Chapter eleven: Pgs.

308-312 “Process of

Lightning Formation”

Pgs. 312-313 “Lightning

Safety” Pgs. 314-324

“Thunderstorms: Air

Mass, Multicell &

Supercell” Pgs. 324-325

“Geographic & Temporal

Distribution of

Thunderstorms”

Assignment:

Provide students a take home assignment from the lab and the readings.

Have students complete a worksheet on the processes for increasing the size of a cloud droplet into rain (e.g., coalescence and

Bergeron)

Video:

Ju:jkida (The Rain

Calling Ceremony:

60 min.) as

Supplemental: TOCA

(2010) From I’itois

Garden: “Introduction and Reflection,” Ha:ṣañ

Writing assignment:

Recall and write a reflection paper on the video of the

460

the Monsoon

I)

presented by the late Danny Lopez.

and Tradition” Pgs. 104-

107; “The Rain

Ceremony” Pgs. 108-109;

Chana et al. (2009) The

Sweet Smell of Home

(The O’odham relationship with the natural world & rain ceremonies: 21-35)

Supplemental: Zepeda

(1995) Ocean Power:

Poems from the Desert presentation on the

Rain Ceremony by

Danny Lopez.

According to him, why are the rain ceremonies important? Have the rain ceremonies ever been miss- interpreted or misunderstood? In what ways? What does he say about

“energy,” “the

(saguaro fruit harvesting and the rain: 9-13) environment” and

“positive thinking?”

Jujkiabig

Mamaṣad

(Rainy

Months and the Monsoon

II)

Presentation: the

“North American

Monsoon System”

Materials available from the Tucson

Office of the

National Weather

Service Website: http://www.wrh.no

aa.gov/twc/monso on/monsoon_info.

php

In class-lab:

Dispribute the July water vapor circulation video

(file) for student viewing on the computer. Have the students identify the subtropical ridge steering moisture into northern

Mexico and Arizona based on what they learned about high pressure circulation.

Supplemental: Phillip’s

& Comus (2000)

A Natural History of the

Sonoran Desert: (climate

& natural events: 19-28; the summer monsoon & desert storms: 41-50)

Assignments:

Take-home assignment: Based on the National

Weather Service description, what are some of the physical mechansims of monsoons in general? In other words, what oceanic and atmospheric conditions “set the stage” for a monsoon circulation to develop?

Topic

Activity

Guest Speaker, video

or other activities

Readings (Text &

Supplemental)

Assessment

Ju:kĭ

S-hepijigkam

(Winter

Storms

Midlatitude

Cyclones)

Presentation: the

“Winter Storms on the U.S. West Coast and the Southwest”

Aguado and Burt (2012):

Chapter ten: Pg. 282

“Polar Front Theory” Pgs.

288-293 “Surface Fronts and Upper-Level

Patterns” Pgs. 294-297

“An Example of a

Midlatitude Cyclone”

Pgs. 298-299 “Flow

Patterns and Large-Scale

Weather” Pgs. 299-302

Assignment:

Take-home assignment: Have students describe, based on the presentation and the readings how winter storms are different than summer monsoon thunderstorms. Why

461

Topic

Activity

“The Modern View”

Midlatitude Cyclones and

Conveyor Belts”

“Anticyclones” are they different?

Have the students describe the life cycle of a midlatitude cycle, using an example of one that developes in the Pacific Ocean then arrives in

Arizona as a winter storm.

Guest Speaker, video

or other activities

Readings (Text &

Supplemental)

Assessment

O’odham

Legends and

Local Weather

and Climate

In class speaker:

Listen to story of wind and rain.

Discuss how

Tohono O’odham know and relate to the weather

Note: O’odham cultural etiquette is that origin-type or

“creation of the world-type stories” are usually told in the winter. This activity is most appropriate at the beginning of the spring semester or the end of the fall semester.

Phillip Miguel:

“A Tohono

O’odham story of

Wind and Rain”

Sonoran

Desert &

Arizona

Climate

Supplemental: TOCA

(2010) From I’itois

Assignment:

Written summary of

Garden: “Legend” story as told by guest

Pg.230: “Legend” Pg. 256 speaker and how it relates to local weather and climate

(also describe how the characters in the story: Bear, Coyote,

Buzzard, and the

Hummingbird try to find the Wind and

Rain) The hummingbird uses

“science” and an

“experiment” to find

Wind and Rain.

Describe how this is so or what steps in the basic scientific method did the hummingbird take?)

CD-Rom Program:

Thomas & Tohono

O’odham Education

Department (1999)

Acim ac

O’odhamkaj

ñeñeok: (We are speaking O’odham)

Beginning O’odham

– Level 1, Unit 8,

Weather: Lesson 2

Supplemental: Phillip’s

& Comus (2000)

A Natural History of the

Sonoran Desert: (climate

& natural events: 19-28)

Aguado and Burt (2012):

Chapter Eight:

“Atmospheric

Circulation: The Three-

Cell Model” Pgs. 218-

Assignment:

Take-home assignment: Have students describe based on the presentation and the readings the

“atmospheric circulation patterns

“that set the stage” for a dry climate in

462

Topic

Activity

Have the students go through lesson

“2,” which are the basics of describing

Arizona’s climate in O’odham.

223.

Aguado and Burt (2012):

Chapter Fifteen: “Dry

Climates” Pgs. 449-453.

the Southwest.

Guest Speaker, video

or other activities

Readings (Text &

Supplemental)

Assessment

Wildfires and

Severe

Weather in

Arizona

Video:

“Apache 8” (White

Mountain Apache woman’s wildland fire crew, tell their stories: 60 min.)

Tohono O’odham

Nation Fire

Management:

Guest presentation on wildfire management and flash flood-swift water rescue on the Tohono

O’odham Nation

Earth’s

Diverse

Climates

Presentation: A presentation on

Earth’s climates starting with those in western North

America then moving on to other regions of the globe.

Assignment:

Written summary of the presentation by the Tohono O’odham

Fire Management.

What kind of information does

Fire Management need to deal with wildfires and keep people safe? What kind of weather precautions do they use? How does fire management respond to other weather emergencies on the

Tohono O’odham

Nation?

Aguado and Burt (2012):

Chapter Fifteen: “Earth’s

Climates” Pgs. 441-461

Assignment:

Students complete and label a blank map of North

America with the appropriate climates.

They must also describe “why” or the “factors” that maintain these climates considering the affects of atmospheric circulation, oceans, mountains, and latitude.

463

Past Climates Presentation: A presentation on climate “proxies” or noninstrumental indicators of past climate variability.

Examples include

“treering cores” and “packrat middens” in

Arizona. However,

O’odham also recorded major weather and climate events on their “calendar sticks.”

Video:

Calendar Sticks as presented by Kathy

Garcia (The Si:l

Nakyia Calendar

Stick: 60 min.)

Supplemental: Phillip’s

& Comus (2000)

A Natural History of the

Sonoran Desert:

(paleoclimate: 61-69)

Aguado and Burt (2012):

“Climate Changes: Past and Future” Pgs 465-485

Assignment: Hand out copies of San

Xavier Calendar Stick transcriptions for

1848-1910. What major weather/climatic events were recorded in this calendar stick? Why do human beings in general tend to record weather and climate events? If you worked for the local Natural/Water resources what kinds of information would you want to know about the past climate in the

Sonoran Desert?

How would you get that information?

Topic

Activity

Guest Speaker, video

or other activities

Readings (Text &

Supplemental)

Assessment

Air Pollution,

Climate

Change &

Sustainability

Presentation: A presentation on climate change observations in the

Southwest and other egions of the globe in terms of temperature change since 1900 and the 1950s.

An overview on climate change adaptation and sustainability strategies led by

American Indian tribes in the U.S.

Online video:

Tohono O’odham perspectives on climate change and sustainability.

Part 1: (5 minutes) http://www.youtub

e.com/watch?v=xB xUMi88-ho

Part 2: (8 minutes) http://www.youtub

e.com/watch?v=H5

WZNbEt0Xw

Aguado and Burt (2012):

“Climate Changes: Past and Future” Pgs 485-499

Supplemental:

Read “The Basics of a

Sustainable Economy,

Food Insecurity,” and

“Restoring Traditional

Foods” (Pages 3-6, 19-22,

& 51-59) in Sustainable

Tribal Economies.

Found online at: http://www.honorearth.

org/sites/honorearth.org

/files/Sustainable%20Tri bal%20Economies%20HT

E.pdf

Group writingpresentation

assignment: Your group is the “Natural

Resources/Water

Resources department for the

Tohono O’odham

Nation. With your knowledge of the local climate and the information you have been given on past climates and current climate change, you are to design a “climate change adaptation plan” for Tohono

O’odham Nation.

464

APPENDIX M

DISTRICT RESOLUTION FOR PROJECT APPROVAL: SAN LUCY .

DISTRICT

465

466

467

APPENDIX N

DISTRICT RESOLUTION FOR PROJECT APPROVAL: SAN XAVIER .

DISTRICT

468

469

APPENDIX O

DISTRICT RESOLUTION FOR PROJECT APPROVAL: SCHUK TOAK DISTRICT

470

APPENDIX P

DISTRICT RESOLUTION FOR PROJECT APPROVAL: SELLS DISTRICT

471

472

473

APPENDIX Q

RESOLUTION FOR PROJECT APPROVAL: LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL OF THE

TOHONO O’ODHAM NATION

474

475

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