User manual | 72-193 KRUEGER, Darrell William, 1943- THE POLITICAL INTEGRATION OF THE UNITED

72-193
KRUEGER, Darrell William, 1943THE POLITICAL INTEGRATION OF THE UNITED
STATES INDIANS: A CASE STUDY OF THE GILA
RIVER RESERVATION.
The University of Arizona, Ph.D., 1971
Political Science, general
University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan
(c)COPYRIGHTED
BY
DARRELL WILLIAM KRUEGER
1971
iii
THIS DISSERTATION HAS BEEN MICROFLIMED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED
THE POLITICAL INTEGRATION OP TH3 UNITED
STATES INDIANS:
A CASE STUDY OP THE
GILA RIVER RESERVATION
by
Darrell William Krueger
A Dissertation Submitted to the Facility of the
DEPARTMENT OP GOVERNMENT
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
For the Degree of
DOCTOR OP PHILOSOPHY
In the Graduate College
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
19 7 1
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
GRADUATE COLLEGE
I hereby recommend that this dissertation prepared under my
direction by
entitled
Darrell William Krueger
The Political Integration of the United States
Indians:
A Case Study of the Qlla River Reservation
be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement of the
degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
^ * y T * (
• - *
Dissertation Director
/
/
7
/
Date
After inspection of the final copy of the dissertation, the
following members of the Final Examination Committee concur in
its approval and recommend its acceptance:*"
///jfK*,7/
// /r~>/
This approval and acceptance is contingent on the candidate's
adequate performance and defense of this dissertation at the
final oral examination. The inclusion of this sheet bound into
the library copy of the dissertation is evidence of satisfactory
performance at the final examination.
STATEMENT BY AUTHOR
This dissertation has been submitted in partial
fulfillment of requirements for an advanced degree at The
University of Arizona and is deposited in the University
Library to be made available to borrowers under rules of
the Library.
Brief quotations from this dissertation are allow­
able without special permission, provided that accurate
acknowledgment of source is made. Requests for permission
for extended quotation from or reproduction of this manu­
script in whole or in part may be granted by the copyright
holder.
3IGNED: ,1(/aMfJPtfl/u
PLEASE NOTE:
Some Pages have indistinct
print. Filmed as received.
UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
The author would first like to express his appre­
ciation to the residents of the Gila River Indian Reserva­
tion for their cooperation and support in helping him
research the materials for this dissertation.
He would
like to thank each and everyone specifically, but it would
be impossible to do so since there are so many of them who
have contributed so much to this study.
The author would also like to express appreciation
to the Department of Government at The University of
Arizona for the fellowship which makes his graduate train­
ing possible.
Particularly, the author is thankful for
the long and patient hours which Dr. Edward J. Williams
spent in helping him to complete this study.
The author
wishes to thank him for his encouragement and guidance.
Appreciation is also due the other members of the author's
committee, Dr. Paul Kelso and Dr. Michael P. Sullivan.
A
special thanks should go to Mr. Harlan Cary for the special
technical assistance given the author in the use of the
computer.
The research on this study could not have been
accomplished if it had not been for the Woodrow Wilson Dis­
sertation Foundation and the Graduate Fellowship program at
iv
The University of Arizona which supplied funds for research
and living expenses.
Finally, the author would like to express his deep
gratitude for his wife and family for their encouragement
and support.
Many long hours were spent by both in read­
ing and rereading the manuscript.
TABLE OP CONTENTS
Page
LIST OF TABLES
ix
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
xi
ABSTRACT
1.
.
INTRODUCTION
1
Cultural Political Integration
Degree of Conformity to Political Value
Standards as Independent Variable .....
Communication
Structure As An Index of Political
Integration
Methodology .
.
2. POLITICAL CULTURE:
THE COGNITIVE ORIENTATION . .
A Description of the Level of Political
Integration
A Description of the Cognitive Orientation . .
Importance of the Community, Tribal
and National Governments
Awareness of Politics
.
Information and Opinions
Summary • • • . .
Cognitive Orientations and Political
Integration
........
3.
POLITICAL CULTURE:
xii
FEELINGS ABOUT POLITICS ...
8
15
16
17
20
22
25
33
33
1+1
lj.6
51
Sb
$8
A Description of the Affective Orientation .. 59
S y s t e m A f f e c t : Feelings o f p r i d e . . . .
59
Output Affect: Expectations of Treatment
by Administrators
63
Input Affect: Patterns of Political
Communication
71
Self-Competence
83
Affective Orientations and Political
Integration
98
Summary
100
vi
vii
TABLE OP CONTENTS—Continued
Page
ij..
COMMUNICATION
103
The Intra-Community Communication System . .
The Communication System of the Tribal Level
CoTimunications with the Outside
The Statistical Relationship 3etween
Political Integration and Political
Communications
5. POLITICAL NORMS OP THE GILA RIVER INDIAN
COMMUNITY
105
110
117
121
125
Consensus Orientation vs. Majority Rule ...
Personal Orientation vs. "Thing"
Orientation
Functionally Diffuse Relationships vs.
Functionally Specific Relationships ....
Fluid Conception of Leadership and
Authority vs. Assigned Leadership
Non-Hierarchical vs. Hierarchical Structure .
The Penetration of the Urban-Industrial
Way Into the Reservation
Political Structure and UrbanIndustrial Values
133
6. POLITICAL STRUCTURE AND POLITICAL INTEGRATION . .
1i&
The Constitutional Structure
The Observed Tribal Structure
The Interface Between Tribal and
Federal Political Systems
The Policy Process on the Reservation . .
Community Level Structure and
Interdependency . . . . . . . . . . . .
Conclusions . . . . « • • • •
•
11+-5
1ij.9
7.
CONCLUSION
129
132
13l|
136
137
151
153
163
166
168
Policy Recommendations
APPENDIX A:
127
QUESTIONNAIRE AND PERCENTAGE WHO
RESPONDED TO EACH ANSWER
183
188
viii
TABLE OP CONTENTS—Continued
Page
APPENDIX B:
APPENDIX C:
LETTER OP PERMISSION PROM GILA
RIVER INDIAN COMMUNITY
216
MAP OP GILA RIVER RESERVATION ...
217
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
219
r
i
LIST OP TABLES
Table
Page
1.
Dimensions of Political Orientation .
10
2.
Dimensions of Political Cultures ...•••••
12
3.
Work Done For the Community, Tribe or
United States
26
The Respondents'Perception of Who Helped
Them Mo3t in Life
27
5.
The Feelings of Identity
30
6.
The Feelings of Loyalty
30
7.
Perception of Who Respondents F9lt They Would
Help and Who They Did Help
32
ij..
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13*
II4..
15.
16.
Estimated Degree of Impact of Community,
Tribal and National Government on Daily Life
•
3k-
Estimated Degree of Impact of National
Government on Daily Life: By Nation
35
Estimated Degree of Impact of Local
Government on Daily Life: 3y Nation
36
Character of Impact of Community, Tribe,
National Governments
39
Character of Impact of National Government:
By Nation .
.•••••••••••
l+O
Following Accounts of Political and Govern­
mental Affairs: 3y Nation
43
Following Reports of Public Affairs In the
Various Media: 3y Nation . •
k$
Following Accounts of Public, Tribal and
Community Affairs
14-7
Ability to Name Party Leaders, Community
Leaders and Tribal Leaders
$0
ix
X
LIST OP TABLES— Continued
Table
Page
17.
Summary of Patterns of Political Cognition ...
53
18.
Relationship Between Political Integration
and Cognitive Orientation
57
Aspects of Nation In Which Respondents
Report pride
62
20.
Things To Be Proud of as a Pima (Maricopa) ...
6I4.
21.
Expectation of Treatment by Governmental
Bureaucracy and Police and Tribal Official . .
66
Amount of Consideration Expected for Point of
View Prom Bureaucracy, Police and
Tribal Officials
68
Expectations of Treatment By Governmental
Authorities and Police: By Education ....
72
Frequency of Talking Politics With Other
People
lb
People Who Think Politics Cannot Be Understood
by Ordinary Man
77
Percentage Who Say They Can Do Something
About An Unjust Local or National Regulation •
88
What Citizens Would Do to Try to Influence
Their National and Local Government:
By Nation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
91
19.
22.
23.
2l±,
25*
26.
27.
28. Persons to Whom Problems Would Be
Brought in the Communities
9i+
29.
Peelings About Voting by Country
97
30.
The Relationship Between Political Integration
and Affective Orientation
98
31.
32.
Where Respondents Went Outside the Home to
Talk and Meet With People
107
The Relationship Between Political Integration
and Communications
122
LIST OP ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure
1•
C-1•
Page
Power Relationship in the Tribe as
Indicated by the Information Plow ......
156
Gila River Reservation .....
218
xl
ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study is to describe and
explain what elements increase political integration and
what elements cause political integration to decrease.
Pour categories of variables are posited as being the pri­
mary elements in determining the degree of political inte­
gration of the Pima and Maricopa Indians of the Gila River
Reservation into the United States, the tribal and the
local political systems.
These variables were:
coherence
of cultural standards; degree of behavior conformity to
cultural standards; degree of communications, and functional
or utilitarian qualities of integration.
In order to study
these variables survey data was used along with field
research, extended open-ended interviews, historical mate­
rial, minutes of meetings, and documents,
This data indicated that the Pimas and Maricopas
demonstrate varying degrees of political integration at
each level of the political system.
and tribe are the most integrated.
The local community
On the other hand the
political integration of the Indians into the national
system is much lower.
The varying degrees of political
integration at each system level indicated that there were
forces at each level working on the people which broke down
xii
xiii
the feelings of cohesiveness as well as forces working that
increased the feelings of cohesiveness.
At the community and tribal levels political inte­
gration is stimulated by the high level of understanding
and feelings about the systems demonstrated by the resi­
dents of the reservation. Political integration is further
stimulated by the informal communication system which
screens out some of the undesirable information that could
threaten the political integration of the Indians into the
community and tribe.
Furthermore, the Indian's attitudes
and values transmitted to the children in the home and
family act as an integrative agent for the Indians at the
tribal and community levels.
Political integration at the tribe and community
levels is inhibited by the dominance of the political struc­
ture and the control of the modern communication process by
the national political system.
RLnally, political inte­
gration is inhibited at these levels by the lack of a
"Weltanshauung" and by the inability of the tribal and
community communication processes to transmit a large
volume of accurate information to the people.
On the other hand, political integration of the
Indians into the national political system is stimulated by
its dominance of the political structures on the reservation
xiv
and by the modern communication process which saturates the
community and tribal systems with values foreign to the
Indian way.
Nonetheless, political integration of the Indians
into the national political system is inhibited by their
lack of understanding and their negative feelings about the
national system.
It is further inhibited by the "private
culture" which is preserved in the family.
This culture
opposes many of the political norms of the national politi­
cal system.
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
In the United States today, as in many countries
around the world, the problem of political integration is
becoming more critical.
In the United States the plight of
minority groups which have not become a part of the larger
political 3ystem i3 being recognized.
The Indians, espe­
cially, have received a lot of attention lately.
Many
people recognize that although democratic theory provides
for the access of all groups and individuals to the politi­
cal system, in practice many groups do not participate.
Whatever democratic theory states, there is a prac­
tical reason for allowing and having all people have access
to the system.
History shows that when groups of people
become politically aware but can not extract from the
system the things that fulfill their desires, at least
minimally, through political means, they often turn to nonpolitical means (the use of force) to obtain these things.
This study looks at some of the elements in a sub­
group which hinder its integration into a larger political
organization.
The Indians living on the Gila River Reserva­
tion in South Central Arizona are considered (see Appendix
C for a map of the area).
There are some 7*000 Indians,
1
6,700 Pima Indians and 30U Maricopa Indians, who reside on
the Reservation of 372,000 acres.
The Gila River Reserva­
tion is of interest primarily for four reasons:
it is
easily accessible; there are maps available from which a
survey sample can be drawn; the Pima and Maricopa people
are willing to submit to the ordeals of such a study; and
they are mostly bilingual with some education which means
they could be surveyed with fewer complications.
The history of the Gila River Indian Community
(GRIC) relates the struggles of a minority group to regain
independence, identity, and self-respect after having all
of these things forced from them by a dominant society.
From 1826, when Kit Carson first contacted the Pima
Indians, almost constant contact has been maintained
between the United States and the Gila River Indian Com­
munity.
This contact has resulted in a proud people, who
sold a surplus of some 2,000,000 pounds of wheat to the
army in 1862, becoming reliant on the United States govern
ment for survival.^
Many unadmirable policies of the Fed­
eral Government took away from the Pima and Maricopa
Indians on the reservation the right of self-determination
Nonetheless, recent history tells the story of the
1. For more detail see Robert A. Hackenberg, A
Brief History of the Gila River Reservation (Bureau of
Ethnic nesearcn, Dept. 01' Anthropology, Jniversity of
Arizona, 1955)* Chapter III.
3
re-emergence of the GRIC (Gila River Indian Community)
residence to control their own destinies.
This study focuses on the degree of political inte­
gration the Pima and Maricopa Indians have into their com­
munity, their tribe, and the national political systems.
These three levels are important 3ince they are the politi­
cal system with which the Indian has to deal directly.
The
State government is insignificant since it has essentially
no power or control over the reservation.
Finally, some­
thing will be said about the fruits of the diverse forces
working on the Indian to stimulate and inhibit political
integration of the Indian at all three system levels:
nation, tribe and community.
The study may have application, however, on a
broader scene.
The problems tackled are very similar to
the problems facing many third world nations--integrating
conflicting subgroups into a cohesive political unit.
Many
countries in the third world have large populations who
play no part in the politics of the nation but who are
developing what ha3 been called "rising expectations."
It
may be critical for these nations to gain an awareness of
the problems facing such groups as they strive to become
functioning parts of the political system.
The purpose of this study is to describe and
explain what conditions increase political integration and
what conditions cause political integration to decrease.
Political integration is a difficult phenomenon to study,
especially if one wishes to do it with any precision.
One
of the central reasons for this problem is that political
integration is a hard thing to define.
to define political integration,
Many have attempted
but the definition that
appears to be most functional is Jacob's and Teune's.3
They define integration as implying
"a relationship of
community among people within the same political entity."
It is a state where people "... are held together by
mutual ties of one kind or another which give the group a
feeling of identity and self-awareness."
Teune integration is:
a social group."
For Jacob and
"Based on strong cohesiveness within
And political integration is for them
2. Claude Ake, A Theory of Political Integration
(Homewood, Illinois: The Dorsey Press, 1967), pp. 1-10;
Ernst B. Haas, The Uniting of Europe: Political, Social
and Economic Forces (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University
Press, 195^), p. To; James Coleman and Carl Rosberg, Polit­
ical Parties and National Integration in Tropical Africa
(Berkeley ana L03 .Angeles: University of California Press,
1964), p. 9; Leonard Binder, "National Integration and
Political Development,11 American Political Science Review,
LVII, No. 3 (September, 196a), 622-o3; Karl Deutsch (ed.),
Nation-3uilding (New York: Atherton Press, 1963), p. 677;
Myron //einer, ^Political Integration and Political Develop­
ment," Annal3 of the American Academy, CCCLVIII (March,
1965), 52-64.
3. Philip E. Jacob and Henry Teune, "The Integra­
tive Process: Guidelines for Analysis of -he Bases of
Political Community,11 The Integration of Political Communi­
ties, ed, Philip E. Jacob and James V. Toscano (Philadelphia and New York: J. 3. Lippincott Company, 1964), p. 4*
present "when a political governmental unit of some sort is
cohesive.
This definition emphasizes the psychological dimen­
sion of political integration.
It focuses on the feeling
of belonging, of identity and thus of self-awareness which
allows for cohesion.
Cohesion is identifiable when col­
lective action is actively undertaken to promote mutual
interests within a political system.^
No political inte­
gration exists on the village level if, as in the small
community that Edward Banfield studied in Italy, the
members of the system can not act together for their com­
mon good or for any end transcending the immediate interest
of one subgroup or one individual.^
In the village which Banfield studied only collec­
tive action took place around the nuclear family.
Thus
political integration existed only on a family level.
This
example raises the problem whether or not an essentially
non-political organization; i.e., the family, can be called
politically integrated.
Political integration, however,
can exist at any level.
Certainly, the functions of a
Ibid.. p.
5.
Ibid.t pp. lj.-5.
6. For an analysis of the attitudes which inhibit
organized activity see Edward Banfield, The Moral Basis of
a Backward Society (G-lencoe, Illinois: Free Press, 1 ^5<j),
Conclusion.
family are primarily social in character.
Nonetheless,
some aspects of family functions may take on political
significance just as some aspects of the individual take on
political significance.
When such occasions arise, it is
useful for the political scientist to study them.
This is
the case when political integration is evident only on a
family basis.
To discover that cohesion and cooperative
efforts exist only on a family level tells the political
scientist much about the political system.
In fact, such
discoveries say a great deal about building a political
system out of such groups and about the nature of the
political system where this attitude is predominant.
Another dimension of political integration con­
sidered by Jacob and Teune is its relativity; that is,
political integration is best conceived as "a set of rela­
tionships which are more or less integrated," rather than
7
existing or not existing.'
In looking at reservation
Indians in the United States, for instance, it is more
advantageous to discover that Indians are more politically
integrated into the tribe than into local communities or
the United States political system.
Because this discovery
is descriptive of the real world, it tells about the rela­
tive le*el of political cohesion.
There is, however, a
point in any political system where cohesion and action to
7
promote mutual interest is so low that political integra­
tion is non-existent; i.e., Banfield's Italian village.
The
political system is no longer viable.
As an independent variable political integration
presents numerous problems in measurement.
By definition
in this study, it is a psychological variable and must be
extracted from the mind or by observation of acts which
demonstrate cohesion.
For this reason, survey research
and field research are both useful.
Survey research allows
the scholar to get at the collective feelings of the group
he is studying while field research allows the scholar to
observe the actions of the group.
The two together pro­
vide a roxmded view of the group since what the people say
can be compared with what they do.
In both cases the
researcher would be looking for elements in the group he is
studying which indicate the cohesiveness of the group, the
feelings of identity, of belonging and the amount of col­
lective effort that exists to promote mutual interest.
All
are essential ingredients of political integration.
Once an operational definition of political inte­
gration is established and a measurement found, the next
step is to determine the essential variables which help to
establish how and why political integration develops or is
inhibited.
Pour categories of variables are suggested by
8
o
scholars- who have studied political integration:
coher­
ence of cultural standards; degree of behavioral conformity
to cultural standards; degree of communications character­
istic of normal relations/interactions; and functional or
utilitarian qualities of integration.
Each of these groups vary along a continuum of its
own ranging from one theoretical extreme to the other.
Each raises its own problems of index construction; each is
discussed in the next section of this chapter.
Cultural Political Integration
The work of political scientists such as Gabriel A.
Almond and Sidney Verba have made it apparent that politi­
cal cultures are configurations which vary in the degree to
which patterns of orientation toward dimension of political
systems are found among the members of the nation.
The
term political culture "refers to the specifically politi­
cal orientation—attitudes toward the political system and
its various parts, and attitudes toward the role of the
self in the system.n<^
The political culture of a society,
8. Jacob and Teune, op. cit., pp. 11-[l5; Ake,
op. cit., pp. 96-150; Werner 3. Landecker, "Types of Inte­
gration and Their Measurement," American Journal of Soci­
ology, LVI, No. ij. (January, 1951 ), 332-54-0.
9. Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic
Culture (Boston and Toronto: Little. Brown and Company.
1963), p. 12.
9
therefore, consists of the system of empirical beliefs,
expressive symbols, attitudes and values which define the
situation in which political action takes place.^
In the analysis of the political integration of the
Indian, there are three distinct political systems with
which the Indian has to deal:
the United States, the
tribal, and the local Indian community.
These political
cultures may differ in many important aspects, raising the
probability that if a great number of inconsistencies exist
then a lower degree of political integration will occur.^
Ake has observed "... the degree of cultural homogeneity
is the most important determinant of the level of political
integration."^
For example, the more inconsistencies that
exist between the political beliefs, attitudes and values
of the local Indian community and the tribe, the lower the
political integration will be of the community into the
tribe.
Similarly, the more inconsistencies that exist
between the political beliefs, attitudes and values of the
Tribal political system and the United States political
system, the lower will be their identity and cohesion.
10. Lucian W. Pye and Sidney Verba (eds.), Polit­
ical Culture and Political Development (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1965), p.513.
11.
Landecker, op. cit.t p. 333*
12.
Ake, op. cit.t p. 2.
10
In testing this hypothesis, comparisons need to be
made between the political culture of the United States and
the political orientations of the Indian towards the United
States, towards the tribal system, and towards the polit­
ical culture of the Indian community.
At each level a spectrum can be drawn of the various
political orientations (see Table 1).
First the cognitive
TABLE 1
DIMENSIONS OF POLITICAL ORIENTATION
Self
as Object
System as
General Object
Input
Objects
Output
Objects
Cognition
Affectation
orientation, or the knowledge of the political system, its
roles, its inputs, and its outputs needs to be considered.
What knowledge does the respondent have of his nation, or
tribe, or community, the history of these systems, their
size, location, and the like?
What knowledge does he have
of the structures and roles, the various political elites,
and the policy proposals that are involved in the upward
flow of policy making at each level?
What knowledge does
he have of the downward flow of policy enforcement, the
structures, individuals, and decisions involved in these
11
processes at each level?
How does he perceive of himself
as a member of his political system?
What knowledge does
he have of his rights, powers, obligations, and of strate­
gies of access to influence.
Second, the affective orientation or feelings about
the political system, its roles, personnel and performance
needs to be considered.^
What are the respondents feel­
ings towards each level of the political system?
What are
his feelings and opinions about the structures, leaders,
and policy proposal involved in the upward flow of policy
at each level?
What are his feelings and opinions about
the structures, individuals, and decisions involved in the
downward flow of policy at each level?
How does the
respondent feel about his capabilities in the system?
What
norms of participation or performance does he acknowledge
and employ in formulating political judgements, or in
arriving at opinions at each level.
When frequencies in a political system of cognitive
orientations and affective orientation approach zero in
Table 1 and Table 2 then the political culture of that
13*
Almond and Verba, op. cit.t pp. 15-16.
1if. Almond and Verba considers three dimensions of
political culture: cognitive, affective, and evaluation.
In this study just the cognitive and affective are used
because it wa3 virtually impossible and perhaps meaningless
to differentiate the affective and evaluational dimensions.
15.
Ibid., p. 16.
12
TABLE 2
DIMENSIONS OP POLITICAL CULTURES
System as
General Object
Input
Objects
Output Self as Active
Objects Participant
Parochial
0
0
0
0
Subject
+
0
+
0
Participant
+
+
+
+
X
system can be described as a parochial one.
The primitive
societies and autonomous local communities described in
anthropological literature fall into this category.
In
these societies the cognitive orientation is transcendental
or customary.
Given an action situation, knowledge is
arrived at by mean3 of custom or transcendental powers.
these societies the roles are functionally diffuse.
In
The
political, economic or even the religious roles are not
separated.
No specific outputs are demanded by the member­
ship of the community under the political system.
The
individual in 3uch a system receives affective confirmation
of a task generally immediately upon completion, and his
performance is constantly reinforced by ceremony.
Jlnally,
in such politics feelings tw».«ras the system are often
uncertain or even negative.
A parochial political system,
however, is more likely to be affective and normative than
13
it is to be cognitive that is more people will have feel­
ings about the system than will understand it.
The subject political culture, the second major
category listed in Table 2, is identifiable by a "high fre­
quency of orientations toward a differentiated political
system and toward the output aspect of the system."^
The
respondents studied will indicate a high understanding and
feeling about the structures, roles, elites, and policy
proposals involved in the downward flow of policy.
None­
theless, the orientations toward the inputs and towards the
self as active participant approaches zero.
The subject is
cognitively conscious of the specialized function of gov­
ernment; he is affectively concerned with it, either nega­
tively or positively, and he evaluates its validity.
The third major type of political culture is the
participant culture (see Table 2).
The participant adds to
the dimensions of the subject culture cognitive and affec­
tive orientations towards the input side of the political
process and towards the role of self in a given political
action situation.
A participant not only is aware of the
structures, elites, and roles involved in the downward flow
of policy, but he understands the inward flow of policy
and how he can influence the political system.
16.
Ibid., p. 17.
This categorization of political cultures is only a
beginning.
Sub-categories also exist.
It should also be
remembered, and once more stressed, that all political
cultures are mixed and all contain individuals who are
oriented towards the other political cultures.
The classi­
fication of a political culture is determined by the fre­
quencies of individuals falling into a given spectrum.
Thus to test the hypothesis that the more incon­
sistencies that exist between the political cultures of
each level, the lower the political integration will be, it
is important to see if the indicators of political inte­
gration vary as the culture spectrums at each level vary.
The political culture of each level is determined by fill­
ing in the matrix in Table 2.
A survey would need to be
conducted which would allow the research to determine the
respondents cognitive and affective orientation towards
each dimension of the political system at each level
nation, tribe and community.
Once an idea of the distribution of the universe
along the parochial-subject-participant spectrums for each
level of analysis is established, a comparison can be made
of the spectrums and an idea of the compatibility of the
political cultures of each level can be obtained.
15
Degree of Conformity to Political Value
Standards a3 Independent
Variable
This variable i3 a normative concept which is meant
to determine the relation between standards and personal
behavior.
It varies with the degree to which conduct is in
accord with the norms of the political system.
Thus, the
degree of political integration can be determined by com­
paring the behavior of the individual with the norms of the
particular political system.
Where behavior corresponds
closely to normative demands, integration is more complete.
Conversely, the more the community norms and conduct differ
from tribal or United States political system, the lower
will be political integration.1?
To test these hypotheses it is necessary to estab­
lish what are generally considered the norms of the politi­
cal system and to make a comparison of these norms with the
actual behavior of the person.
Also there needs to be a
comparison of the norms of the various levels to see if they
are compatible.
One of the objectives of this study, then, is to
establish what the political norms of a community are and
compare these with the norms of the larger political
17. Robert C. Angell, The Integration of American
Society (New York: McGraw-Hill Book CoT, 19i+1 ), p. <22;
Landecker, op. cit., p. 335.
16
organization or organizations to which the members of the
community belong and to see if individual action approxi­
mates norms at whatever level.
If the norms are incom­
patible, how are they incompatible and how might these
incompatibilities be overcome?
Does the behavior of the
members of the community indicate that they are making an
adjustment to these incompatible phases of their life or is
one set of political norms being rejected for the other?
If one set is being rejected for another, the direction of
change might be established since the movement is probably
towards the norms being accepted, and away from the norms
being rejected.
It is important to realize that political
values may be the same at each level but behavior towards
these values may differ drastically at each level indi­
cating less political integration. If, for example, the
tribal and community political norms are the same but there
is a gap between saying and doing at the tribal level, yet
not at the community level, it could be assumed that there
is less political integration into the tribal system.
The
behavior is the key, not the norais.
Communication
Closer communication ties within a community or
1A
between communities brings greater political integration.
18. Olen Leonard and C, P. Loomis, "The Culture of
a Contemporary iiural Community: 31 Cerrito, New Mexico,"
17
To test this hypothesis it is necessary to determine how
closely members of a community are linked through communi­
cation and the degree to which communications link3 the
communities.
Intra-community communications indices could
be: (1) frequency of personal contacts in a neighborhood;
(2) the extent of participation in formal and informal
groups; i.e., church, family gatherings, community meetings,
the pub, and inter-community education-instruction on
tradition, etc.
The inter-community communication index could be:
(1) frequency of personal contact with the outside world by
trips, radio, T.V., newspapers, contacts with officials;
(2) employment in other communities; and (3) whether or not
the members of the community have the technical skills to
communicate; i.e., bilingualness.
Structure As An Index of
Political Integration
Political structure is primarily an index of
political integration in two ways.
The first is the con­
gruence between the norms of the political structure and
19
culture.
The second is that political structure
Rural Life Studies (No. 1; Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Agricultural Economics,
November, 1914-1), pp. 38—ix8; Landecker, op. cit., pp. 336-37;
Karl tf. Deutsch, The Nerves of Government (New York: The
Free Press, 1963), p. 2^1.
19.
Almond and Verba, op. cit., pp. 20-21.
18
indicates the degree of interdependency among the units of
a political system.
Looking at the first point, it becomes
evident that in this age of rapid culture change, fre­
quently brought about by imperialism, the noras of the
political structure and the political culture may fail to
reach congruence.
The culture through social mobilization
may change dramatically in such a 3hort time that the norms
of the structure, and the structure it3elf, have difficulty
in changing as fast as political culture.
Many social
revolutions result from the gap that develops in such
societies between structure and culture.
On the other
hand, a structure may be imposed from a foreign source.
Once imposed the structure may then act as a stimulant to
change the dependent culture to conform more closely to
the norms of the structure.
In all the colonial world this
fact has dominated the political lives of the colonial
people.
The second way that political structure may indi­
cate the degree of political integration is by looking at
the degree of interdependency among the units of a politi­
cal system.
If interdependency is high, then there will be
a high level of political integration; if it is low, then
there will be a low level of political integration.^®
20. Landecker, op. cit., p. 338; A. H. Hawley,
Human Scoloay (New York: Ronald Press Co., 1950), Chap. X.
19
Interdependency involves specialization and division of
labor.
Specialization is the differentiation of roles into
more autonomous systems or sub-systems.
Division of labor
is the creation of new roles within an autonomous system or
sub-system.
Specialization takes place, for example, when
the functions of policy making initiation, formulation,
legitimation and administration are divided and autonomous.
Division of labor takes place when, for example, initiation
of health policy comes from one group, while initiation
on farm policy comes from another group.
The way to test the degree of interdependency is to
determine first the amount of specialization and second
the degree of division of labor.
The intercommunity inter­
dependency can aiou be tested in this manner, the key being
the division of labor.
Can the political actors within a
community retain authority without the sanction of the
larger political organization?
How often do the political
actors on the community level interact with political
actors on the higher level?
Can an individual community
function without tribal council or tribal councils function
without sanction of the Uiited States government?
about money also arises.
Questions
Where does money come from to
support these offices and how dependent is each political
actor on this source of finance?
actors perceive this dependency?
And do the political
Methodology
The methodology employed ha3 been eclectic.
Any
available source of information has been used; i.e., gov­
ernment documents, census data, reports, books, extended
personal interviews, tape recorded interviews, observation
and notes of meetings.
The primary source of information, however, has
been a survey.
A survey was conducted on the reservation
over a period of three months from September to December,
1970.
Standard interviewing techniques were employed.
A
random sample of 200 was drawn from maps indicating about
900 living quarters on the reservation.
One individual
over eighteen years of age was interviewed at each of the
sample homes.
The interviews were conducted by residence
of the reservation and lasted anywhere from forty-five
minutes to three or four hours.
Thirteen open ended ques­
tions of some one hundred-sixteen questions were included.
The questionnaire was compiled primarily of ques­
tions found in the five nation study of Gabriel A. Almond
and Sidney Verba.
This allowed for the comparison of the
Gila River Indian Community respondents with the respond­
ents of the United States, Germany, Great Britain, Italy
and Mexico.
The comparison of the data with the United
States sample was fundamental since the political culture
of the United States was established in this data and
21
therefore the political culture of the Gila River Indian
Community at each level could be compared to that of the
United States by the use of the Civic Culture data.
The
comparisons vdth the other countries are only important in
that these comparisons help to interpret the data accumu­
lated in the survey of the Gila River Indian Community.
The basic statistic for analysis is percent as in the Civic
Culture.
CHAPTER 2
POLITICAL CULTURE: THE COGNITIVE
ORIENTATION
In the discussion of categories of political cul­
ture reference wa3 made to the cognitive dimension.
A
participant culture was described as containing individuals
who are aware of, and informed about the political system.
They understand not only the roles, structures and person­
alities involved in administering policy but also those
involved in the making of policy.
On the other hand a sub­
ject political culture contains individuals who are pri­
marily aware of the outputs of government, the people, roles
and structures involved in administering policy.
Finally,
the parochial culture is composed of people who are unaware,
or only dimly aware, of all the aspects of the political
system and the structures, elites, and roles that make up
the political system.
On the Gila River reservation few demonstrate that
they are primarily parochial at any level of the political
system.
Most of the people tend to be subject or partici­
pant at the local and tribal level and subject at the
national level.
The purpose of this chapter is to describe and
explain the relationship between the cognitive orientation
22
of political culture and political integration.
First,
there is a description of the degree to which the Indians
are integrated into the nation, tribe and community.
Next,
a description of the Indians cognitive orientation towards
the nation, tribe and community is given.
Finally, the
statistical relationship between an ordinal index of
political integration and an ordinal index of the Indians
cognitive orientation toward the nation, tribe and local
community is examined.
The first objective, describing the degree of
political integration at each level, was accomplished by
putting together all available data on the degree of
identity, loyalty and cooperative effort demonstrated by
the Indians at each system level.
The second objective, relating the descriptive
value of the cognitive orientation, was achieved by com­
paring the measures of cognitive orientation at each level
and relating this to information of a similar nature found
in the Civic Culture.
The first measure is an attempt to
discover how much importance is attributed to national,
tribal and local governments.
The second is a measure of
awareness of, and exposure to, politics and public affairs.
The third is a political infomiation test intended to
deteraiine differences in the amount of information held by
the adult populous about the different levels in the
2*4system.
Finally, the fourth is a measure of the readiness
of this population to make choices or entertain opinions
about political issues and problems.
These are only scant
measure of the cognitive orientations of the Indians toward
the various system levels with which they have to deal.
Nonetheless, these measures tell much about the differences
among the orientations towards the various levels in the
system, the objects of political cognition, the quantity of
cognition and the sense of cognitive competence.
This
information will help to interpret the findings of the
first objective of the chapter.
The third objective in determining the relationship
between the cognitive orientation and political integration
was achieved by constructing ordinal indexes of each
variable and then comparing the variables by computing the
degree of relationship and the level of significance of the
relationship.
This process was followed for each level:
community, tribe and the United States.
If there was a
relationship in the variables and if it was a significant
one, the conclusion could be drawn that the cognitive
aspect of political culture helps to explain political
integration.
On the other hand, if no relationship was
found, the opposite could be concluded.
25
A Description of the Level of
Political Integration
Looking at the criteria or indices of political
integration established in the introductory chapter, field
research indicates that the community is relatively well
integrated.
Individuals on the reservation identify and
are identified as members of a particular village.
If
someone aaks a person where he is from, he will identify
the community he lives in.
Other people with whom he
associates will also identify the individual according to
the area in which he resides.
Furthermore, the loyalties
of the people to the community in which they reside are
intense.
Informants defend the activities of their com­
munity at great length and will ward off criticisms of
their communities.
In addition to this, the time, money
and resources that people report as being sacrificed to
help others invariably turns out to be given in a community
effort such as a bake sale, a community dinner, or work on
the water system (see Table
3)«
However, if the amount of cooperative effort is
examined, individuals in the community seldom express
feelings which indicate that the community has been of
service to them.
The informants talked more about what
they had done for the community than about what they had
received from the community.
If they talk about receiving
26
TABLE 3
WORK DONE FOR THE COMMUNITY,
TRIBE OR UNITED STATES
Type of Work
Percentage of
Respondents
Who Helped
With
Volunteer cooking, farmwork or work
with pottery
22
Church work
15
Donated money, helped needy
11
Community services, chaperon for school
children, build houses, etc.
22
Worked with groups community improvement
10
Worked in tribal affairs
15
Work for the United States or Americans
3
Other
2
Total
Total number
100
121
services it is about the federal government (see Table lj.
for percentages).
TABLE ij.
THE RESPONDENTS'PERCEPTION 0? vftiO HELPED
THEM MOST IN LIFE
Second in
Amount of Help
Helped Most
Pima (Maricopa)
3
32$
American Indian
19$
31$
American
27$
In spite of the relatively high level of political
integration of the Indian community, a number of observa­
tions made in the community indicate that there is some
political disintegration.
Presently, work projects in the
communities are almost impossible to organize and if they
are organized little participation or enthusiasm is put
into completing the projects successfully.
Furthermore,
factions have developed in many communities which are
splitting the communities apart.
Finally, vandalism of
community and personal property is high.
Informers in
every community complained of the high level of vandalism
to community buildings.
of unoccupied buildings.
Windows are constantly broken out
In a well integrated community
28
people would view community property as their own and
vandalism would therefore be non-existent.
Nonetheless,
the Indians demonstrate a higher level of political inte­
gration at the community level than they do at any other
level.
The continued political cohesiveness of the local
community is important 3ince the indices of political inte­
gration at the tribal level also indicated a relatively
high level of political integration.
Conversely, these
indices show that there is relatively little political
integration of the Indians into the political system of the
United States.
To establish the feeling of identify a
series of questions were asked the respondents:
"Generally
speaking, do you usually think of yourself as a Pima
(Maricopa), an American Indian, an American, or what?
Which one would you pick secondly?
And thirdly?"
Fifty-
nine percent of the respondents picked "Pima (Maricopa)"
first.
Thirty-three percent picked it second and only
eight percent picked it as their third choice.
On the
other hand, thirty-three percent picked "American Indian"
first.
Fifty-seven percent picked "American Indian"
second and seventeen percent selected "American Indian" as
their third choice.
Finally, only nine percent selected
"American" as their first choice.
Only, eight percent
selected "American" as their second choice.
And seventy-two
29
percent selected "American" as their third choice (see
Table 5 for summary).
Similar to the question on identity, the question
on loyalty indicated that the Gila River Indian feel3
loyalty first to the Pima (Maricopa) people, second to the
Indian people and thirdly to the American people.
When
asked "To which of these groups do you feel the most
loyalty" fifty-eight percent answered "Pima (Maricopa)."
Twenty-five percent answered "American Indian" and fifteen
percent answered "American."
When asked who they favored
next twenty-five percent answered "Pima (Maricopa),11 fifty
percent answered "American Indian" and twenty-three percent
answered "American" (see Table 6).
What is of particular
interest here is the increase in people who felt loyalty
to Americans over those who thought of themselves as Ameri­
cans.
Furthermore, as incongruent as it may seem, there is
a marked decrease in the number of people feeling loyalty
to the American Indian over those who identified as Ameri­
can Indians.
The third index of political integration demon­
strated a trend away from the Pima (Maricopa) and American
Indian responses towards the American response.
The ques­
tion was asked "Which of these groups have helped you the
most in your life?"
Now, only thirty-five percent
responded "Pima (Maricopa)" and only nineteen percent
30
TABLE 5
THE PEELINGS OF IDENTITY
Think of Yourselves
First
Second
Third
Pima (Maricopa)
59#
33#
8#
American Indian
33#
57#
17#
9#
8#
72#
American
• '
1
I
I
I
.1
I
TABLE 6
THE PEELINGS OP LOYALTY
Loyal To
First
Second
Pima (Maricopa)
58#
25#
American Indian
25#
50#
American
15#
23#
III »• I
""-B
31
"American Indian." The number who responded "American" had
grown to a startling forty-two percent.
Furthermore, in
answer to the question "Vflaich one is second in the amount
of help it has given you" thirty-two percent answered "Pima
(Maricopa)," thirty-one percent "American Indian," and
twenty-seven percent "American."
In summary, a plurality
of the people felt that Americans had helped them the most
in their lives (see Table II).
This trend, however, reverses itself sharply when
the last index of political integration is considered:
which group the respondents had helped or would help if
they had some 3pare time.
The question was asked "tfe
know that the ordinary person has many problems that take
his time.
In view of this, if a person has some spare time
and wants to help someone outside his family, which of the
above groups 3hould he first attempt to help?"
An over­
whelming majority, seventy-four percent responded "Pima
(Maricopa)," while only eighteen percent responded "Ameri­
can Indian" and a low, low seven percent responded
"American.11
Not only would more people take time to help
the pima (Maricopa) people first, but of those who had
done something to help one of these groups a startling
eighty-eight percent of these worked to help the Pima or
Maricopa people.
Zight percent had worked to help the
American Indian and four percent the Americans (see Table 7)«
32
TABLE 7
PERCEPTION OP WHO RESPONDENTS PELT THEY
WOULD HELP AND WHO THEY DID HELP
Felt They Should
Help First
Pima (Maricopa)
American Indian
American
Who Actually Helped
88$
18$
8$
7$
Finally, the question was asked:
one of these groups (see Table
What did you do to help
3 for responses). The most
frequently mentioned projects were those dealing with com­
munity or district affairs, not tribal.
This strengthens
the notion that members of the Gila River Indian Community
are more politically integrated into the local community
than they are at any other level even though the local
community shows signs of political disintegration.
In summary, the data on the Pima and Maricopa
Indians indicates that they are relatively well politically
integrated into tribe and community but poorly politically
integrated into the nation.
33
A Description of the Cognitive
Orientation
Importance of the Community, Tribal
and National Governments
The first aspect of the cognitive dimension is
knowledge|jof governmental outputs.
Do the people on the
reservation feel that the local community, the tribal gov­
ernment, or the national government have much effect on
their lives?
Also, to what extent do they feel their lives
depend on the activities of government?
The majority of the sample felt that all levels of
governments had some impact on their lives.
More felt,
however, that the local and tribal government effected
their lives more than did the national government.
In
addition only half as many stated they "didn't know" at the
community level or tribal level as did at the national
level indicating more confidence of the respondents in
regards to questions of a local or tribal nature.
When this data was compared with similar data
found in the five nation study of The Civic Culture,^
interesting comparisons came to light.
Fifty-nine percent
of the Gila River Indian Community respondents attributed
1. Throughout the rest of this and the
ter the data where appropriate will be compared
similar data in The Civic Culture. 3ee Gabriel
and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Boston and
Little, Brown and Company, 19O3), p«
next chap­
with
A. Almond
Toronto:
3k
TABLE 8
ESTIMATED DEGREE OF IMPACT OP COMMUNITY, TRIBAL
AND NATIONAL GOVERNMENT ON DaILY LIFE*
Percentage Which Say
Government Has
Community
Tribe
Nation
Great effect
20.1
19.1
18.6
Some effect
51.0
5k.1
39.2
No effect
19.6
15.5
2k.2
Other
0.0
0.0
0.0
Don't know
9.3
11.3
18.0
Total percentage
Total number
aActual
100
19!+.
100
191+
100
191+
text of the questions: Thinking now about
the national government in Washington, about how much
effect do you think its activities, the laws passed and so
on, have on your day-co-day life—do they have a great
effect, some effect, or none? Now thinking about the
tribal government on the reservation, about how much effect
do you think its activities have on your day-to-day life,
does it have a great effect, some effect, or none? What
about the decisions made by the leaders in this part of the
reservation—do their decisions have much effect on your
life?
35
TABLE 9A
ESTIMATED DEGREE OF IMPACT OF NATIONAL
GOVERNMENT ON DAILY LIJE: BY NATION0
Percentage of Respond­
ents who say national
government has
GRIC U.S. U.K. Germany Italy Mexico
Great effect
19
41
33
38
23
7
Some effect
39
kk
ko
32
31
23
No effect
2k
11
23
17
19
66
0
0
—
—
3
—
_Jk
12
Other
Don1t know
18
Total percentage
Total number of
cases
aSource:
100
100
100
99
100
99
191+
970
963
955
995
1,007
Almond and Verba, op. cit., p. 46.
^Actual Text of the question: "Thinking now about
the national government (in Washington, London, Bonn, Rome,
Mexico City), about how much effect do you think its
activities, the laws passed and so on, have on your dayto-day life? Do they have a great effect, some effect, or
none? n
36
TABLE 10a
ESTIMATED DEGREE OP IMPACT OP LOCAL GOVERNMENT
ON DAILY LIFE: 3Y NATION0
Percentage Who Say
Local Government
Has
GRIC U.S. U.K. Germany Italy Mexico
Great effect
20
35
23
33
19
6
Some effect
51
53
51
in
39
23
No effect
20
10
23
18
22
67
Other
0
Don't know
9
2
2
Total percentage 100 100
Total number
191*. 970
aSource:
100
963
—
8
18
3
100
955
100
955
100
1,007
Almond and Verba, op. cit., p. I4.7.
^Actual text of the question: Now take the local
government. About how much effect do you think its activi­
ties have on your day-to-day life? Do they have a great
effect, some effect or none?
some or great importance to national government.
This data
compares well with the German or Italian responses.
When
comparing the responses to the question regarding the
effect of local government, however, the Gila River Indian
Community compares well with Britain and Germany in esti­
mates of the effect of local government.
Gila River
respondents, nonetheless, were much lower in respect to
the estimation of the effect of local and national govern­
ments than were the United States respondents.
What these figures seem to suggest is that the
majority of people on the Gila River Reservation are cognitively oriented to governmental action.
They perceive
all levels of government as having an influence on their
lives.
They feel, however, that the tribe and community
governments have more of an effect than does the national
government, although, ironically, most, of the money that
comes onto the reservation comes from the national govern­
ment.
Also, most of the important projects that effect
their lives; i.e., police, health, education and welfare,
are predominantly controlled by the national government.
The above analysis indicates that the Indians feel
government has an impact on their lives but it does not say
whether they perceive the impact as favorable or unfavor­
able.
To determine this the question was asked "On the
whole, do the activities of the national government (tribal
government, and local leaders) tend to improve conditions
in this country, or would we be better off without them?"
Table 11 shows that a large majority of the GRIC people
viewed the activities of the three levels as beneficial.
Again when the response of the Indians is compared to that
of the five nation study the GRIC (Gila River Indian Com­
munity) comes out between the United States, United Kingdom
and Mexico and were somewhat similar to Germany and Italy.
Combining the results of these two series of ques­
tions, it becomes evident that the Pima and Maricopa
Indians of the Gila River Reservation perceive a highly
favorable impact, on the tribal level and a slightly lower
impact on the local or community level.
At these levels
they respond much like the Germans, demonstrating allegiance
in the output sense; that is, they are aware of and evaluate
favorably the governmental output.
On the national level
the Indians perceive and evaluate a lower effect of govern­
ment.
At this level they resemble the responses of the
Italians and demonstrate more alienation and a lower sub­
ject orientation.
If the respondents in the Gila River Indian Com­
munity are compared to the United States sample alone the
discrepancy between the two becomes obvious.
The United
States has a larger majority who feel that government ha3
an impact on their lives; thirty-five percent for the United
39
TABLE 11
CHARACTER OP IMPACT OF COMMUNITY, TRIBE,
NATIONAL GOVERNMENT3a
Percentage Who Say
United
Community Tribe States
Tend to improve
61
65
58
Sometimes improve, sometimes don't
18
18
2k
Better off without them
10
k
3
Makf^s no difference
2
2
1
Other
1
1
0
Don't know
8
10
-lit
100
195
100
195
100
195
Total percentage
Total number
aActual
text of questions: On the whole, do the
activities of the government in Washington tend to improve
conditions in this country or would we be better off with­
out them? What about the tribal government? Does its
activities tend to improve conditions on the reservation or
would you be better off without them? What about the
leaders of this part of the reservation do their activities
tend to improve things or would we be better off without
them?
1*0
TABLE 12
CHARACTER OP IMPACT OF NATIONAL
GOVERNMENT: BY NATION
Percentage Who Say
GRIC U.S. U.K. Germany Italy Mexico
Tend to Improve
58
76
77
61
66
58
Sometimes improve,
sometimes don't
2k
19
15
30
20
18
Better off without
them
3
3
3
3
5
19
Makes no difference
1
1
1
1
1
2
Other
0
0
1
0
2
1
-lit
I
2
-A
100 100
195 821
99
707
99
676
Don1t know
Total percentage
Total number
aSource:
2
99
53k
Almond and Verba, op. cit., p. k$*
100
301
1*1
States to twenty percent for the Pimas and Maricopas.
Furthermore, the United States had a substantially higher
percentage of respondents who felt that government tended
to improve things; fifty-eight percent for the Indians to
seventy-six percent for the United States respondents.
Although there was a difference in the two samples both
demonstrated knowledge about the impact of government and
therefore could be classified as subjects according to the
classification scheme 3et out in the introductory chapter.
Furthermore, the two samples become more alike if the
Indian view of the tribal government is compared to the
United States respondents view of the national government.
Nevertheless, a significant difference appears between the
Indian and the Ttoited States sample.
Awareness of Politics
In this section, an attempt is made to find out
whether or not the Indians follow or pay attention to gov­
ernmental affairs at the various levels.
These measures
test the frequency of participant orientation, "for they
get at the dimension of attentiveness to political input.
As Almond and Verba further state:
We may assume that if people follow political and
governmental affairs, they are in some sense
involved in the process by which decisions are
made. To be sure, it is a minimal degree of
2.
Ibid., p. 53
k2
involvement. The 'civic culture,1 as we use the
term, includes a sense of obligation to partici­
pate in political input activities, as well as a
sense of competence to participate. Following
governmental and political affairs and paying
attention to politics are limited civic commit­
ments indeed, and yet there would be no civic
culture without them. They represent the cogni­
tive component of the civic orientation.3
When asked "Do you follow the accounts of political
and governmental affairs?" only five percent of the sample
on the reservation answered they followed them regularly,
and only forty-three percent answered they followed them
from time to time.
Whereas an astonishing fifty percent
answered they never followed accounts of political and gov­
ernmental affairs.
This is surprising when compared to the
five nation study GRIC respondents are lower than the
respondents in all the other countries who follow politics
regularly and in the middle of those who follow politics
from time to time.
were lower.
Only Italy's and Mexico's respondents
And only Italy had a higher percent of those
who never followed politics.
The difference between the
United States and the Gila River Indian Community on these
questions is great indeed.
Twenty-seven percent of the
Americans followed politics regularly, fifty-three percent
followed them from time to time and only nineteen percent
never followed politics (see Table
3. Ibid.
13)•
43
TABLE 13a
,
FOLLOWING ACCOUNTS OP POLITICAL AND
GOVERNMENTAL AFFAIRS: 3Y NATION0
Percentage Who Report
They Follow Accounts
Regularly
GRIC U.S. U.K. Germany Italy Mexico
5
27
23
34
11
15
From time to time
43
53
45
38
26
40
Never
50
19
32
25
62
44
Other and don11 know
2
I
1
_2
1_
1
Total percentage
Total number
100
196
100
970
100
963
100
955
100
995
100
1,007
aSource:
Almond and Verba, op. cit., p. 54.
^Actual text of the question: "Do you follow the
accounts of political and governmental affairs? tfould you
say you follow them regularly, from time to time, or
never?"
kk
This pattern is quite consistent with another set
of questions designed to determine cognitive participation.
Those who used newspapers to follow politics or public
affairs on the reservation were few.
followed them at least weekly.
Only twenty percent
Only Italy had a lower
frequency of respondents who followed public affairs in the
newspapers.
In relation to following politics on the radio
or T.V. the respondents of the reservation came out much
better.
Thirty-seven percent followed public affairs at
least weekly on radio or television.
Only the Uhited
States and Germany had a higher percentage of respondents
who followed public affairs weekly on radio or television
than did the Indians.
The GRIC sample, when asiced whether they followed
tribal affairs, showed a considerable increase in aware­
ness.
Thirteen percent followed tribal affairs regularly,
and fifty-one percent followed public affairs from time to
time.
Finally, thirty-two percent never followed public
affairs.
Participant involvement at the tribal level
showed, then, a definite increase.
This increase of involvement at the tribal level
was not, however, reflected by attendance at council meet­
ings, the primary source of information concerning tribal
affairs.
Sixty-eight percent of the people had attencled
less than five tribal council meetings and most of these
TABLE 1i+a
FOLLOWING REPORTS 0? PUBLIC AFFAIRS IN THE
VARIOUS MEDIA: BY NATION
Percentage Who Follow
Accounts
GRIC U.S. U.K. Germany Italy Mexico
In newspapers at least
weekly
20
2+9
On radio or television
at least weekly
_37
_J>£
196
970
Total Number
aSource:
i+3
963
53
16
31
_£2
_20
28
955
995
1,007
Almond and Verba, op. cit.t p. 57»
^Actual text of the questions: "What about news­
papers (radio or television)? Do you follow (listen to)
public affairs in newspapers (radio or television) nearly
every day, about once a week, from time to time or never?
Only the percentages for tho3e who report exposure are
reported here."
k6
had never attended.
Only sixteen percent had attended five
or more tribal council meetings.
At the community level the increased participation
of the respondents in acquiring information about community
affairs does not appear to be substantially different from
that of the tribe.
When asked "What about talking to other
people about problems that exist in this part of the
reservation--do you do that nearly every day, once a week,
from tirae to time, or never?," nine percent responded
"nearly every day," seven percent "once a week," forty-nine
percent "from time to time" and thirty-one percent "never."
If nearly every day and once a week can be interpreted as
regularly, sixteen percent followed community affairs
regularly compared to the tribal thirteen percent; fortynine percent followed community affairs from time to time
compared to the tribal fifty percent, and thirty-one per­
cent never followed community affairs compared to the
tribal thirty percent.
Once again no substantial differ­
ence between the tribe and the community exists.
Information and Opinions
So far the measures of political cognition have
demonstrated a striking resemblance between the tribal and
community levels of the political system.
Differences also
exist between these levels and the national level, espe­
cially in respect to the subjective estimates of exposure
k7
TABLE 15
FOLLOWING ACCOUNTS OP PUBLIC, TRIBAL AND
COMMUNITY AFFAIRS8Percentage Who Report They
Follow Accounts
Regularly
National
Tribe
Community
5
13
16
From time to time
43
51
49
Never
50
32
31
2
-Jfc
-Jt
100
196
100
195
100
194
Other and don't know
Total percentage
Total number
aActual
text of the questions: "tohat about talking
to other people about problems that exist in this part of
the reservation—do you do that nearly every day, once a
week, from time to time, or never? What about tribal
affairs--would you say you follow them regularly, from time
to time, or never? Do you follow the accounts of political
and government affairs? would you say you follow them
regularly, from time to time, or never?" The responses
once a week and daily were classified as regularly in
regards to the community.
kQ
to political and governmental affairs at the various
levels.
Furthermore, there is an obvious distinction
between the sample of the Indian tribe and the United
States sample in relation to these first two subjective
measures of knowledge of the political system.
These
trends continue in regards to the questions which measure
the amount of information concerning government and poli­
tics that the respondents actually have.
"Democratic com­
petence," Almond and Verba state, "is closely related to
having valid information about political issues and
processes, and to the ability to use information in the
analysis of issues and devising of influence strategies."^
Only one measure was used in the survey to get at this
information.
It measured the ability of the respondent to
name leaders at each level.
The data is not strictly
comparable, however, since it probably takes a much higher
level of cognitive awareness to name party leaders of the
various national parties than it does to name leaders in
the community or tribe.
Unfortunately, the measure also
tells nothing about the ability to implement the knowledge
possessed by the respondents.
If a person cannot identify
any leaders, however, it seems evident that he would have
greater difficulty in effecting government policy.
Thi3
point is important since a distinct difference in percents
Ibid., p. 57.
1+9
can be noted between those who could name local and tribal
leaders and those who could name leaders of the Democratic
or Republican parties:
eighty-four percent could name one
or more community leaders, eighty-six percent could name
one or more tribal leaders, only thirty-nine percent could
name one or more Republican leaders, and thirty-eight per­
cent one or more Democratic leaders.
This data, compared to The Civic Culture survey,
demonstrates that a lower percentage of respondents from
the Gila River Indian Community could name party leaders
than could those from the five countries.
The discrepancy
between the United States sample and the GRIC sample is
large indeed because sixteen percent of the United States
sample named no party leader and sixty-one percent of the
GRIC sample named no party leader.
At the local and tribal
levels, however, no significant difference between the two
samples was evident.
Despite the low level of cognitive information,
residents of the Gila River Indian Community demonstrated a
high willingness to express opinions.
This was measured by
the frequency with which respondents, rather than saying
they did not know, expressed opinions on a series of thir­
teen general political attitude questions.
These questions
dealt with feelings about democracy, feelings about voting,
feelings about streets and roads, etc.
Thirty-eight
50
TABLE 16
ABILITY TO NAME PARTY LEADERS, COMMUNITY
LEADERS AND TRIBAL LEADERS
Sample
Percentage of Total Sample Who
Could Name no Party Leader
or Community or Tribal
Leader
GRIC of Community
16
GRIC of Tribe
GRIC of Republicans
61
GRIC of Democrats
62
United States
16
Great Britain
20
Germany
12
Italy
ko
Mexico
53
aSource:
Almond and Verba, op. cit., p. 58
51
percent of the respondents answered all of the questions.
Thirty-three percent said they didn't know to one or two
questions.
Twenty percent said they didn't know to three,
four, five or six of the questions and only nine percent
said they didn't know to over half of the questions.
Thus,
the Pima and Maricopa Indians combine the qualities of low
information and high willingness to express opinions.
This
is very much like poorly informed Americans, British,
£
Germans, and Mexicans.
Summary
In general the findings on political cognition show
that the Gila River Indian Community respondents on the
community and tribal level are oriented toward the political
system in its output and input aspects.
Despite this, on
the national level larger numbers are alienated or parochial
but still demonstrating an awareness of the outputs of the
national government.
They manifest at this level a subject-
parochial cognitive orientation.
The United States sample,
the comparison of prime importance, exhibits on the other
hand an awareness of the input and output aspects of the
political system at the national level.
It was hypothesized in the introductory chapter
that the more inconsistencies that exist between political
5.
Ibid., p. 60.
52
cultures, the lower the degree of political integration
will be.
There is a marked inconsistency between the cog­
nitive aspect of the United States political culture as
demonstrated from the Civic Culture data and the Pima and
Maricopa cognitive orientation towards that system.
17 provides a summary.
Table
The cognitive orientations of the
Pima and Maricopa respondents towards the tribal political
system and the community political system are similar,
whereas their cognitive orientations towards the national
system is much lower than it is towards the tribal and com­
munity systems.
Furthermore, the respondents of the United
States sample demonstrate a much higher cognitive orienta­
tion towards the national system than do the Gila River
Indian Community respondents.
Finally, the Gila River
Indian Community respondents demonstrate as high a cogni­
tive orientation towards the tribe and community systems as
do the United States respondents towards the national
system.
When this data is compared to the data on political
integration it becomes obvious that the low cognitive
orientation of the Indians towards the national system as
well as the difference between the cognitive orientations
of the Indians and the United States respondents is inhib­
iting the political integration of the Indians into the
national political system.
The Indians need to acquire
53
TABLE 17
SUMMARY OP PATTERNS OP POLITICAL COGNITIONa
Sample Level
Percentage
Alienated or
Parochial in
Gov't. Output®
Percentage
Alienated or
Parochial in
Gov't. Input0
GRIC Community
29
35
GRIC Tribe
27
36
GRIC Nation
U2
52
United States
15
21
Percentage in each case apply to total national
sample.
^Negative or don't know answers on local government
impact.
®Negative or don't know answers on following poli­
tics.
Sk
more understanding about the national system if they are to
be integrated.
Furthermore, the similarity between the
cognitive orientations of the Indians towards the community
and tribal system appears to be a stimulant for the politi­
cal integration of the Indian into the tribal system.
The
Indians have an equally high understanding of the struc­
tures, roles and policy process at each level.
This under­
standing allows the feelings of political integration to
develop more easily.
Cognitive Orientations and
Political Integration
The third problem in determining the relationship
between political integration and cognitive orientation was
the construction of indices for each.
This was accom­
plished by evaluating the measures of political integration
and cognition and constructing a single index.
The index
for political integration was constructed from the answers
to the following six questions; a numerical value was
assigned to each and added together.
1.
Generally speaking, do you usually think of your­
self as a Pima, an American Indian, an American, or
what?
2.
To which of these groups do you feel the most
loyalty?
55
3.
Which of these groups have helped you the most in
your life?
ij..
We know that the ordinary person has many problems
that take his time.
In view of this, if a person
has some spare time and wants to help someone out­
side his family which of the above groups should
he first attempt to help?
5. Have you ever worked or done anything to help one
of these groups of people?
6.
What did you do?
If the response indicated integration at a lower
system level; i.e., Pima, it was given a value of one; a
medium system level integration; i.e., American Indian, was
given a two and a high level system integration; i.e.,
American, was given a three.
categorized &3 zero.
No response was, of course,
After adding together these six
responses, an ordinal index for each individual was con­
structed which could range from zero to a possible high of
eighteen.
The sample was normally distributed in a bell
shaped curv9 with the high part of the curve in the cate­
gories seven through eleven.
The indices of the cognitive orientation for the
community, tribe and national levels were constructed by
adding together the responses of the questions thought to
measure each level.
If a response indicated a low level
I
56
understanding, it was scored as one; a medium level under­
standing was scored as two and a high level as three.^
As
with the index for political integration, the score varied
from zero to eighteen for community and tribal orienta­
tions, and zero to twenty-four for national since there
were more questions on the respondents cognitive orienta­
tion towards the nation.
In all cases the samples were
normally distributed in a bell curve with the national
skewed towards the low level and the community towards the
hign with the tribe between.
The next step in the process was to calculate from
these ordinal scales statistical relationships or nonrelationships between political integration and the cogni­
tive orientations of each level.
Reason seemed to indicate
that the level of understanding of a system would have
something to do with political integration and that a
significant relationship might be found.
The statistic in
Table 18 seems to indicate that there is a correlation
between the two variables and even though this correlation
is low, there is a good probability they are related.
Even
though no significance level is given, it should be noted
that Kendal's Tau C for the community and national cogni­
tions is higher than it is for the tribe.
In all cases
6. The questions used to construct these indexes
are discussed in the section of thi3 chapter that considers
the descriptive value of the cognitive orientation.
57
there is a good probability the variables are related.
The
Chi square significance for collapsed tables was around
.0$.
TABLE 18
RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL INTEGRATION
AND COGNITIVE ORIENTATION
Kendal1s Tau C
Integration vs. Community Cognitive
.2074
Integration vs. Tribal Cognition
.1538
Integration vs. National Cognition
with an n of 194
.20^8
In comparing this information with the descriptive
data, there appears to be an inconsistency.
The descriptive
data indicated that there was a distinct difference in
cognitive orientation between levels.
Nonetheless, the
rank order correlation shows as good a probability that
there is a relationship at all levels.
This could mean
that although the cognitive orientation of the Indian at
the national level is low, it is equally as explanatory of
political integration as is the high cognitive orientation
of the Indian at the community and tribal levels.
CHAPTER 3
POLITICAL CULTURE: FEELINGS
ABOUT POLITICS
This chapter will consider the affective dimension
on the political culture concerning the attitudes of the
Indians towards the various aspects of the three system
levels.
There are four dimensions of each system level that
are important for study:
First, the system as a general
object of affect, or the feelings the people have about the
system as a whole, will need to be considered.
Second,
outputs as objects of affect, or in other words, the struc­
tures, elites, roles and programs involved in the downward
flow of policy will be investigated.
Third, inputs as
objects of affect, or those structures, elites and roles
involved in the upward flow of policy from the people will
be con3idered.
Last, the attitudes about self-competence
of the feelings about the ability of the self in influencing
policy will be discussed.
Each of the factors of affect will be considered in
relation to its descriptive value.
By so doing the rela­
tionship of affective orientation and political integration
can be interpreted.
Do the feelings towards the system
58
differ significantly from one level to the other?
Do the
feelings differ as the various aspects of a system are con­
sidered from one level to the other?
At all levels do the
Pimas and Maricopas demonstrate positive output affect?
Do
the same, or similar feelings emerge about input affect at
each system level?
That is, are the feelings people have
both about those agencies and processes that are involved
in the enactment of general public policies similar?
Finally, a comparison will be made of the feelings about
self-competence at each level of the system.
The affective
dimension of the Civic Culture data will be U3ed as a com­
parison where appropriate.
The United States sample will
be a basis of important comparisons since it enables the
observer to see how the reservation people differ from the
population of the United States as a whole.
After a
description of the affective orientation is given, the
components of the affective orientation will be used to
construct an index by which the explanatory value of the
affective orientation in respect to political integration
can be tested.
A Description of the Affective
Orientation
System Affect:
peelings of Pride
The first aspect of the affective orientation that
will be considered is system affect, measuring the objects
of national and tribal pride.
In the interview the
respondents were asked two questions concerning their
reasons for pride in the country and as Pima or Maricopa
people.
The first question was "Speaking generally, what
are the things about this country that you are most proud
of?"
The second was "What are the things that make you
most proud to be a Pima (Maricopa)?"
It was felt that when
the respondents gave political responses that the expres­
sion of political pride was spontaneous.^
The comparisons of the Gila River Indian Community
to the United States shows a striking similarity.
The
similarity is strengthened when it is noted that some of
the eighty-five percent of American respondents selected
governmental, political institutions as their second
response not their first.
for the GRIC sample.
No second response was recorded
Furthermore, at the national level
the Pima and Maricopa Indians demonstrated more system
affect than did any other country other than the United
States.
The GRIC people showed, along with the respondents
from the United States, pride in political institutions
while the respondents from the other countries showed pride
in national economic accomplishments, characteristics of
the people, or physical attributes of the country.
1. This i3 the same assumption made by Almond and
Verba, The Civic Culture, p. 61;.
61
The responses to the second question showed quite a
different feeling about the Gila River Indian Community.
Only twenty-seven percent of the respondents mentioned
attributes that remotely relate to the political system.
The highest single response, "Just being a Pima (Maricopa),11
demonstrates that not much thought had gone into the sub­
ject.
It was the general consensus of those who did the
interviewing that the reservation people simply had not
thought about this question.
In other words, there was no
general feeling about themselves as Pima or Maricopa that
had been cognized.
The five percent of the sample who
answered, "My tribe makes the best pottery," came from
twenty Maricopa Indians demonstrating that they had
developed an expressible affective orientation about them­
selves.
Many Pima Maricopa Indians of the Gila River
Reservation simply have not developed an expressible affec­
tive feeling about themselves.
The high percentage of
those who did not answer or who answered, "I don*t know,"
(25%) supports this conclusion.
The lack of feeling about the system as a whole or
system affect at the tribal level might be the result of
socialization, while the strong system affect at the
national level might be a result of the educational system.
When asked "Do you remember how much time was spent in your
school in studying current events and the government of the
62
TABLE 19
ASPECTS OP NATION IN WHICH RESPONDENTS
REPORT PRIDE
Percentage 'Who Say
They Are Proud Of
GRIC U.S. U.K. Germany Italy Mexico
Governmental, politi­
cal institutions
59
85
46
7
3
30
Social legislation
5
13
18
6
1
2
Position in inter­
national affairs
9
5
11
5
2
3
15
23
10
33
3
24
Characteristics of
people
2
7
18
36
11
15
Spiritual virtues and
religion
1
3
1
3
6
8
Contributions to the
arts
0
1
6
11
16
9
Contributions to science
0
3
7
12
3
1
Physical attributes of
country
4
5
10
17
25
22
Nothing or don't know
1
4
10
15
27
16
Other
0
9
11
100
158
1^8
148
118
144
196
970
963
955
995
1,007
Economic system
Total percentage
Total number of
cases
aWhere
21
percentage exceeds one hundred there were
multiple responses possible. The Gila River Indian Com­
munity survey only recorded one response. The information
about the United States, United Kingdom, Germany, Italy and
Mexico came from Almond and Verba, op. cit., p. 64.
country?" seventy-four percent of the people responded that
a little time had been spent in school on such subjects.
The educational system had taught the Indians that the
liberty, freedom and the political institutions of the
United States were something of which to be proud.
asked "What about at home or in the community?
'When
Was there
much time spent on relating stories about the Pima (Mari­
copa) history and past?" seventy-six percent of the
respondents stated that at least a little time had been
spent on these subjects in the home.
However, as we have
seen, the fruits of this effort have not resulted in a
cognized system affect at the tribal level.
this is difficult to ascertain.
The reason for
It may be that the content
of this process was not specific enough to allow the
respondents to pick any particular point of pride.
The
content may have been very diffuse teaching attitudes and
form3 of behavior rather than a specifically Pima charac­
teristic.
On the other hand many of the Maricopa Indians
had been told that they make the best pottery.
These
people, then, responded with some unity and pride in this
respect.
Output Affect: Expectations of
Treatment by Administrators
The feelings that people have about administrators
of policy may be inferred from how they expect to be
6k
TABLE 20
THINGS TO BE PROUD OP AS A PIMA (MARICOPA)
Percentage of Those
Who Answered
Just being a Pima (Maricopa)
My tribe makes the best pottery
American Heritage or Pima History
17
5
13
Having our own government
3
I just love my people
1
The people are a progressive and
peaceful people
1
Just proud to be an American Indian
We were here first
15
5
We have land and a reservation to
live on
11
The way I was brought up as a Pima
(Maricopa)
1
Other
3
Don11 know
26
Total percentage
100
Total number respondents
196
mm i i • ••• ii.ii iiMcraattgaaB—esaa—s in • i m apesBaae—gaeaeMc—asaa—ai
aResponses
which were felt to be related to the
political sy3tem included American heritage or Pima history,
having our own government, and we have land and a reserva­
tion to live on.
65
treated by them.
Hypothetical situations were set up in
the interview which allowed the respondents to imagine
themselves in a situation where they were confronted by
various officials.
The respondents were to ask themselves:
How they felt they would be treated?
equally, like everyone else?
Would they be treated
They were also asked to
imagine that they were explaining their point of view to
the officials.
to?
Did they expect that they would be listened
The results of the questions on equality of treatment
are summarized in Tables 21 and 22.
The output affect measure, unlike the measure of
feelings about the system as a whole, fell back into the
same pattern that was established with the cognitive
variable.
The GRIC respondents demonstrate a much lower
output affect than did the United States respondents in
regards to both the bureaucracy and the police.
Also, the
GRIC respondents demonstrated lower output affect on the
national level than did any country except Mexico.
Sur­
prisingly, at the tribal level the Indians were once again
about as high as the United States respondents in their
I
feelings about treatment by administrators (see Table 21).
One can conclude that although these respondents have been
taught system affect at the national level, they are
alienated with respect to their feelings of equal treatment
at the hands of governmental authority and policy.
In the
TABLE 21
EXPECTATION OF TREATMENT BY GOVERNMENTAL BUREAUCRACY
AND POLICE AND TRIBAL OFFICIAL
Percentage
Who Say
Tribal
GRIC
U.S.
U.K.
Germany
Italy
Off. bur. pol. bur. pol. bur. pol. bur. pol. bur. pol.
Mexico
bur. pol.
They expect
equal treatment
75
k2
53
83
85
83
89
65
72
53
56
k2
32
They don't expect
equal treatment
10
18
17
9
8
7
6
9
5
13
10
50
57
k
15
16
k
5
6
k
19
15
17
15
5
5
Other
—
1
6
6
—
Don1t know
11 -2K
11
-11
I
Depends
Total percentage
Total number
aSee
-12
-Jk
2
2
0
I
8
100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100
196 196 196 970 970 963 963 955 955 995 995
- -
i
100 100
1007 1007
Almond and Verba, op. cit.. p. 70.
^Actual texts of the questions: Suppose you had to take a problem to a
tribal official. Do you think you would be given equal treatment—I mean, would
you be treated as well as anyone else? Suppose there were some question you had
to take to a government official for example a tax question or housing regulation.
Do you think you would be given equal treatment—I mean, would you be treated as
TABLE 21 — Continued
well as anyone else? If you had some trouble with the police—-a traffic violation
maybe, or were accused of a minor offense--do you think you would be given equal
treatment? That is would you be treated as well as anyone else? The interviewer
was asked to explain that the police referred to were off the reservation.
TABLE 22
AMOUNT OP CONSIDERATION EXPECTED FOR POINT OP VIEW PROM
BUREAUCRACY, POLICE AND TRIBAL OFFICIALS
Tribal
GRIC
U.S.
U.K.
Germany
Italy
Off. bur. pol. bur. pol. bur. pol. bur. pol. bur. pol.
Serious consid­
eration for
point of view
Mexico
bur. pol.
55
28
39
1+8
56
59
Ik
53
59
35
35
19
32
23
31
22
22
13
18
11
15
13
ks
^6
k
10
13
6
11
5
5
5
k
11
12
27
29
11
12
13
11
9
10
6
15
13
21
20
6
7
Other
0
3
1
2
6
6
Don•t know
9
12
A little atten­
tion
To be ignored
Depends
Total percentage
Total number
aSee
100
196
1
8
1_
11
12 -Lit
2
2
-I£ 11
k
I
100 100 100 100 98 99 100 100 100 100
98
99
196 196 970 970 963 963 955 955 995 995 1007 1007
Almond and Verba, op. cit., p. 72.
^Actual texts of the questions: If you explained your point of view to the
officials, what effect do you think it would have? Would they give your point of
view serious consideration, would they pay only a little attention, or would they
TABLE 22— Continued
ignore what you had to say? If you explained your point of view to the police,
what effect do you think it would have? Would they (same choices as before)? If
you explained your point of view to the tribal official what effect do you think
it would have: would he give your point of view serious consideration, would he
pay only a little attention, or would he ignore what you had to say?
o^
vO
70
survey no measure of feelings about community output was
made.
There is no reason, however, to expect a shift from
the discoveries of the cognitive orientation.
The com­
munity output affect would be expected to be similar to
that of the tribe.
Extended contact with the Indians on the reserva­
tion confirms this suspicion.
Most of the problems; i.e.,
management of water systems or problems of community
buildings, etc. are handled on a community basis and tend
to produce positive output affect.
They are of a low keyed
nature and can be handled by personal contact with offi­
cials in the community.
One might however, discover that
the residents of the community could not pinpoint any
particular point of affection since their feelings about
the outputs of the community would be taken for granted.
Table 22 reports the frequency of expectations of
consideration at the hands of the governmental officials
and the police.
Did the respondents anticipate that they
would be treated with dignity on a give and take basis?
The GHIC respondents felt that their opinions would not be
received with consideration and responsiveness.
In fact,
only Mexican respondents had a lower perception of how
their opinions would be considered.
On the tribal level,
however, only the United Kingdom's respondents had a higher
71
percentage of those who felt they would be treated considi
erately by their governmental authorities.
The attitudes of the Indians towards the police are
somewhat surprising.
They feel that they should be treated
not only better but more considerately by the police than
by the bureaucracy.
This pattern was the same in the United
States, England and Germany but was not so in Italy and
Mexico.
In almost all circumstances where the Pima and
Maricopa Indians are dealing with people on a personal,
one-to-one basis, they appear to be more self assured and
comfortable.
On the other hand, in dealing with specific
roles and hierarchical systems they are generally hesitant
and uncomfortable.
It is also important to note that the better edu­
cated numbers of the tribe felt more equal treatment by
government officials and police than did those who were not
so well educated.
The well educated felt that their
opinions were more seriously considered on the tribal basis
as well.
Input Affect: Patterns of
Political Communication
It is sometimes difficult to differentiate between
what constitutes input affect and what constitutes selfcompetence; both involve feelings about ability to influ­
ence policy.
Input affect, however, is more involved with
TABLE 23
EXPECTATIONS OP TREA'IMENT BY GOVERNMENTAL
AUTHORITIES AND POLICE: BY EDUCATION
Percentage
Who Expect
GHIC
United States
United Kingdom
Geraany
Some Some Some Soma Soma Some Sane Some some Some Soma Some
Prim. Soc. Univ. Prim. Sec. Univ. Prim. Sec. Univ. Prim. Sac. Univ.
Italy
Sono Some Some
Hone Prim. Sac. Univ.
Mexico
Soc.e Soma Some
None prim. Sec. Univ.
E^ual treatment
In govt/ office
26
45
45
80
84
68
81
87
88
64
73
77
30
5i
65
59
19
45
58
63
Equal treatment
by police
5o
51
60
fll
67
69
88
90
96
70
8i
88
27
53
68
74
14
33
54
51
Consideration in
gov't, office
21
27
36
44
46
58
60
58
75
51
62
8i
20
34
38
44
5
16
18
22
Cor.sldera.tion by
police
31
37
49
50
59
60
75
72
71
58
65
81
17
34
43
48
8
13
17
22
Treatment tribe
79
67
89
JiZ
70
90
62
333
1*3
188
593
321
24
788
123
26
88
ink
245
54
221
656
103
24
Consideration
tribe
Total nuaber
42
®Gttbri,6l Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture (Boston and Toronto:
Brown and Company, 1963), pp. 73. 75.
Li ttlo
-0
ro
73
feelings about the structures, leaders and policy proposals
whereas self-competence involves feelings about capabili­
ties as a citizen of any given political system.
The
present section deals with input affect; the extent to
which people on the reservation report that they discuss
politics; the number who are members of political parties;
and the extent to which the GRIC people are members of
interest groups or political clubs on and off the reserva­
tion.
The extent to which Indians discuss politics is
lower than the United States, Germany and the United King­
dom but higher than Italy or Mexico (see Table 24).
Never­
theless, the Gila River Indian Community respondents showed
a definite increase in discussion of politics on an informal
basis.
Informal means of communication are of fundamental
importance in spreading information on the reservation (see
Chapter 4). This is interesting because talking politics
is an act of participating and would seem to imply a more
active involvement than passively listening to views about
politics on radio or television.
. . . talking politics with other people implies
some sense of safety in political communication.
No one can tell what thoughts pass through the
minds of newspaper readers or television viewers.
Talking politics means taking a chance; in total­
itarian countries, a big chance. In democratic
7k
TABLE 2k
FREQUENCY OF TALKING POLITICS WITH OTHER PEOPLE
Percentage Who
Reported They
GRIC U.S. U.K. Germany Italy Mexico
Never talk politics
53
2k
29
39
66
61
Sometimes talk poli­
tics
ij.5
76
70
60
32
38
2
0
—
1_
2
—
100
100
100
970
99
963
100
196
955
995
99
1,007
Others and don't
know
Total percentage
Total number
aAlmond
and Verba, op. cit., p. 79.
^Actual text of the question: What about talking
about public affairs or other people? Do you do that nearly
every day, once a week, from time to time, or never? The
question for GRIC was: Do you ever discuss political and
governmental affairs, would you say you discuss them often,
from time to time, or never?
75
countries the risks may not be so high, but there
stiil are some risks.^
On the reservations the risks of offending someone or
exposing oneself to criticism is increased because of
everyone's close association 3ince nearly all are
acquainted.
Although this measure tells something about the
frequency of talking politics, it does not measure how
people feel about discussing political and governmental
affairs.
One possible index of this dimension of political
feeling might be the way people responded to the inter­
viewers.
All interviewers were residents of the reservation
and the people they were interviewing knew who they were.
At the end of the interview, the conductor of the survey
was asked to rate the cooperativeness of the respondent.
Sixty-eight percent of the respondents were rated "friendly
and eager."
Twenty-3even percent were rated "cooperative,
but not particularly eager," and only two percent were
rated "indifferent, bored."
rated "hostile."
None of the respondents were
Apparently the people who were inter­
viewed were quite willing and friendly in discussing their
political attitudes.
The Gila River Indian Community
respondents were rated higher in their willingness to
2.
Ibid., p. 79.
76
cooperate than were any of the other countries^ (see Table
25)• Two out of every three respondents on the reservation
demonstrated a friendly willingness to discuss political
and governmental affairs, comparing very well with the
United States and England.
An additional index of input affect is the member­
ship in political parties.
Forty percent of che respondents
on the reservation stated they were not a supporter of any
particular political party, forty-three percent stated they
were Democrats and six percent said they were Republicans.
Three percent said they were independent and nine percent
stated they "didn't know."
In other words, only forty-nine
percent were supporters of any political party.
In the
United States party membership is greater with fifty-eight
percent of the United States respondents being members of
one political party or another.
The other measure of input affect is membership in
a political club or organization and activity in a campaign.
Only three percent of the GRIC people interviewed stated
that they belonged to a group that was non-partisan or nonpolitical but sometimes took a 3tand; none said they
belonged to a political club or organization.
Only four
percent of the United States sample stated they belonged to
3. Professional polling agencies in each country
interviewed for Almond and Verba. 'These agencies supposedly
were composed of residents of each country.
77
TABLE 25
PEOPLE WHO THINK POLITICS CANNOT BE
UNDERSTOOD BY ORDINARY MAN
Percentage Who
GRIC
U.S.
U.K.
Agree
65
62
58
52
69
Depends
10
k
8
8
1
Disagree
16
32
32
21
25
1
1
2
18
5
"100
1,295
Other
9
Don't know
Total percentage
Total number
aData
2
Italy
100
100
100
100
195
970
963
995
Mexico
for Germany was unavailable.
^Data taken from the Code Book:
The Five Nation
Study, Inter-University Consortium for Political Research,
1968, p. 120.
78
a non-political club or organization that sometimes stands
on an issue.
When asked "Have you ever been active in a
political campaign--that is, have you ever worked for a
candidate or party, contributed money, or done any other
active work?" ninety-seven percent stated they had not;
only two percent said they had.
In the United States
eighty-three percent stated that they had never been active
in a political campaign while seventeen percent stated that
they had.
In summary, input affect at the national level for
the Indians appears to be low.
Although they are willing
to discuss their political attitudes, less than half do.
Very few have been active in political campaigns or have
belonged to some political organization which influences
policy.
None viewed the tribal organization as a means to
influence political decisions, although this is done quite
frequently by the tribal officials.
There were many
instances observed where tribal officials lobbied for
better programs.
They often contact leading officials in
federal bureaucracies.
Furthermore, numerous phone calls
are made to Washington or to Congressional delegations at
home and tribal officials are frequently sent to Washington
to lobby for one program or another.
Official delegations
are also 3ent to the National Council of American Indians
to represent the tribe and yearly dues are paid to the NCAI.
79
The tribal attorney is constantly representing the inter­
ests of the Gila River Indians in Washington, Phoenix or
wherever necessary.
Nevertheless, most of the Indians on the reserva­
tion do not recognize these activities as being inputs into
the political system of the nation and do not represent
activities that are vital to their own interests.
Neither
do they recognize their own involvement as the critical
element.
ters.
More will be said about this topic in later chap­
The point should be stressed, however, that on the
national level the Indians are non-participants.
They per­
ceive themselves as having little or no influence on
national policy.
Cki the tribal level a number of different types of
interest groups exist:
nonassociational, institutional and
associational which support various policy alternative.
Of these, the institutional interest groups are by far the
most important.
These groups initiate and formulate policy
proposals that are submitted to the tribal council for
approval.
They are also the groups that are involved in
administering the policy proposals that are approved by the
tribal council.
Many of these groups are agencies of the
federal government who are to help regulate Indian Affairs,
health, welfare and educational services.
Many of the per­
sonnel in these groups are non-Indian and if they are Indians
80
do not belong to the tribe.
The most important of these
agencies is the Bureau of Indian Affairs.
The BIA provides
educational, conservational, and social services for the
Indian.
It also constructs and builds roads and houses,
provides employment and law and order assistance.
The Community Action Program (CAP) is another fed­
eral agency working on the reservation which acts as an
institutional interest group.
CAP provides several pro­
grams for reservation residents.
These programs include
counseling and guidance programs, Head Start, an alcoholism
prevention program and adult education.
Health and social services are provided for resi­
dents of the reservation by the Indian Health Service of
the Public Health Service.
This organization also acts as
an institutional interest group supporting and lobbying for
programs to further its interests and the interest of the
Pima3 and Maricopas.
Another important institutional interest group on
the reservation i3 Model Cities.
The Model Cities person­
nel have become important articulators of information and
policy.
This staff is of growing importance on the reserva­
tion, and the citizenry are using this body more and more
through their local resident boards and local service
directors to get the services they want and need in the
81
community.
This organization is primarily Indian and
therefore, its credibility with the people is greater.
Although no parties exist in reservation politics,
the district organization sometimes takes on the role of a
party.
The districts represent seven respective areas on
the reservation.
These districts have their own political
organization which are generally composed of a district
chairman, vice chairman and secretary.
Many districts also
have a housing and homesite committee, health committee,
and a recreation committee.
The authority of the districts
is supposed to be delegated to them from the tribal coun­
cil, which is supposedly the ultimate authority on the
reservation.
Along with the tribal council, the chief
executive officer, the Governor and his aid the Lt.
Governor are supposed to run the internal affairs of the
reservation.
In this organization, the districts tend to
become institutional interest groups who lobby for policy
to solve local programs.
The nonassociational interest groups are next in
importance on the reservation.
Many issues will arise that
will cause spontaneous organization of groups.
These groups
will then actively support or work against the policy.
When the problem is solved these groups will then dissolve.
Kinship groups also play an important role as nonassocia­
tional interest groups on the reservation.
These groups,
82
because of their lasting nature, may have, over time, a
great impact on the outcome of policy and the direction
programs take on the reservation.
There are no legitimate associational groups on the
reservation which support various policy alternatives.
One
illegitimate associational group, however, does exist.
This group, the Farmers Association, was denied official
recognition by the tribal council.
from district to district.
Its strength varies
Districts two, five and six are
usually mentioned as having the largest number of members.
This organization holds regular meetings, supports various
programs and policy and sometimes works to elect councilmen
who are sometimes called in to answer questions about
various policies.
This group is highly traditional in
nature and at their meetings only Pima is spoken.
Official
recognition was denied it because some of their objectives
duplicated district functions.
There had also been time
when the officials of the organization had sent representa­
tives off the reservation to support an opposing view to
that of tribal officials.
these officials.
This, of course, did not please
The general opinion among most of the
informants was that the group was very much behind times
and that it was either misinformed or uninformed on most
issues.
The membership of the organization is about one
hundred; twenty are reported as being in attendance at
83
their meetings.
Their voting strength, however, is said to
be stronger since the group reportedly elected two tribal
councilmen from District Six.
Other than this organization, no formal organiza­
tion had input potential in the tribe.
On the tribal level
the primary means of influencing policy was individual or
through institutional structures such as the districts,
Model Cities, Bureau of Indian Affair or Public Health
Service.
At the district level, the only means was indi­
vidual.
Self-Competence
The people who feel self-competent in the political
process play an important role in all politics.
They are
the people who are actively engaged in making policy.
The citizen, unlike the subject, is an active
participant in the political process—the process
by which political decisions are made. But the
citizen role, as we have suggested, does not
replace the subject role or the parochial role;
it is added to them. Only the rare individual
considers his role as citizen more important and
salient than his role as subject or parochial, .
for whom politics is a matter of first; priority.•
In democratic societies participation is vital.
Even
though the citizen is expected to obey the law and to be
loyal, he is also expected to take some part in the decision
making process.
"The ordinary man is expected to take an
Ibid. t p. 117.
Qk
active part in governmental affairs, to be aware of how
decisions are made, and to make his views known.
Three measures are used to determine the activity
of the citizen which makes him a participant.
the individuals feelings about politics.
The first is
Secondly, hypo­
thetical situations are set up in which the respondent is
asked to consider what he would do if a regulation, which
he felt was harmful, were being considered first by the
tribe and then by the national government.
He was also
asked whether or not he felt he would succeed.
The
respondent was also asked if he made an effort to change
this regulation.
If such a case arose how likely would it
be that he would actually do something about it.
Finally,
he was asked whether or not he had ever done anything to
influence the tribe or the National Congress.
The voting
behavior of the respondents of the Gila River Reservation
at the national and tribal level is also considered as an
important measure of self-competence.
If the respondents felt that politics was so com­
plicated that it could not be understood, it was supposed
that this attitude would be carried over into their
behavior.
Such a negative attitude about politics would
probably then result in non-participation in the political
process.
The respondents were asked "Some people say that
5.
Ibid., p. 199.
85
politics and government are so complicated that the average
man cannot really understand what is going on.
do you agree or disagree with that?"
In general,
The GRIC did not dif­
fer greatly from the United States sample in the percentage
of those who agreed with the statement; sixty-five percent
for GRIC to sixty-two percent for United States.
In the
number who disagree, however, there was a considerable dif­
ference; sixteen percent for GRIC to thirty-two percent for
the United States (see Table 25).
The Pima and Maricopa
Indians appear to have less confidence in their ability to
understand politics than do the people of any of the other
countries.
This attitude appears to carry over in the
respondents perception of their influence over governmental
decisions.
Several questions were asked about their
attempts to influence the government.
The exact wording of
these questions was as follows:
On the tribal level
"Suppose a regulation were being considered by your
tribal council which you considered very unjust or harmful,
what do you think you could do?"
"If you made an effort to change this regulation how
likely is it that you would succeed?"
"If such a case arose how likely is it that you
would actually do something about it?"
"Have you ever done anything to try to influence a
tribal decision?"
86
On the national level
"Suppose a law were being considered by the Con­
gress of the United States Government, which you considered
to be very unjust or hannful, what do you think you could
do?"
"If you made an effort to change this law, how
likely is it that you would succeed?"
"If such a case arose, how likely is it that you
would actually do something about it?"
"Have you ever done anything to try to influence an
act of Congress?"
On the local level
"Problems sometimes arise that need to be brought
to the attention of leaders of this part of the reservation.
If such a problem arose would you do anything to bring it
to the attention of these leaders?"
"To whom would you go?"
"Has such a problem ever come up?"
"What did you do?"
The Subjectively Competent.
Among those who felt
they could influence government it was discovered that the
respondents felt more confident of success in their
attempts to influence government the closer the government
came to their home.
On the tribal level, sixty-two percent
of the respondents felt that if they made an effort to
change an unjust law that they would succeed.
On the
national level, however, only forty-two percent of the
respondents felt they would succeed in an attempt to change
an unjust regulation.
Thus the respondents affective
87
feeling about the self increased significantly on the lower
systems level (see Table 26).
Almond and Verba's findings were similar:
increased perception of competence on the local level.
The
important comparison again is with the United States whose
respondents showed very little difference between their
feelings about their ability to influence government on the
local and national levels—seventy-five percent to seventyseven percent—while the Gila River Indian Community
respondents showed a large gap—forty-two percent to sixtytwo percent.
Another important conclusion that can be
drawn from this comparison is that even on the local level
the Indians feel less self-competent than do the Americans
and that the attitude concerning the self decreases rapidly
at the national level showing subjective alientation.
Even though an individual is subjectively compe­
tent, it does not mean that he actually tries to change
what he considers are unfair laws.
The question was hypo­
thetical; making it impossible to tell whether or not the
respondents would in actuality do what they say they will.
Nonetheless the question did indicate whether or not each
respondent thought he would act.
occurred.
An interesting pattern
More people on the Reservation thought they
would do something about an tanjust regulation than thought
they would succeed.
Seventy percent felt that they would
88
TABLE 26
PERCENTAGE WHO SAY THEY CAN DO SOMETHING ABOUT
AN UNJUST LOCAL OR NATIONAL REGULATION
Sample
Can do Something About
Local Regulation
Can do Something
About National
Regulation
GRIC
62
k2
United States
77
75
Great Britain
78
62
Germany
62
38
Italy
51
28
Mexico
52
38
aAlmond
bThe
and Verba, op. cit., p. 1lj..
GRIC percentage about local regulations is
really tribal. There was no comparable question on the
community level for the GRIC sample.
89
do something on an unjust tribal regulation, but only
fifty-one percent felt they would do something in regards
to an unjust national problem.
Sixty-seven percent felt
they would bring to the attention of local leader a criti­
cal problem.
Once again there is quite a difference
between the national and the local samples; people at the
tribal and community level would act more readily than at
the national level.
The percentage who had tried to influence decision
making at the various levels is quite low.
There was no
substantial difference, however, in the percentage of the
respondents who had attempted to influence a community or
a tribal decision--twenty-three percent for the community
to nineteen percent for the tribe.
Nonetheless, there was
a substantially higher number of respondents who had tried
to influence a tribal decision than a national one—
nineteen percent to one percent.
This definitely shows a
higher feeling among the Indians about their capabilities
at the lower levels of the political system than at the
higher levels.
This conclusion is also generally true with the
other countries surveyed by Almond and Verba.
When the
Indians are compared with the United States sample, how­
ever, distinct differences emerge.
At the lower levels the
Indians1 self-competence is about as high as the United
90
States respondents, but at the national level the United
States respondents self-competence is much higher.
The Strategy of Influence.
Another aspect of self
as an object of affect is the strategy an individual would
use in attempting to influence the government.
It makes a difference whether someone has only the
vague notion of what he can do, or a clear view of
the channels open to him for expressing his point
of view. It also makes a difference what resources
he believes he has available to use. Furthermore,
the strategy that an individual would use will
naturally affect tne extent to which his subjective
view of his ability to influence represents real
influence potential--that is, it represents the
sort of activity that has some chance of changing
the behavior of the government.6
In Table 27 it is evident that the GRIC respondents would
rather work alone in attempting to influence the decision
making process than to attempt eliciting the support of
others.
This is a striking variation from the sample of
the United States which, at the local level, supports the
pluralistic notion of the need to enlist the support of
others if the individual wishes to change a regulation he
considers unjust.
Whom would they enlist to support them?
The
Indians turn to the informal groups, the face-to-face
groups, as the most significant, although six percent of
the respondents on the tribal level did mention formal
groups.
These formal groups probably mean District
6.
Ibid., p. II4.6.
TABLE 27
WHAT CITI2ENS WOULD DO TO TRY TO INFLUENCE THEIR
NATIONAL AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT: BY NATION
What Citizens Would Do
GHC
U.S.
U.K.
Gem any
Italy
Mexico
Tribe Nation Local Nation Local Nation Local Nation Local Nation Local Nation
Try to Enlist Aid of Others
Organize an informal
group: arouse friends
and neighbors, got
tbea to write letters
of protest or to sign
a petition.
Work through a polit­
ical party
Work through a formal
group to which they
belong
Total percentage who
would enlist other aid
16
8
56
29
0
I;
1
1
12
_Ji
_k
_J.
_1
_1
_L
_6_1
34
18
13
7
36
7
6
26
18
_S
—i
_1
12
24
10
59
32
36
22
21
19
9
10
28
20
Directly contact polit­
ical leaders or the
press; write a letter
to or visit a local polit­
ical leader
25
12
20
57
45
44
15
12
12
7
1$
8
3
1
31
4
12
4
18
6
—
1
11
3
1.
.2
1
2.4
7
. 4
3
1
4
1
1
—
Act alone
Directly contact admin­
istration officials
2
2
1
Consult a lawyer; appeal
through courts
2
1
2
Vote against offending
officials at next elec­
t i o n
6
7
lit.
.
—
!
(
\D
TABLE 27—Continued
' What Citizens Would. So
Take some violent action
QRIC
U.S.
U.K.
Germany
Italy
Kexico
Tribe Nation Local Nation Local Nation Local Kation Local Nation Local Nation
0
1
1
—
1
—
2
1
--
2
Just protest
Other
0
1
1
2
—
MM
1
1
1
k
12
3
—
—
I
2
Total percentage who
would act alone
35
2k
18
1*2
14-1
ko
41
•18
ki
18
2k
18
Total percentage who
would act with
others or alone
59
3k
77
7k
78
62
62
37
51
28
53
38
196
196
970
970
963
963
955
955
995
995
Total nunber of
respondents
^The data is not strictly comparable since for all samples
exoept GRIC throe responses were possible.
1,007 1.007
93
organizations.
Pour percent of the respondents from GRIC,
however, recognized the potential power of the political
party in influencing policy and would use this method.
This was a higher percentage than any of the other coun­
tries who would use other organizations more often than the
party.
Although multiple responses for the Gila River
Survey were not recorded thus making comparison with the
Civic Culture data not so useful, it is evident that the
total percentage who would act with others or alone is much
lower in the GRIC survey than in the United States survey
and that the majority in the GRIC sample would act indi­
vidually whereas only on the national level does the United
States sample wish to act individually.
The Gila River
respondents have a greater tendency towards individual
political initiative.
Their self-competence is higher on
the tribal level than on the national level, but it still
is not so high as the respondents of the Ifiiited States.
In
this respect the Pima and Maricopa people are comparable to
Germany, although Germans wish to contact administrators
whereas the GRIC people work more with politicians.
On the community level the number of people who
would contact a councilman more than doubled those who
would contact any other leader if a problem were to arise.
District leaders were the next specific persons mentioned
9k
TABLE 28
PERSONS TO WHOM PROBLEMS WOULD BE
BROUGHT IN THE COMMUNITIES
Percent Who Would Bring to the
Attention of
Local Councilman
38
Leaders
15
District Chairman
15
Governor
6
Friends
3
Combination of above
8
Other
1
NA
-i£
Total percentage
Total number of respondents
100
131
95
by the respondents as being a person they would go to in
case a problem arose that needed to be solved.
At the
local level only three percent of the respondents would
take problems to someone other than leaders in their com­
munity since there appears to be a clear perception on
this level of what can be done about problems.
Voting Behavior.
The final dimension of self-
competence to be considered is the respondents feelings
about voting and how they differ from one level to the
next.
When asked if they agreed or disagreed with the
statement, "It is not very important to vote in local
elections," sixty-seven percent disagreed and only seven­
teen percent agreed.
When asked if they agreed or dis­
agreed with the statement, "It is very important to vote
even when many other people vote in an election," an even
larger portion, eighty-two percent, agreed and only six
percent disagreed.
Obviously, the Gila River Indian Com­
munity feel that it is important to vote.
Although the Pima and Maricopa Indians demonstrate
that they value voting, they have the highest percentage of
people who do not vote of the countries where data is com­
parable that is United States, United Kingdom, Germany,
Italy and Mexico.
Twenty-one percent of the Pima and Mari­
copa respondents reported that they did not vote, whereas
six percent of the United States respondents, nine percent
96
of the English respondents, five percent of the German
respondents, nine percent of the Italian, and eight percent
of the Mexican respondents reported not ever voting in a
national election or only voting in local elections.7
Qn
the other hand, a large percentage of Pima and Maricopa
Indians reported a feeling of satisfaction when they did
vote.
When asked "Which one of these statements comes
closest to describing your feelings when you go to the
polls to cast your ballot?" forty-three percent reported
that they get a feeling of satisfaction out of it.
Twenty-
three percent stated "I do it only because it is.my duty"
and only one percent stated "I feel annoye'd, it's a waste
of time."
Twelve percent reported they did not feel any­
thing in particular.
Only the United States reported a
higher percentage of people who get satisfaction out of
voting (see Table 29).
These feelings about voting differed somewhat among
the Indian people according to the level of election,
tribal or national.
Twenty-four percent of the respondents
reported that they felt different when voting in tribal
elections; forty-four percent reported no difference.
Those
who did report feeling different, did so, they said,
because they knew the local leaders and did not know the
7.
Ibid., p. 108.
97
TABLE 29
PEELINGS ABOUT VOTING BY COUNTRY
Percentage Who Stated
I get a feeling of
satisfaction out of
it
GRIC U.S. U.K. Germany Italy Mexico
1|.3
51
38
23
16
ko
I feel annoyed, it's
a waste of time
1
1
1
I don't feel anything
in particular
12
3
1
21
it is my duty
Other
Don't know
aAlmond
bThis
32
26
23
it-8
3h
1
2
3
8
9
9
k
1
1
1
2
0
6
2
k
2
3
and Verba, op. cit., p. 108.
question wa3 asked only to those who had
voted in one or more of the last three national elections.
98
national leaders, or they were more concerned with the
local elections.
Again self-competence is increased on the
tribal level when feelings about voting are considered as
was the case with the other measures of self-competence.
Affective Orientations and
Political Integration
The relationship between the affective orientation
and political integration was determined in the same manner
as was the relationship between the cognitive orientations
and political integration.
First, indices for the affective
orientations were constructed by combining all of the
affective measures.
Then these ordinal indices were corre­
lated with the index of political integration (see Table
30).
TABLE 30
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL INTEGRATION
AND AFFECTIVE ORIENTATION
Integration Vs.
Kendal's Tau C
Community Affectation
.1700
Tribal Affectation
.1555
U« S. Affectation
.21^02
99
The indices of the affective orientation for the
community, tribe and national levels were constructed by
adding together the responses of the questions thought to
measure each level.
If the respondent indicated a low
level of affect, it was scored as one, a medium level
scored two and a high level three.
munity varied from 0 to 9.
The score for the com­
The score for tribal affect
varied from 0 to 18.®
At all three levels the majority of the sample fell
in the middle of the ordinal ranking.
At the national
level, however, there was a more even dispersion.
If a relationship exists between political integra­
tion and political affectation, there should be a signifi­
cant correlation between the two scales.
Statistically,
however, only a minimal correlation between the community
and tribal affective orientations and political integration
appears, even though there is a good probability that a
relationship exists as indicated by the Chi square of the
collapsed tables (significance .01).
At the national
level, however, there appears to be a definite relationship
and higher probability that a relationship exists between
the variables.
8. The questions used to put together these scales
are discussed in the part of this chapter that considers
the description of the affective orientation. The total
scores at each level differ depending on the number of
questions used to measure each variable.
100
Summary
The Gila River Indian Community respondents' affec­
tive orientation is very much like their cognitive orienta­
tions.
On the tribal level they have relatively high out­
put affect, input affect and self-competence.
On the
national level they appear to show greater alienation and
lower affect.
The Pima and Maricopa respondents' affective
orientations, however, differ from their cognitive orienta­
tions when their attitudes and feelings towards the system
as a whole is considered.
They had a high sense of pride
towards the national level but a low one towards the com­
munity and tribal level.
There cognitive orientation
towards the system as a whole, however, showed about as
high an understanding at each level.
The proposed explana­
tion for this aboration from the rest (of the data was the
socialization process, with the educational system being
the major agent that transferred to the Indians feelings
about the United States system but not about the tribal
system.
When the tribal respondents were compared to United
States respondents, a substantial difference in the two
were evident.
Only in regards to system affect did the
Pima and Maricopa Indians demonstrate nearly as high an
affective orientation "Cowards the national political system
101
as did the United States respondents.
On the tribal level
and community level (where measures were available), how­
ever, the GRIC respondents demonstrated as high of affective
orientation as did the United States respondents towards the
national political system.
The above analysis would indicate that on the com­
munity and tribal levels where affective orientations are
similar integration is quite high but on the national level
where there is little feeling expressed about the system
the level of political integration is low.
Culture again
appears to be hindering the political integration of the
Indian into the national political system.
The affective
orientations of the people are low, thus hampering feelings
which develop political integration.
The statistical data, however, indicates the rela­
tionship between political integration and the Indians
affective orientations towards the community and tribe was
weak, although the statistic indicated that there was a
good probability that one existed.
Furthermore, the
Kendal's Tau C rank order correlation indicated a much
stronger relationship between the Indians' affective
orientation towards the national system and political inte­
gration.
The Chi square also indicated that there was a
good probability that a relationship between the variables
existed.
The reason for the weak relationship of the
102
community and tribal variables might have been the lack of
measurement of the affective orientations.
Only three
questions were used to measure the affective orientation
tov/ards the community and only five the affective orienta­
tion tov/ards the tribe.
The measures might have left out
some of the more basic feelings the people have about their
system which strengthened the statistical correlation with
political integration.
The measures did, however, do a
better job in indicating the lack of feelings about the
national system.
Thus, the correlation was better and
there was a higher probability of a relationship between
the two variables.
CHAPTER k
COMMUNICATION
This chapter deals with the structure of the com­
munication process on the reservation.
analysis are considered:
Three levels of
the communication links on the
reservation with the "outside"; the communication links of
community with community and with the tribal leadership;
and the communication links within communities.
The chap­
ter also deals with the relationship between communications
and political integration.
As was pointed out in the
introductory chapter, it was felt that the closer the ties
of communication within a community and between communities
the greater would be the political integration.
The communication variable has become increasingly
important in understanding changes in traditional societies.
It is often depicted as a corrosive force in the collapse
of those societies.^
Within the context of this study the
communication variable has also played an important part in
the downfall of the old Indian life.
The world of the
Indian was once bounded by the village and tribe; now it
has expanded to the nationaand beyond.
It was once
e
1. Lucian W. Pye (ed.), Communications and Politi­
cal Development (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton Univer­
sity Press, 1963), p. 3.
103
104
isolated and now it is challenged with unlimited horizons.
Because of this the Indian is forced to form a new image
of himself and his environment.
Each individual in this
situation must constantly be engaged in adjusting and
re-evaluating his sentiments, emotions, and judgements
about his collective and individual identity.
In the future it will be the Indians' ability to
adjust to the pressures of increased communication with the
modern world which will determine their life style.
New
channels of communication will be necessary in order for
the Indians to respond to the quantity of information
pressuring them to change.
Furthermore, their ability to
withstand outside pressures and protect their present life
style will depend on how well they utilize new dimensions
of social communications.
Traditional societies will need
to develop the ability to manipulate and control the modern
communications process in order to protect many aspects of
the life style they now possess.
Communications studies distinguish between three
categories of communications systems:
and transitional.2
traditional, modem,
The differences in the structures of
these various categories parallel, surprisingly enough, the
2. There are, of course, elements in the nature of
all communications processes which all societies share in
common and the differences in these aspects are only rela­
tive, not absolute. Ibid., p. 2l\.,
105
levels of analysis dealt with in this study.
The tradi­
tional communications process is similar to the system
found in the communities on the reservation; the modern
process is similar to that which links the reservation with
the outside; and the transitional communication process
resembles that between communities and community leadership
on the reservation.
The Intra-Community Communication
System
The intra-community communication process is not
organized as a distinct system sharply differentiated from
other social processes and is basically informal and
unstructured.
It is personal in nature and is based on
face-to-face contact.
Like the traditional communication
process, it lacks professional communicators.
Those who
participate in the system do so mainly through personal
ties of association with information flowing through the
system according to the personal contact of one person with
another.
Friendship or family relationships are the best
predictors of the movement of information.
Thus, the com­
munication process is intimately related to the basic
structure of the community.
The most common place outside the home where people
on the reservation go to meet and talk is to the home of
their friends or neighbors.
Other meeting places are the
106
church, second, and the store, third.
No single place was
prevalent as being the place where information was
exchanged; all of the places mentioned in Table 31 play a
part in the communication process of the local community,
helping get information from one person to another.
This
data was supplemented by the response to the question "How
often do you talk to your neighbors or see them:
nearly
every day, once a week, from time to time or never?"
Thirty-five percent said they talked to their neighbors
daily and fifteen percent answered that they talked to
their neighbors once a week.
Thus, fifty percent of the
respondents talked to their neighbors at least weekly.
This is surprising because the closest neighbors are often
blocks away.
Forty-one percent responded that they visited
with neighbors from time to time, and only five percent
never visited.
In such a communication system field research con­
firms the suspicion that the tendency is to evaluate the
reliability of information on the basis of the strength of
the personal relationship of the recipient with the source
of information.
Often the social status of the transmitter
is the critical element.
It was evident from talking to
informers that infomations that came from respected persons
was valued more than from just anyone.
Many times con­
sultants are asked for their opinion in order that his name
107
TABLE 31
WHERE RESPONDENTS WENT OUTSIDE THE HOME TO
TALK AND MEET WITH PEOPLE3Place
Percentage Who Visited
Friends and neighbors
18
Relatives
9
Church
13
Store
12
Bar
3
Clinic
1
Town
**«-
Combination of above
9
10
Work
1
Other
15
No where
No answer
Total
Number
aExact
7
_Jfc
102
196
questions Where do you go, outside the
home, if you want to talk with people or just meet with
people?
108
can be used in relation to the problem even if the person
inquiring knew the answer already.
On the other hand,
information from tribal leaders is valued since they are
thought to be in better touch with what is going on in the
tribe.
Furthermore in the community communication process,
the problems of the village and community play the pre­
dominant role which means that information from outside the
system is the last to be transmitted.
The people will talk
about personal problems and gossip before they will begin
to talk about a tribal project or what is going on in the
Congress of the United States.
Finally, the speed with
which information flov/3 from one person to another is
relatively slow.
In the modern system all can receive the
information in a few minutes, however, by the word to mouth
method it may take several days.
Furthermore, the volume of information that can
flow through this system at one time is limited.
A good
example of this i3 the fact that after a year of having the
Model Cities program in operation on the reservation, and
another year or two in putting the program together, and in
spite of the fact that leader after leader has visited the
districts to tell the people about Model Cities, people in
the communities still claim they never have heard of
various Model Cities programs.
Furthermore, they probably
have not since in any given conversation only a limited
109
amount of information can be passed.
This only illustrates
the fact that when a large amount of information penetrates
the community from outside the systems, the informal com­
munication process is unable to handle it.
Also, when
information is transmitted from outside the system, the
people are unable to evaluate its accuracy.
Hence, the
information is garbled unless enough time is allowed for
the community to digest and assess it.
The above problem is massive for a policy maker
attempting to get a clear sense of concrete and specific
interests in order that appropriate policy can be formed.
When a response to policy inquiries takes too much time in
returning to the policy maker, he often has lost the
ability to act and the community loses many valuable bene­
fits.
As a result, many communities, to avoid losing pro­
grams that could benefit them, act without the support of
the entire community because it is impossible to communicate
the problem to all concerned individuals through the
informal communication system.
The result i3 that the
basic community structure is being dissolved and the ele­
ments which held it together are challenged.
Benefits are
brought to the community, but the life which the Indian
once had is destroyed.
This problem continues on a com­
munity to community basis.
The situation changes, however,
110
when the communication process linking the Indian with the
outside is considered.
The Communication System of the
Tribal Level
Field research indicated that the essential char­
acteristic of the communication system that links community
to community is its fragmented nature.
The process is
bifurcated and involves, in varying degrees, a system based
upon modern technology that reaches the more acculturated
populations and another system which conforms to the com­
munity system on an informal face-to-face process.
The
fundamental characteristic is that the two levels and other
separate parts are not closely integrated but each repre­
sents a more or less autonomous communication system.
The informal communication process found in each
community extends beyond the communities through friend­
ships or acquaintances in important ways.
This extension
serves to link the various communities on the reservation
together since information gathered by one member of a
community can pass to a member of another community with
ease*
There is seldom total isolation of one community
from another on the reservation.
It must be remembered
that the Pima and Maricopa people have been interacting for
more than a millennium; numerous inter-marriages and friend­
ships have been established which link community with
111
community.
Furthermore, many automobiles are now on the
reservation, increasing mobility and giving more opportuni­
ties for the Indians to have informal face-to-face com­
munication.
This informal communication system also joins
together the leadership in the tribes with the membership
in the communities.
The respondents were asked how often they speak to
the people they think are leaders in their communities.
Eleven percent said, "everyday;" nineteen percent stated,
"once a week;" and fifty-six percent responded, "from time
to time."
Only ten percent stated they "never" spoke to
leaders.^
The best way for the people to follow tribal
affairs is to talk to leaders or to attend meetings since
no radio or television station broadcasts tribal news and
no other source of information is as reliable as talking to
leaders.
The role of the leader, then, becomes very sig­
nificant because it informs communities about political
actions.
Of these leaders the councilmen, committee mem­
bers, community health representatives and the community
aids are the most important communicators.
Each community
on the reservation has a councilman who represents it and
3. The question read as follows: "What about the
people you respect most in this part of the reservation,
how often do you see or speak to them; nearly every day,
once a week, from time to time, or never?"
112
who communicates to the districts information gathered
about tribal affairs at the bi-monthly council meetings.
Beyond the use of these people or professional communica­
tors no formal communication process is followed.
These
people, however, fit very nicely with the predominant
face-to-face communication process.
The committeemen act as similar links to the com­
munities by relating information they have gathered in com­
mittee meetings, advisory board meetings or discussions
with other leaders to their communities.
The Community Health Representatives and the Com­
munity Aids also operate very efficiently as communicators
of information in this informal system spreading informa­
tion acquired through their contact with various Federal
agencies.
The Community Health Representatives will pick
up information at the Federal offices and then as they
visit people in performing their duties they transmit this
information.
The flow of information is also in reverse.
The Community Health Representatives will collect informa­
tion from the people they visit and transmit this informa­
tion to their superiors providing some badly deeded
feedback to the policy makers.
The problem with the face-to-face communication
process is the distortions that occur in the information
passed.
Any alert observer who moves throughout the
113
reservation will soon notice many instances of the distor­
tion that takes pl»ce through the face-to-face communication
system.
Many solutions to problems have been difficult to
find because everyone is talking about something different
or the solutions that are formulated are not accurately
transmitted from one person to another.
A number of prob­
lems that exist on the reservation would not have developed
had accurate information been passed from one individual to
another.
Where two people would agree on a policy solution
they disagree because the information they receive about
the solutions differ so drastically.
In the end, because
of the inadequacies of the system, feelings are hurt
unnecessarily and actions are taken that had little to do
with the real problems.
Certainly the problem of the distortion of data
does not only take place in the informal communication
process.
In this process, however, the problem tends to be
more acute since distortions are not easily corrected.
A
radio station can admit a mistake and correct it, however,
when individuals distort information it is difficult for
them to admit it and pass on good information.
Rumor ties
the communities together rather than accurate information
obtained from a common source.
Pew people acquire the direct information that
comes from attending district meetings or tribal council
meetings.
The average attendance at district meetings is
around twenty-five, with a high of over one hundred and a
low of seven.
Attendance at council meetings is even lower
with the attendance of the non-involved member at council
meetings varying from zero to about twenty.^
The respond­
ents were asked how many tribal bimonthly council meetings
they had attended; sixty-eight percent responded that they
had attended less than five council meetings; six percent
had attended five to ten meetings; and ten percent
responded ten or more.
The people who attended five or
less times probably were people who went to the council
meeting for a special reason; they went because they were
seeking information or as a solution to some problem.
The
others probably had some particular interest in attending;
i.e., they were tribal council men or committee men.
The
lack of attendance at these meetings hinders the accurate
passage of information from individual-to-individual.
The mass media is the second form of communication
system that joins together the various communities on the
reservation and leadership to the communities.
Ckily a
small monthly "newspaper" is run by the tribe which contains
information about tribal affairs.
The other forms of
modern mass media transmit information about the "outside"
1|. These figures were acquired during six months
of observation and attendance at community and council
meetings.
115
to the people in the communities penetrating erratically
the separate community system with no systematic pattern of
linkage to the informal system.
No pattern is apparent for
detemining in any community or on the tribal level who
will transmit and interpret the information gathered from
the mass media to the participants of the local system.
There are many indexes of the extent to which the
modern mass media system is penetrating the reservation.
Some of these, however, are not as good as others, for
example, one trader on the reservation reported that he
sells fifteen papers a day and about fifty T.V. Guides a
week.
The post office in Sacaton reportedly handles about
one thousand pieces of outgoing mail and about two thousand
pieces of incoming mail a day.
These figures are contami­
nated because of the number of whites that do business with
the trader and the amount of mail service the post office
does that is strictly for the Bureau of Indian Affairs,
Public Health Service and other Federal agencies stationed
in Sacaton.
The post office in Babcule, which serves
mainly Indians, reported that it has about twenty-five
pieces of outgoing mail and a bag of incoming mail a day.
Still other better indices of penetration are pre­
sented by the survey.
Twenty percent of the respondents
read the newspaper at least once a week.
Also, thirty-
seven percent of the respondents listened to the radio or
116
watched television at least once a week; forty percent
visited a nearby Anglo town weekly; and sixty-seven percent
had traveled outside the state of Arizona a distance of at
least two hundred miles.
Fifty-one percent of the people
had worked off the reservation for a year or more.
Although the above percentages are not extremely high, they
are sufficiently high to indicate that a good deal of out­
side information is being transmitted frequently to the
residents of the reservation.
This information probably
places challenges on the unity of the old Indian community
and brings the Indians closer to the United States political
system since it is transmitting information that is foreign
to the communities value system (see Chapter 5>)«
On the "outside" the mass media system operates
"under the assumption that objective and unbiased reporting
of events is possible, and that politics can best be viewed
from a neutral and non-partisan perspective."^
On the
reservation, however, where cultural background is differ­
ent the objectivity of the professional mass media is in
question.
Little content of the mass media (controlled by
the outside) helps the Indian to understand himself or to
defend his own value system.
The mass media, whether
explicitly or implicitly, tends to propagate the value
5.
Pye» op. cit.t p. 25.
117
system of the larger polity, thus placing pressure on the
Indian people to become more like the people on the "out­
side."
The problem presently facing the Indians with this
fragmented communication system is how to be effectively
integrated into the national political system while still
preserving the integrity of their way of life in the com­
munities,
There needs to be developed a capacity of bene­
fitting from the greater flow of communications from the
mass media system, while still maintaining a sense of com­
munity among the lower levels of the system.
A possible
way of helping the communities benefit from the informal,
face-to-face coramunication systems is to adjust the mass
media system to the face-to-face system.
adjusted then an imbalance may occur.
If it is not
Lucian Pye warns
against such an imablance when he stated that an imbalance,
emphasizing the modern system, may Exaggerate more than
ever the bifurcated nature of the transitional system as a
whole.
Communications with the Outside
The communications process of the third level
involves the communications of the leadership in the tribe
with the "outside."
6.
This system, resembling the modern
Ibid., p. 27.
118
communication system discussed in Communications and
Political Development,? contains two highly integrated
stages or levels of communication; first, the highly organ­
ized and structured mass media, and second, the face-toface communications of leadership.
The linkage between the
two stages is a matter of feedback.
On the reservation the leadership in the tribe is
closely linked to the outside political communication
processes through direct access to the Federal bureaucra­
cies.
It has good access through personal contact, the
Bureau of Indian Affairs and Indian organizations, to
Senators, Representatives and the Governor of Arizona.
The
leadership is also continually linked to other Indian
tribes through the Arizona Indian Inter-tribal council and
the National Congress of American Indians.
The Indians access to the Federal bureaucracies is
facilitated because of a bureaucracy's special consideration
for the Indians.
No other minority group has a Federal
bureaucracy of its own.
Although the Bureau of Indian
Affairs on many reservations does not always act in harmony
with the tribes it is serving, this is not the case at the
present time on the Gila River Reservation.
A real harmony
of interests exists at the present time between the
7.
Ibid., p. 26.
119
Superintendent of the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the
tribal leadership.
This harmony facilitates the Bureau of
Indian Affairs' ability to carry out its role.
Of more
importance to the tribe, however, is the fact that the
relationship helps it use the Bureau of Indian Affairs in a
way which it feels to be most compatible with its own
interests.
The Bureau can help the Indians lobby in Con­
gress for programs that the reservation wants and can help
contact other Federal agencies on behalf of the Indians in
order that their voice may be heard.
The Public Health Service provides similar routes
of access to high officials in the Federal Government on
matters pertaining to health.
It can, for example, help
plan a general health program that could be lobbied for by
the tribe.
The cooperation of the two might bring better
health facilities to the tribe, whereas conflict between the
two would certainly hurt the general health program on the
reservation.
The Federal bureaucracies, whether it be Model
Cities, Bureau of Indian Affairs or Public Health Service,
frequently sponsor workshops or planning sessions in which
members of the tribe participate.
Seldom does a month go
by in which one tribal member or another is not involved in
a workshop.
There have been workshops for tribal officials
in San Francisco, Albuquerque, Windowrock, Arizona, and
120
many other places.
These workshops provide the means by
which the tribal officials communicate with the "outside"
and with other tribal leaders.
Direct contact with national and state political
leaders is another means by which the tribal leadership
can tie itself into the communication system of the United
States political system.
It is not uncommon for the tribal
leaders to be invited to dine with the Governor and Con­
gressional leaders.
Finally, the leaders in the tribe fre­
quently take trips to Washington where they meet with Con­
gressional and Administration.
The tribal lawyer helps
maintain this contact for tribal officials by his close
association with the political leadership in the state and
nation.
Additional contact with Congressional leaders is
only as far away as the telephone.
Finally, membership in the Arizona Indian Inter­
tribal Council and the National Council of Indian Affairs
facilitates contact between tribal leadership and national
and state political leadership.
Much of the leadership in
the Inter-tribal Council is supplied by the Pima and Mari­
copa Indians.
The tribe also maintains active interest in
the National Congress of American Indians by sending dele­
gates to its convention each year.
These organizations are
useful to the tribe when broader support is necessary for
121
programs which the tribe supports and in contacting and
working with other Indians.
Therefore the close association which the leader­
ship of the tribe maintains with the national political
communication system has led to a high level of integration
into the national political system.
These people have
become a part of the national system in the sense that they
provide information which is utilized by the national
system and the national system responds to their requests.
This integration serves the tribe well, and tends to draw
the tribe closer to the national system.
Some would per­
haps object to this form of integration, these people
maintain that to be able to manipulate the national system
is useful for the Indians.
When, however, the national
system manipulates the Indians, such a close relationship
may be a detriment.
The Statistical Relationship Between
Political Integration and
Political Coramunication3
The second objective of this chapter is to deter­
mine the relationship between political integration and
communications.
The relationship was indicated by con­
structing an ordinal index out of all the questions indi­
cating the level of communications.
Then this ordinal
index was correlated with the index of political integra­
tion (see Chapter 2).
122
The index of communications was constructed by
adding together the responses thought to measure communiQ
cations.
If the respondents indicated a low level of
communication, it was scored as ono, a medium, level scored
two and a high level three.
The score varied from one to
eighteen.
As with the two previous variables, cognitive
orientation and affective orientation, the Kendal's Tau C
rank order correlation showed a weak relationship between
the two variables; although there is a good probability
again that a relationship does exist (see Table 32).
The
communication variable helps to explain the degree of
political integration.
TABLE 32
THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN POLITICAL
INTEGRATION AND COMMUNICATIONS
Integration vs.
Communications
Kendal1s Tau C
.1652
8. The following is a list of questions from which
the ordinal scale was constructed: "How often do you talk
to your neighbors or see them: nearly every day, once a
week, from time to time, or never? How oiten do you take a
trip say to Phoenix, Coolidge or maybe Casa Grande: nearly
every day, once a W9ek, from time to time, or never? What
is the furtherest you have been away from home? Where do
you go, outside the home, if you want to talk with or just
123
In summary, this chapter has described three
separate communication systems that exist on the Gila River
Indian Reservation.
The community communication system
which is informal ana face-to-face and has traditionally
held the communities together by screening out undesirable
information.
The tribal communication system which is
transitional in character, processing elements of both the
modern and traditional communication system.
It has pro­
fessional communicators which link the leadership to the
communities and an informal system that links community to
community.
The system tends to pass inaccurate information
and there is little feedback from one system into the
other.
Finally, there is the communication process which
links the tribe to the outside.
character.
This system is modern in
There is a linkage between the mass media and
the face-to-face informal system.
In addition, the chapter showed that even though
the level of communications has a weak relationship to
political integration, this relationship may be an important
factor in the direction political integration will take in
the future.
If the communication system is dominated by the
national system, integration will be stimulated into the
meet with people? What about the people you respect most
in this part of the reservation, how often do you see or
speak to them: nearly every day, once a week, from time to
time, or never? Have you ever worked off the reservation?
If so how long?"
12k
national system.
If, however, the traditional methods of
communication predominate, integration will be inhibited
into the national political system.
Furthermore, integra­
tion into the tribe may be developed if better channels of
communication between the tribe, and the communities and
the people are established.
Finally, if the community
communication system is strongest and predominates, the
political integration of the communities will be stimulated
but political integration into the tribe and nation
inhibited.
CHAPTER 5
POLITICAL NORMS OP THE GILA RIVER
INDIAN COMMUNITY
One of the first things that strikes a person as
being unexpected on a visit to an Indian reservation is the
similarity between the Indian life and his own.
Modem
homes are being constructed, water systems installed, roads
repaired, yards cleaned, and gardens planted.
Even when
visiting political meetings, similarities are apparent.
For example, Robert's Rules of Order are used in conducting
meetings.
A chairman, of one type or another, presides
over the meetings; testimony is asked for and given; votes
are taken.
People appear to be everywhere engaged in
activities with which an outsider can readily identify.
Differences, however, are also apparent.
The pace
of life is much slower and conversation is lighter.
The
operation of the political system appears to be inefficient
and political actors are non-involved.
The interested observer 3oon becomes aware of some
differences between the Indian life style and his own.
In
this chapter some of the differences in the Indian politi­
cal style and the urban-industrial political style of the
"outsider" and the impact of these differences on political
125
126
integration are considered.
One of the objectives of this
chapter is to establish the political norms of an Indian
community and to compare these with the norms of the larger
political organizations to which the members of the Indian
community belong.
norms.
A description is given of incompatible
Those differences in norms have resulted in a gap
in the behavior of the political actions and the political
values which come from outside.
These observations help to
further evaluate the stimulants and restraints to political
integration.
Through observation of the political life styles of
the Indian and those of the urban-industrial man, the fol­
lowing categories of differences have been established:
Indian political life is consensus oriented while the
urban-industrial life is majority rule oriented; the Indians
are oriented toward persons but the "urbans" are concerned
with "things"; Indians have functional diffuse political
roles while urban-men prefer specific political roles;
politically, Indians have a fluid concept of leadership and
authority and urban man has assigned leadership; finally,
the Indian way is politically non-hierarchical and the
urban-industrial way is hierarchical.1
1. In no case is there strictly a dichotomous
relationship between the Indian political life style and
the urban-industrial political life style. Each of the
above groups, however, tend towards different poles. None­
theless, given concrete examples, the tendency may appear
127
Consensus Orientation vs,
Majority Rule
The informal decision-making process and political
values on the reservation are very democratic but in the
consensus style.
Take for example a small group meeting
where decisions are being made, in such groups, the
decision-making process is unstructured.
Everyone is free
to speak and exchange ideas and the discussion may last
until everyone has had his say; in fact, some meetings last
far into the night.
Participants nod their heads in agree­
ment as the speakers argue for or speak out against a
particular point.
Discussion ends when a consensus of
opinion has been achieved.
When the decision has been made,
no vote is necessary to determine what feeling predominates.
The goal is to arrive at the best possible decision or
means of accomplishing a given goal rather than push for a
particular decision that may benefit one group or another.
This form of consensus democracy is strictly dif­
ferent from the majority rule democracy found outside the
Indian community.
The bargaining process of the majority
rule democracy would be foreign in this atmosphere.
In
fact, in a formal group setting which theoretically is
governed by "outside" rules, instances are observed where
to be reversed. In these cases, exceptions are found but
they are not the rule. Exceptions, however, are becoming
increasingly evident because of the acculturation of the
Indians into political life style of urban-industrial man.
128
the informal process determines the outcome of a decision,
for example, at a district meeting a vote was observed
where seven people voted for a proposal and two against.
Nonetheless, the motion failed because of thirteen absten­
tions.
A premature motion had been made and a consensus of
opinion had not been reached.
All the Indians in the room
knew after the vote that the motion had failed.
Nothing
needed to be said to explicitly deny the technicality that
the motion had carried under the "outside" rules governing
the meeting.
The Pima and Maricopa political values are also
highly democratic.
When a randomly selected sample of
one hundred ninety-six residents on the reservation were
asked if they agreed or disagreed with the following state­
ments, an overwhelming number of the respondents' answers
demonstrated strong democratic values.
1.
Tribal improvement should be the concern of only a few
leaders in the tribe.
(twenty percent agreed, seventy-
three percent disagreed, seven percent didn't know.)
2.
Every citizen should have an equal chance to influence
government policy.
(eighty-three percent agreed, five
percent disagreed, twelve percent didn't know.)
3.
Democracy is the best fom of government.
(seventy-
six percent agreed, five percent disagreed, nineteen
percent didn't know.)
129
1}..
The minority should be free to criticize government
decisions.
(seventy percent agreed, fourteen percent
disagreed, sixteen percent didn't know.)
5.
It i3 not very important to vote in local elections,
(seventeen percent agreed, sixty-seven percent dis­
agreed, sixteen percent didn't know.)
6.
It is very important to vote even when many other
people vote in an election.
(eighty-two percent agreed,
six percent disagreed, twelve percent didn't know.)
Personal Orientation vs.
"Thing" Orientation
In addition to being consensus democrats, the Pima
and Maricopa Indians are highly person oriented.
The
Indians still maintain in their everyday life an admiration
for personal contact and intimate friendship.
Strangers
who approach the Indian would do well to remember that the
impersonal and formal approach will be less successful than
a personal informal approach.
On the reservation the Indian way is to develop
personal relationships that are unstrained by the forces of
modern life.
When the relationships are "thing" or materi­
alistically oriented, the fundamental element of personal
relationships becomes strained and intimate contact becomes
impossible.
Two examples demonstrate the Indian preference
for personal relationships:
the nature of the court system
130
of the reservation and a comparison of the Community Health
Representative with the Community Aids.
The judges on the reservation are well-known and
often have intimate knowledge of the cases they are trying.
If a problem of a broken family or of assault and battery
as a result of intoxication are involved, the judges will
generally have known about the situation for some time.
In
trying the case, it is not uncommon for the judges to plead
with the accused, reminding him of his past and of the
responsibilities he has to his family and community.
Seldom is a court case strictly impersonal and formal.
Certainly procedures are followed, but the procedures do
not get in the way of personal involvement of all concerned.
Often "outsiders" criticize the process as being too infor­
mal.
They assert, "The judge spends most of his time giving
sermons rather than trying the case."
This, however, is an
indication of the personal orientation of the Indian people
towards each other.
Community Health Representatives have been well
received in most of the communities and have gained consid­
erable strength and influence with the people.
On the
other hand, community aids have been the center of much
criticism and controversy.
The turnover in Community Health
Representatives is low (not one was replaced in six months
of observation) while the turnover in community aids is
131
high (all seven needed to be replaced in six months of
observation, but replacement has been difficult).
accounts for this difference?
What
One reason might be the dif­
ferences in goods and services provided by each group;
instead of the personalities involved or the fact that one
service might be more useful than the other.
The work of
the Community Health Representative is personal and inti­
mate.
The Community Health Representatives, "translate the
PH3's health programs and resources into terns understand­
able by the Indian community through home visits and
participation in other PH3 programs."^
They contact people
who are sick and in need of not just food but also per­
sonal attention.
They see that proper attention is given
to health in the home and visit people at a time when death
occurs.
On the other hand, the community aids serve as the
primary field staff for the entire program.
"Their function
is to disseminate information about what resources and
services are available in the total community and to act as
liaison with the recipient of these services.This role,
however, has, as the Stanford report indicates, become one
of "transmitting information and policy downward" rather
2. Richard I. Hirshberg and Janet P. Abraras, Local
Utilization of Federal Assistance Programs for American
Indians (Menlo Park, California: Stanford Research Insti­
tute, 1970)>
Q1.
3.
Ibid., p. 79.
132
than representing "the people in bringing their ideas to
the reservation level.Those who operate at the level of
bringing ideas from the people to the supervisors have been
successful while those who perform the impersonal function
of representing their superiors have met with hostility.
One further point indicating the Pima and Maricopa
Indians' preference for personal relations is that Indians
are less affected by their economic situation than are
those on the "outside."
Despite the fact that over sixty
percent of the families interviewed made less than $3,000,
only forty percent felt that their economic situation was
unsatisfactory.
The Indian appears not to have developed
the materialistic attitude of the outside.
Functionally Diffuse Relationships vs.
Functionally .Specific Relationship's
The differences between the Community Health Repre­
sentative and the community aids have an additional dimen­
sion which needs to be considered.
The community aids have
relatively functionally specific demands placed on them.
They need to fix the water system or tell all the people
about the next community meeting or provide the lumber to
fix a house.
All of these tasks demand particular perform­
ances which can be judged as fulfilled or unfulfilled.
The
tasks of the Community Health Representatives, however, are
1*.
Ibid
133
such that a variety of means are available to the indi­
vidual representative in fulfilling the demands placed on
him.
His roles are functionally diffuse.
He, therefore,
feels competent and successful no matter how he decides to
go about comforting either a sick person or someone who has
lost a loved one.
The performances of these tasks can not
be measured in black and white.
The above might explain why Indians tend to behave
in diffuse ways even when the roles would seem to call for
specificity.
Even where specific performance criteria is
established for a job, the individual filling that job is
allowed to perform the role in many different ways.
Only
when performance standards are unquestionably far below the
acceptable means is a person dismissed.
Even then, people
are not fired without numerous chances and without great
agony on the part of the Indian employer.
Political roles in the tribe are also handled in
this manner.
Given certain goals, the committeemen, tribal
councilmen, Governor and Lt. Governor, are allowed to con­
duct their jobs in a variety of ways.
It is the "outsider"
and those Indians who have been completely acculturated
into the urban-industrial way who are most critical of the
way these roles are being performed.
131*
Fluid Conception of Leadership and
Authority vs. Assigned
Leadership
The early history of Pima and Maricopa social and
political life repeatedly stressed cooperative labor prin­
ciples.
Most projects; i.e., hunting expeditions, ditch
digging, and other agriculture pursuits, were performed by
means of cooperative work forces.
No general leader pre­
sided over these undertakings; leadership was determined by
the situation.
It is assumed that the person who was most
qualified to run each specialized function was the person
looked to for leadership. It was not until the threat of
the Apache grew that a chief was placed over the Pima tribe.
The first chief, however, was nothing more than a war
chief selected to lead the Pima against the Apache.^
Furthermore, it seems that the major role of the
leader was to be a good example and to exhort the workers.
All this work was done under a supervisor—some­
times they needed two for a big job. When they
got through at night the boss would lecture them
on how good work they had done. He would tell
them that now they should go home and plant more
than last year and try to make good. He
encouraged them. Svery time they work together
on a Job he makes a speech when it is over.
5>. Robert A. Hackenberg, Economic and Political
Change Araona; the Gila River Pima Indians, a report to the
John Hay Whitney Foundation, iMarch 1955# P. ^8•
6.
Ibid., p. 28.
135
The old fluid concept of leadership is still evi­
dent on the reservation.
Many young people have been
selected to tribal leadership positions because they have
acquired the capabilities of dealing with the white man on
his level.
When it comes to decisions such as open and
closed range that are strictly related to the people on the
reservation, however, a noticeable shift in leadership is
evident.
Here the old leaders are called upon to discuss
the problem and, in reality, to make the decision, even
though, in theory, the tribal council which is filled with
many younger people should be deciding the problem.
Furthermore, leadership shifts constantly within
the tribe, shifting with the issues.
The most influential
persons in particular problem areas will be those who are
most informed about the problem and who have been recog­
nized by the tribe as possessing special knowledge or
skills about that issue.
If a decision is to be made on
health, for example, the health board chairman, the head
Community Health Representative, and the Public Health
Service Director will all play predominant roles.
If a
problem exists on a particular industrial park, then the
Lt. Governor, the park director, the Economic Developer,
and the attorney will play predominate roles.
136
Non-Hierarchical vs. Hierarchical
Structure
The fluid concept of leadership, as well as the
personal orientation of the Pima way, reinforces the basic
non-hierarchical orientation of the Pima and Maricopa
Indian.
The hierarchical leadership is a product of the
outside which has been placed on the Indians.
Initially,
the Indians needed to have a chief, a headman, to negotiate
with the outside.
Later, although the organization
changed, it was still foreign to the Indian and was meant
to meet foreign demands.?
The Indians never understood completely the hier­
archical structure of the outside.
Early in the Indians'
history, they had a hard time understanding why the nego­
tiator of the whites always had to look for direction from
a higher source.
They also had difficulty perceiving why
those who broke the treaties were not necessarily the samo
ones who made them.
The making of policy which was common
to the Indian was the total involvement of all in the
decision and, thus, the total responsibility of all for the
decisions.
All therefore, should be in authority.
It was
not a form of decision-making or policy application which
went from a higher to a lower level of authority and
7. Edward H. Spicer, A Short History of the Indians
of the United States (New Yorkl Van Nostrand Reinhold
Company, 1969), pp. 15-16, 70.
137
responsibility.
When this non-hierarchical attitude is
united with the fluid concept of authority it is easy to
see why power relationships appear to shift so drastically
with each policy situation on the reservation.
The nature
of the "content" of the situation determines the power
relationships.
The Penetration of the Urban-Industrial
Way Into the Reservation
Even though an observable Indian way still exists
on the reservation, this Indian way is constantly under
attack by the urban-industrialism of the people who sur­
round the reservation.
The greatest penetration from the
outside into the Indian way comes primarily from two
separate sources, the penetration of a foreign political
structure with corresponding values onto the reservation,
and the modern communication system, which are both disQ
cussed at length in this study.
These two foreign forces
pressuring the Indians to change their ways have produced a
gap between the behavior of the Indian and the values of
the outside structure.
As a result, a growing lack of
identity and a high occurrence of pathological social
behavior are apparent.
8. The role of political structure in stimulating
change is discussed in this chapter along with Chapter 6.
The role of communications is discussed in Chapter lj..
138
Political Structure and UrbanIndustrial Values
The first imposition of outside political values
came when, in 1852, the first federal bureaucracy was
established to deal with the Pima and Maricopa Indian and
the first Pima agent wa3 assigned to the reservation.
Penetration of outside values continued with the conversion
of two-thirds of the tribe to Presbyterianism from 18701911]..
Hackenburg observed:
Organization was generated through the establish­
ment of the role of village elder, who eclipsed
the traditional chief as a figure of authority
and a leader in community affairs. Elders were
elected to serve as leaders and guardians of the
public morality in each of the churches Cook
founded throughout the reservation during the
1890'S.9
One of the most important penetrations of structure
was the forced allotment of ten acres per individual along
the Gila River between 191^-1921.
The result of this
allotment had special social implications.
The social effect of giving every Pima ten acres
(as much as eighty acres to some families), where
most families had previously possessed less than
10 acres, was to separate the members of the com­
munity from each other spatially. Previously,
families in a community located their houses near
each other in a common village. After allotment
they moved their houses onto the land they owned,
like white midwestern farmers. Allotment ended
the old Pima village.
9.
Hackenburg, Economic and Political Change,
p. 62.
10.
Ibid.
139
The last major penetration came with the adoption
of the Constitution and By-Laws of the Gila River Pima and
Maricopa Indian Community, on May 1lj., 1936.
This consti­
tution, and the subsequent by-laws, established a pattern
of government that in many ways was in direct opposition
to the pattern that was prescribed by the Indian way.
First, leadership was assigned, not fluid.
A Council, a
Governor, a Lt. Governor, etc., were suppose to govern the
community.
The tribal Council was, of course, to be the
supreme authority.
Second, the method of selecting leader­
ship and making decision was by majority vote not by con­
sensus.
The process of selection is foreign to the Indian.
Councilmen are nominated for the position at a district
meeting.
Once nominated the candidates are given time to
campaign; few, however, do.
An election with poll watchers
and judges is then held by secret ballot.
The successful
candidate is the one polling the majority of votes.
The
procedure for selecting the Governor and Lt. Governor dif­
fers; those who desire to run must file for candidacy.
After filing, the candidates travel from community to com­
munity campaigning.
Afterwards, a nominating convention is
held which selects the two final candidates for each posi­
tion.
These candidates may continue to campaign from
district to district until finally the election is held,
and the candidate getting the majority of votes is elected.
1l|.0
The process of making decisions is also foreign.
In tribal council meetings all issues are formally settled
by majority vote.
The subject is first discussed and the
tribal council has an opportvinity to question key witnesses.
After the discussion a motion is made on the matter and
then settled by a majority vote.
The entire proceeding is
controlled by Robert's Rules of Order.
Thirdly, the new constitution established a hier­
archy of authority.
It placed the tribal council at the
top of reservation government with the power to prescribe
the executive powers of the governor and to legislate the
duties and jurisdiction of the judiciary.
It appoints all
standing committees and approves special committees
appointed by the Governor.
appointed by the Council.
The Secretary and Treasurer are
The Council also dec!.ares vacan­
cies when a Governor, Lt. Governor, Chief Judge, Associate
Judge, or Councilman resigns, moves, or is removed for
cause.
The Council establishes all election laws and
ordinances and is the final election judge.
It can expel,
by a vote of twelve members, elected officials who are
found by the Council to be guilty of improper conduct or
gross neglect of duty or to have failed to perform the
duties of their offices for a period of 60 days. The Coun­
cil enacts ordinances which will define what constitutes
improper conduct; a crime or gross neglect of duty.
Furthermore, any official committee member or board member
appointed by the Council may be removed or discharged by a
majority vote of the Council.
The Constitution also establishes the Governor as
the chief executive administrator.
The Lt. Governor, in
Ordinance 21, is placed inferior to the Governor.
The dis­
tricts are also placed in inferior positions to the Tribal
Council.
Finally, with the hierarchical lines of authority
came specific role assignments which were directly opposite
to the diffuse concept of roles.
Many roles assigned to
councilmen have already been described.
Beyond these, pre­
scriptions have been set for the role of Secretary, Treas­
urer, Chief Judge, Associate Judge, Lt. Governor, Governor,
and committee men.
Each has a particular job to perform
and prescribed ways of performing it.
It is interesting to
note that in all cases the specific role assignment concept
has not been achieved, to the chagrin of many outsiders who
feel that specific role assignments are necessary for a
smooth running machine.
These people persist in trying to
change the Indian-way into an urban-industrial way.
With the prescription of foreign structure came the
pressure to change the behavior of the Indian to conform
with the rules of the structure.
Outside observers cannot
forget their own value system when they observe the
1i+2
Indians' performances.
Although the Indian may have been
able to adjust the structure in such a way that it is quite
consistent with the Indian way, outsiders will not allow
him to operate by such unconventional means.
The superin­
tendents of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, attorneys' study
teams or many others, when asked for advice generally, do
not encourage the readjustment of the structure to the
Indian-way but rather the changing of the Indian-way to the
established structure.
The outsider then attempts to teach
the Indian how to run the urban-industrial structure in an
urban-industrial way.
With these pressures and the lack of
adequate comprehension of the problem on the part of the
Indian, his ability to resist change i3 limited.
Perhaps
if the Indian understood the problem of these pressures, he
would be better able to resist these pressures and to
decide for himself which course he should follow.
In summary, an observable difference exists between
the political life styles of the Giia River Indian Community
and the Urban-Industrial political style.
The differences
between the two life styles, however, are becoming blurred
with time.
The political values and attributes of the
urban-industrial way are propagated through constant con­
tact with the "outside."
The Indians are, therefore,
increasingly professing the political values of the outside
(see Chapter 3 affective orientation).
They are taught
11*3
those values by the educational system, by the outside
observers and by those Indians who have been completely
acculturated into the value system of the outside.
None­
theless, remnants of the Indian way are still preserved,
primarily in the "private culture" of the home.
What is
left of the Indian way of life is passed from generation to
generation by the socialization of the children into family
life.
This life style, however, is gradually fading away
as demonstrated by change in dress, the loss of ability by
many to speak Indian and the gap between what people say
they will do and what they do.
As a result, the political
integration of the Indians into the political system of
the United States is becoming increasingly easier because
the difference in political values, although still evident,
are disappearing.
CHAPTER 6
POLITICAL STRUCTURE AND POLITICAL
INTEGRATION
One part of the last chapter considered the incongruency between political structure and the values of the
political system.
This chapter is concerned with an addi­
tional dimension of political structure as a stimulant to
political integration, the degree of structural interdependency between the various system levels on the Gila
River reservation.
Structural interdependency is measured by the
amount of labor division and the degree of specialization
found in or between organizations.
Division of labor.indi­
cates who exchanges functions with whom and specialization
indicates the degree of overlap in political functions.
On
the Gila River Reservation there are two aspects to the
amount of division of labor and the degree of specializa­
tion, the constitutional and the observable.
The constitu­
tional entails prescribed behavior forms for the organiza­
tion which are not followed in practice and the observable
deals with the way the system operates in practice.
1k$
The Constitutional Structure
The tribal government on reservations has a unique
relationship with the federal government.
This relation­
ship has developed through a long history of legal decisions
and interactions between the two governments.
This his­
tory, if in the beginning tribes were absolutely sovereign,
relates a story of interaction in which the tribes are
" . . . reduced to what they are today by interventions, or
limitations upon them through treaties, through exercise of
national sovereignty over them on the notion that conquest
rendered the tribes subject to the power of the United
States, and Congressional statutes implementing those
treaties and powers derived from the Constitution."^
Legally and constitutionally, however, much has been left
to the Indian tribes.
What has been left has been
described as "internal sovereignty which provides the basis
p
for self government."This power, one authority states,
includes the right of an Indian tribe to choose its own
form of government, to prescribe conditions of tribal mem­
bership, to govern domestic relations of its members, to
levy taxes, to control property with the jurisdiction of
1. Research Report prepared by University of
Arizona, Eighteenth Arizona Townhall on the Arizona Indian
People and Their Relationship so the State's Total Struc­
ture (Phoenix: Arizona Academy, 1971 )» P«
2.
Ibid.
11*6
the tribe, to regulate the conduct of its members by legis­
lation, and to administer justice.
The Indian tribe, then, has the legal right to
operate quite independently of the Federal government in
legislating, administering and adjudicating the internal
affairs of the reservation.
The solicitor of the Depart­
ment of the Interior supported this point of view when he
interpreted the clause "powers vested in any Indian tribe
or tribal council by existing law" contained in the Indian
Reorganization Act:
Perhaps the most basic principle of all Indian law,
supported by a host of decisions hereinafter
analyzed, is the principle that those powers which
are lawfully vested in an Indian tribe are not, in
general, delegated powers granted by express acts
of Congress, but rather inherent powers of a
limited sovereignty which has never been extin­
guished. Each Indian tribe begins its relationship
with the Federal Government as a sovereign power,
recognized as such in treaty and legislation. The
powers of sovereignty have been limited from time
to time by special treaties and laws designed to
take from the Indian tribe control of matters which,
in the judgement of Congress, these tribes could no
longer be safely permitted to handle. The statutes
of Congress, then, must be examined to determine its
sources or its positive content. What is not
expressly limited remains within the domain of
tribal sovereignty, and therefore properly falls
within the statutory category, 'powers vested in any
Indian tribe or tribal council by existing law.'3
There is only a small amount of congressional
action limiting the power of tribal governments.
3. 55 I.D. 15, 1931*.
Congress
11*7
has of course, established a Federal bureaucracy, The
Bureau of Indian Affairs, for "the direction and management
of all Indian affairs, and of all matters arising out of
Indian relations.It is the Bureau of Indian Affairs'
implementation of this power which has restricted the
authority of tribal governments—not the legislative actions
of Congress.
Internally, the legal and constitutional powers of
the tribal government are predominant in the tribal Coun­
cil.
It has the power, in theory, over other branches of
government and over the local units.
It prescribes the
executive powers of the Governor and legislates the duties
and jurisdiction of the judiciary.
The council also has
the power to create and prescribe the powers of the various
districts on the reservation.
In addition to these powers,
the Council has authority to initiate and formulate policy
governing the political, economic, and social affairs of
the Gila River Indian Community.
These powers would, theoretically, tie the tribe
closely together as a cohesive unit.
The tribal council
should be able to coordinate all activities on the reserva­
tion in the best interest of the people and act as a
political interface with the larger society.
In practice,
1;. More Price, "Law and Social Order," Arizona
State Law Journal, Vol. II (1969), 161.
12+.8
however, these functions given to the council by the Con­
stitution are being performed by other bodies.
At the district level the constitutionally pre­
scribed activity of this local government is to "serve as
an advisory board for the Council and to perform local
administrative duties assigned to it by the Council.
It
does not have the power to adopt or enact regulatory
measures.
In summary, constitutional and legal appearances
give the impression that the tribal political system oper­
ates quite independently of the larger political system in
governing tribal internal affairs.
sovereignty appears to prevail.
The concept of limited
Internally the constitu­
tion of the tribal government gives the impression that the
tribe is led by the council which coordinates the efforts
of the other branches of government and governs the com­
munity.
The district or local organizations give the
impression that their efforts are closely tied in with
those of the council in that they supplement the Council
activities by supplying needed information and by admin­
istering local programs.
At all levels there appears to be
a division of labor and specialization of function.
5. Constitution and By-laws of the Gila River
Indian Community (Arizona, March 17» 1960), Article XI,
Sec. 3.
lif-9
The Observed Tribal Structure
Prom the above descriptions of the constitutional
structure, it might be assumed that the tribal political
system is an independent semi-sovereign system with little
integration into the larger political system, and that it
is highly differentiated at the other levels.
The opposite
of this observation, however, is more accurate.
There is
certainly prescribed political organization at the tribal
level with diverse and varied political roles, but the
appearance of an independent system is an illusion.
The
tribal system is highly dependent upon the "outside" for
financial support, for technical information and, in some
cases, for talent to perform the functions of government.
In fact, the argument could be made that the political
structure existing on the reservation exists not because of
need but because the United States Government demands it.
The tribal government was set up in order that the tribe
would have a legitimate organization to "regulate internal
affairs" (legitimate in the sense that the "outside" recog­
nized it, although the Indians did not).
The "outside" needed a body with whom it could talk,
hold responsible for monies given and penalize if needed
for not living up to its commitments; in other words, a
formal tribal government.
The Indians, on the other hand
had been governing themselves for centuries, had traditional
150
means of performing the political function and had no need
for such a formal organization.
These traditional means,
as pointed out in Chapter 5, were non-hierarchical, diffuse
and personal in character.
leadership was fluid.
Furthermore authority and
For centuries this traditional sys­
tem had been successful in handling the every day problems
that confronted the Indian; no constitution was needed, no
legal-rational process was wanted.
pragmatism governed the tribe.
Custom, tradition and
The system was inventive
and political legitimation and efficacy were fundamental.
In spite of the accomplishments of the old Indian political
system, the "outside" found it necessary to set up a new
form of government—a government which they could better
understand and which they thought would help the Indian
become a full fledged citizen of the United States.
The
structure was expected to operate as a socializing agent
for the Indian, schooling and helping him to understand the
political structure and system of the United States.
The Indians did not, nor could they, resist these
changes.
They felt only the need to appease the outside as
much as possible in order to get the goods and services
offered them.
Unexpected consequences developed, however.
The "outside structure" became a means by which the "out­
side" could dominate and, in some cases, control the
political system of the reservation.
This domination and
151
control over time has developed into a means by which the
Indians on the reservation have become dependent on the
United States political system.
The story of the operation
of the Gila River Indians communities' government demon­
strates some of this dependency.
It also demonstrates that
the constitutional image presented is inaccurate and that
the true operation of the system is a working interdepend­
ency between the larger system and the tribal system, a
lack of control over the tribal government by the tribal
council and a low level of community activity in the policy
making process.
The Interface Between Tribal and
Federal Political Systems
One of the first observations that can be made
about the actual operation of the political structure on
the Gila River Reservation is that most of the fundamental
problems of the people; i.e., health, education, welfare,
roads, water rights, etc., are not controlled by the tribal
political system.
Most of the programs concerning these
essential problems are formulated by the larger system over
which the Indian people have traditionally had little con­
trol; the federal bureaucracies supplying these needs have
formulated the policies and administered them on the
152
reservation.^*
The Indians have only recently had real
power in telling those people who govern these programs
that they did not want the programs or wanted only parts of
them.
They still have little to say about the actual pro­
gram content.
The most recent complaints have been raised
against housing programs on the reservation in which the
Indians have had only a little flexibility in determining
the kinds of houses built and how they are to be situated
on the reservation.
The Bureau of Indian Affairs has historically been
the most blatant transgressor of Indian rights of selfgovernment.
Many scholars have accused it of interpreting
its power to direct and manage Indian Affairs as the
management of all the affairs of Indians.^
On the Gila
River Reservation it is obvious that the Bureau of Indian
Affairs has become, at last, sensitive to this criticism
and is attempting to restrain itself.
There are still
periods of lapse, however, when the Bureau falls back into
some of its old habits.
Other agencies of the Federal
6. Recently the Federal government has begun to
recognize this problem and has begun programs geared to
turning over the control of important administrative areas
once controlled by Federal bureaucracies to the tribes. On
the Gila River Reservation, however, this process has not
proceeded very far. See "President Nixon Presents a New
Indian Doctrine," Indian Record (August, 1970).
7» Felix S. Cohen, "Indians are Citizens!" The
American Indian, I, No. ij. (Summer, 19i+i+)» 12-22.
153
Government, with less experionce in dealing with Indians,
do not as often ignore the feelings of the tribal govern­
ment.
In most of these cases Indians are in administrative
positions and appear to be more sensitive to the problem.
Nevertheless, many of them also have a tendency to form
policy without close consultation with the tribal Council.
Where close consultation does take place, the advantages
are obvious; the bureaucracy gets the benefits of having
Indian support and it is able to address the problems that
the Indians feel are most pressing. The Indians, in turn,
are able to air their problems and criticisms and to press
for solutions suitable to their tastes.
They are also able
to develop a sense of self-fulfillment by solving their own
problems.
In tho future the tendency will be to develop
greater interdepondency if the "Nixon doctrine" is followed
between the tribe and the Federal agencies rather than the
dependency that has existed over the last hundred years.
This should benefit both sides immensely; the Federal
agencies will be better able to serve their clientele and
the Indians will be able to help solve their own problems.
The Policy Process on the Reservation
The internal observable structure, particularly
power relationships, is also different from the constitu­
tionally prescribed structure.
From the constitution the
tribal council appears to be the most powerful body on the
reservation; in practice it is not.
The most influential
people in the structure are those who are recognized as
possessing the technical knowledge in a given problem area
which will determine the relationship in power between the
various structures on the reservation.
This facet of Gila
River politics unites strongly with the Indian orientation
towards fluid leadership.
Primarily because of this fluid
concept, it has become easier and more functional to dis­
cuss the political structure on the reservation from a per­
spective of the policy processes.
Otherwise each problem
area would have to be considered.
By looking at the policy
process, categorizing becomes easier and patterns are
established which help to discuss the observable structure.
The division of labor and role specialization in the
structure is also indicated by a discussion of the policy
process.
Policy Initiation and Formulation.
In the policy
process of the Gila River Reservation the people who possess
technical knowledge or have easy access to such knowledge
are those who initiate policy and formulate policy alter­
natives.
Because of this the questions, "Who knows?" and
"How does information flow from those who know?," give an
observer the key to determining the power relationship in a
given policy area.
155
The people who "know" consist primarily of people
responsible for the administration or adjudication of
policy on the reservation.
These people are the executive
leaders in the tribe, the judge, the attorney, the BIA
officials, the PHS officials, the Model Cities official^
the Community Action Program officials and the heads of
the various Corporations and Industrial Parks on the
reservation (see the top layer of Figure 1).
Once the policy alternatives have been selected
there is some exchange between the administrative elites.
The purpose of this exchange is to recruit support for the
policy and to test possible unexpected opposition to the
policy.
This procedure limits the number of alternatives
and selects the best one.
At this level coalitions are
formed and opposition isolated.
The proper strength is
gathered at this level which enables most policies to go
uncontested through the rest of the process.
The informal goal of this procedure is to touch
base with all people concerned with and having knowledge
pertaining to the problem.
A policy on health, for
example, would need to be discussed by people in the Public
Health Service, the Health Board, the Model Cities Health
Planner, and the Advisory Board member responsible for
health.
It might also need to be discussed more broadly
with the Bvireau of Indian Affairs and the Community Action
Tribal A4mistva\jon
Model Cities
Aiio^ey
/
\
\
>-
s
s
Developtr^eni.
Civ^pCVo"tiwVi*
kr\%\Ct-cfu
Industrial
Pav-ks
r>;:
Represervb "the -flouj.Gf
information.The-Key A^^iJ-naev-s
the SuSierr, is^c^est\on>^/ho
cctrb-cls "tlrvs miovmciion -V
Tnbrtl f?ou.nc'i
cvujii^vx! v-^'
O.viiibn He
SciicaUy , -f Icoj cf ir\fbm'c,'V.>Oh vS
-fvom Ccuj\ci\ H.0 disW-b -sometimes
this is VevavScd-
Cho.vnron
Vri'/.
iU c.r.>iil4 11
CVriit-i <•*>&V —-"i4iLL-—*.
*
<
OistHct I
Chjv/min
isbricfc 2.
C.hawmar\
ToUivc
-iaU'jiuo F^irrrv^-CTVibsti-Gcv^
Sei^-h
rvc«L
TCo^V.-tuiiatr-Sti
vcr^-A iWtovvty.
So2*rf—IM-rior-mg-AW'Vi'Vn-.
_ ftooivd
1,1 •
•mT"
\
iru •
i 1
. I l7v
1 H/-»,.
t
rvr.
«^"T
"rC
Chm.
C-h'rn-
Oisb-ic
Ct\itf-rvi£>v\
ivcfict
v s\>i'c
IKsW
^
Chs\rrr.?.r.
cw V-Yyv£V\
G'VAirrr.iii
^ s' I c1
•5y •:J|
^ •3Cu>
'i—
tdtf O
£?
-0 Q
3' «! o -q
^2
5b
o
35 o
6
:o!^
•
< )
Figure 1. Power Relationship in the
Tribe as Indicated by the Information Flow
vn
157
administrators if the policy spills over into areas in
which they have specialized knowledge.
Whoever may be con­
tacted, the object of this initial step in the policy
process is to answer all the questions of concerned people
and to gain support for the policy before it reaches the
tribal council since policies that go prematurely before
the tribal council will either be tables or defeated.
Once the policy has been formulated and alter­
natives narrowed, it may go directly to the council for
action.
Quite often, however, it will go before the
advisory board for consideration.
All policy proposals that
come to the reservation from people not a part of the
policy process are first introduced to the process before
the Advisory Board (see Figure 1).
The Advisory Board
serves informally as a testing ground for policy initiated
and formulated by the administration of the reservation.
If the Advisory Board does not approve of the policy, or
they have some objections to it, there is little chance
that the tribal council will approve it.
If the Advisory
Board does approve of the policy, its success before the
tribal council is enhanced.
Policy proposals that come to
the tribe from the "outside" often will not get by the
Advisory Board, especially if the Advisory Board can find
major problems with these proposals.
Primarily these
158
policies are concerned with people wanting to lease land
and use tribal resources to make money.
Seldom will the Advisory Board initiate policy; it
merely screens policy proposals.
veto.
Its main power is its
If the Advisory Board does not approve of a policy
proposal, it may never reach the council for action.
Another power of the Advisory Board lies in its ability to
become an important articulator of information when the
policy reaches the Tribal Council.
When the Advisory Board
is well informed and it articulates its support for a
policy, the chances of its success are increased.
Further­
more, the support of an Advisory Board member may be
necessary if the policy deals in areas where the member has
special interest and information.
Other groups that work with the administrators in
initiating and formulating policy are the standing com­
mittees and boards set up by the tribal council (see Figure
1).
The most important committees are those which have
close ties with one of the administrative branches:
the
Health Board with the Public Health Service, the Water Con­
servation Committee with the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the
Government and Management Committee with the Attorney.
These committees cooperate with the administrative agencies
in putting together policy.
Committee members have links
with the communities so they are familiar with the problems
159
of the people at the local level and the administrative
agencies have the skill3 and technical information to help
solve these problems.
In addition to the type of help the
committees give the administrators, the administrators use
the committees to propagate and lobby for programs which
they feel the people need or that the Federal Government
feels the people need.
Often in committee meetings policy
strategy is planned, policy alternatives are tested and
support for policy is initiated.
Finally, the people, through their district organ­
izations, may initiate policy (see Figure 1 bottom row).
Policy that is initiated at the district level tends to be
very broad in nature.
Problems such as horses in their
fields, people hunting in their backyard, and lack of water
are related.
These problems take a long time to go through
the policy process.
years to pass.
The traffic code took more than eight
The problem of open and closed range took
three years and still might not be resolved.
One of the
reasons for the delay is that no one is recognized a
special authority.
All the people have information on the
problems, and a consensus of opinion is nearly impossible.
In regards to the overall process on the reservation the
delay in time is not much of a problem since few of these
kinds of policy are under consideration by the Gila River
Indian Community at any one time.
160
Policy Legitimation.
The tribal Council seldom
initiates policy, it either approves or legitimates it.
Its function in the policy process is primarily negative in
character.
This negative role, given credence to the
facade that it is the most powerful organization on the
reservation.
In reality, the most powerful are the admin­
istrators of policy.
The Council is viewed by the policy
initiators and formulators as the final hurdle to be
jumped before their proposals are legitimated.
Thus, the
Council checks, questions and sometimes vetos policy pro­
posals.
The Council maintains its negative image by
remaining uninformed about policy alternatives until they
are explained to the Councilmen on the day when they are
expected to either accept or reject them.
Information is
seldom given the tribal council before the day of its
meetings and what information the Council gains at all
comes through the explanation of the policy by those who
have formulated the alternatives and by asking questions
of these people on the day of council meeting (unless the
councilman happens to be a member of a standing committee).
The few questions that tribal councilmen ask are often
taken in a negative sense; they are not viewed by those
presenting the proposals as a means of gaining more infor­
mation but as opposition.
This lack of information means
that in the one place where the tribal Council could have
161
power in the policy process it does not because it does not
have enough information to oppose those who propose policy.
As a result if those who initiate and foxroulate policy have
played the rules of the game and if they can present their
proposals adequately to the council, there is little chance
that their policy proposals will fail.
Only one policy
proposal that was initiated and formulated by actors in the
political system of the reservation failed in five months
Q
of observation.
Those policy proposals which fail most
often are those presented by outsiders who do not know how
to play the game.
As a result of the above process, the administrator
of policy with proper planning on his part, can get almost
any policy he supports legitimated by the tribal Council.
The Council might attempt to question the proposal.
If all
questions are answered, however, and they generally are,
the council will approve them because of the overwhelming
knowledge of the policies supporters compared with the lack
of knowledge of the Councilmen.
In spite of all this the council plays a positive
role.
It does act as a check and, as such, it causes those
who come before it to be informed and prepared so that they
8. This proposal had to do with putting a tannery
in the Santan Industrial Park.
162
can answer the Council's questions.
If such questions are
not answered the policy will be tabled or go unapproved.
Nevertheless, it is obvious that the political
system in the tribe is not controlled by the tribal council.
The administrative elites, many of them white and not
formally a part of the policy process of the reservation,
are the most influential.
The result of this peculiar
relationship is that the structure stimulates the interdependency of the tribe and the federal government and thus
political integration is stimulated.
On the other hand,
the system has a tendency to break down the integration at
the tribal level since it is evident that much of their
own political system and the policy process is not con­
trolled by people recognized as members of the Gila River
Indian Community.
Policy Administration.
Little needs to be said
about policy administration that has not already been said.
The administrative responsibility of the executive officers
in tribal government consist mainly of overseeing the
tribal offices.
Federal agencies or tribal business cor­
porations administer the primary programs on the reserva­
tion.
The tribal judge and associate judges are respon­
sible for trying legal cases on the reservation.
The jail
and police are run by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Model
Cities and the tribe.
The lack of administrative
163
responsibility on tne part of tribal executive officers
again tells the story of a structure that is linking
closely the reservation with the United States Government.
Community Level Structure and Interdependency
At the community level the observable structure is
also different from the constitutional one.
The communi­
ties are more independent and less integrated structurally
than is prescribed by the constitution.
The basic reason
for this is that the actual linkage between the Council and
the Community is weaker than is constitutionally prescribed.
As a result, the districts tend to be more independent than
is envisaged by the Constitution.
Many district programs
can operate without any control by the tribal Council;
money making projects are undertaken and recreation pro­
grams planned and administered; water systems are repaired
and cared for.
This independence, however, does not necessarily
operate to the benefit of the tribe.
When the community
wants additional services it turns to the administrative
branches of the Federal Government which are found on the
reservation rather than to the tribe to supply these needs.
They work through the Bureau of Indian Affairs or the Public
Health Services (see Figure 1 ).
It is only in the small
realm of jurisdiction not covered by these bureaucracies
164
that the tribes turn to the tribal officials to get support
in acquiring desired services from the bureaucracies.
With Model Cities on the reservation and with Model
Cities setting up a duplicate community organization to
plan and develop local programs, the communities' inde­
pendence from the tribal government has grown.
Now the
communities have a funding source that operates in prac­
tice separate from the tribal government.
This funding has
allowed the community resident board under Model Cities, to
plan programs for the community on its own. This problem
developed because the Model Cities resident boards did not
comprehend their link to the tribal Council who theoreti­
cally control and regulate Model Cities.
Model Cities is
viewed, however, as another federal bureaucracy rather than
as a part of tribal government.
The councilmen are supposed to serve as a link
between the people and the tribal government.
Theoreti­
cally the districts and the people in these districts are
to be represented by councilmen with each district entitled
to at least one and, at present, one councilman for each
additional five hundred people.
What actually happens is
that the Council has a representative in each district
rather than district representatives in the council.
Dis­
trict meetings are generally held on the first Monday
evening after the first Council meeting of the month.
The
165
time of the meeting is important; it is always held after
the Council meeting.
This means that the Councilman
reports on what happened at the previous Council meeting.
He reports on policy decisions not on policy proposals.
If
the districts disagree with the decision, it is too late to
do anything about it.
This system of reporting means that
the districts have little input into the decision making
process.
Any input that they do receive is through the
committee representatives from the district or through
direct contact with the administrative elite.
This contact
is more accessible since they have representatives in the
communities who can report district problems back to them.
In summary, the communities have better links with
the Federal bureaucracies than they have with the tribal
government.
They sometimes operated quite independently of
the tribal Council in making policy proposals for solving
problems in their community.
This is especially true since
the resident boards have been established.
The programs
that the community administers are seldom programs that the
tribal Council has initiated but rather programs the com­
munity has begun.
The links with the Council are weak
because of the inadequacies of the reporting system of the
Councilmen.
These inadequacies tend to make the districts
want to work around the Council rather than through it.
Finally, the tribal Council does not work to tie the
166
cornraunities on the reservation together but to fragment the
tribe while the administrative agencies tend to pull the
communities together.
Conclusions
Two separate frames of reference exist for looking
at the political structure of the Gila River Reservation
and the degree of interdependency that exist within it:
the constitutional or legal structure and the observable or
operational structure.
The Constitutional structure pre­
scribes a semi-sovereign tribal organization with a highly
integrated internal system.
In practice, however, the
political structure is rather dependent upon the outside
political system because of the technical information the
representatives of this system have and the immense amount
of resources available to this system which the tribal
system lacks.
For these reasons the tribal political
organization uses the resources of the "outside."
On the
other hand, the administrative agencies of the Federal
government have tended to overlook the rights of the Gila
River people to initiate and formulate their own internal
policies.
This dependency on the federal government has
spilled over into the community structure.
The community
depends on these agencies for services rather than on the
tribe.
It has discovered that only belatedly do they have
policy inputs into the tribal system; policy is generally
167
already legitimated by tribal council before they hear
about them.
For this reason the communities either work
independently of the tribal government in solving problems
or work through Federal Agencies.
Thus, there is a growing
interdependency in the political structure on the reserva­
tion which is bringing the Indians into the larger political
structure.
An Indian political system which wanted more
independence would have to first breakdown the present
dependency upon the "outside" system for information and
resources before independence could be achieved.
CHAPTER
7
CONCLUSION
The purpose of this study has been to describe and
explain what elements increase political integration and
what elements cause political integration to decrease.
Pour categories of variables have been posited as being
the primary elements in determining the degree of political
integration of the Pima and Maricopa Indians into the
United States, the tribal and the local community political
systems.
These variables were:
coherence of cultural
standards; degree of behavior conformity to cultural
standards; degree of communications, and functional or
utilitarian qualities of integration.
In order to study
these variables survey data was used along with field
research, extended open-ended interviews, historical mate­
rial, minutes of meetings, and documents.
The above eclectic data indicated that th$ people
on the Gila River Indian Reservation demonstrated varying
degrees of political integration at each level of the
political system.
The local community appeared to be the
most politically integrated, although even at this level
there were a number of indicators of disintegration, such
as, a lack of participation in community projects.
168
The
169
tribal political system demonstrated nearly as high a level
of political integration as did the local community.
Political integration at this level has been increasing,
particularly over the last thirty years.
At the national
level the Pima and Maricopa Indians have demonstrated a low
level of political integration, although some indices of
integration contradicted this conclusion.
For example many
respondents attributed the national political system with
helping them the most in their lives.
The data further
indicated trfat each level contained individuals who were
highly integrated as well as individuals who were alienated,
and that, over all, no fully integrated political system
existed.
The lack of political integration at each system
level indicated forces at each level working to break down
the feelings of cohesiveness and the ability of the people
to work together.
These forces, however, were different at
each system level.
For example, at the national level the
forces decreasing the political integration of the Indian
were those dealing with political culture.
At the tribal
and community levels the forces working against political
integration were the structures dominated by the national
system and the communication process that saturated the
information flow with national political values.
170
The study went into great detail in describing the
nature of each variable and its relationship to political
integration.
The data on the cognitive dimensions of
political culture showed that the cognitive orientations
of Pima and Maricopa Indians were similar at the tribal and
local community levels of the political system.
At both of
these levels the Gila River Indian Community respondents
demonstrated a high degree of understanding about the
systems' structures and roles, the various political elites,
and the policy proposals that are involved in the upward
and downward flow of policy.
Cti the other hand, the Gila
River Indian Community respondents had a low level of
understanding about the national system, its political
elites and what is involved in the upward and downward flow
of policy.
Similarly, the affective orientations of the Pima
and Maricopa people were alike at the tribal and community
level, but different at the national level.
At the com­
munity and tribal level the respondents demonstrated posi­
tive feelings about the structure, the outputs of the
system, and about self-competence.
Hotvever, at the
national level many demonstrated negative feelings about
these dimensions of the affective orientation.
The trend
reversed itself when attitudes about the system as a whole
were considered.
Strong positive affective feelings about
171
the national system were indicated by the respondents when
the gross overall "system" dimension of affective orienta­
tion was considered.
The respondents named particular
items they were proud of as Americans, but they could not
name items they were proud of as Pimas or Maricopas.
The
reason for this contradiction appeared to be the impact of
the educational system which had taught the Indians the
positive characteristics of the national political system
but not of the tribal political system.
The data collected on the cognitive and affective
dimensions of political culture when compared to similar
data found in the Civic Culture indicated that the Pima and
Maricopa Indians at the tribal and community level were
much like the British and American respondents, but at the
national level the Indians were like the Mexican and
Italian respondents.
The Pima and Maricopa Indians were parochial and at
best subjects at the national level, but at the tribal and
community level the political culture approached a partici­
pant culture.
In fact these cultures had the positive
characteristics of the "civic culture" contributed to the
political culture of Britain and the United States.
The study concluded from the analysis of cognitive
and affective dimensions of political culture that the lack
of a high cognitive and affective orientation at the
172
national level on the part of the Indians appears to be
hindering their political integration into the national
political system, while the high cognitive and affective
orientations of the Pima and Maricopa people at the lower
system levels appear to be stimulating political integra­
tion into these systems.
Furthermore, the dissimilarities
between the Indian respondents1 affective and cognitive
orientations and the United States respondents' affective
and cognitive orientations towards the national political
system indicated some alienation on the part of the Indian.
They have a lower level of understanding and feelings
about the national system.
This difference acts as a
hinderance to the political integration of the Indians into
the national political system.
The chapter on the communication processes on the
reservation described three distinct communication systems.
(1) The community communication system which is informal
and face-to-face and has limited volume capabilities. (2)
The tribal communication system which is bifurcated and
resembles the traditional communication process.
It
possesses elements of both the modern and traditional
systems having professional communicators which link the
leadership to the communities and an informal system that
links community to community.
This system lacks adequate
feedback between the two communication processes and often
173
passes distorted information.
The third communication
process links the tribe with the outside.
It is modern in
character and can transmit a large volume of accurate
information.
Similar to the analysis of modern communica­
tion processes a good linkage exists between the mass media
and the face-to-face informal system.
The inspection of the communication processes on
the reservation indicated that communications was a force
in breaking down political integration at the community and
tribal level but a stimulant to political integration at
the national level.
The reason was the growing primacy of
the national communication process at the expense of the
other two processes.
This processes overloads the tribal
and community systems with such a large volume of informa­
tion that the systems are saturated.
In addition to over­
loading these systems, the national communication process
propagates a set of values foreign to the Indian way.
These
two elements of the national communication process stimu­
lates political integration into the national political
system, but they are threatening the political integration
of the Indians in their communities and tribe.
The tribal political system has used some of the
modern communication techniques in increasing political
integration at that level; i.e., professional communicators,
newspapers, and modern transportation.
The flow of
174
information from the tribe to the community, however, is
not consistent enough nor accurate enough to efficiently
stimulate integration of the communities into a tribal
unit.
The information passed on to the communities,
furthermore, is constantly competing for primacy with the
information the community received from outside the reser­
vation.
Information from outside tends to be more inter­
esting.
The people then pass on this information through
the face-to-face method rather than information passed to
them from the tribal communication process.
The community communication process traditionally
has been able to hold the community together as a cohesive
unit by screening out undesirable information which pene­
trates the community from outside.
The screening took
place by means of the face-to-face communication system.
When information was transmitted to the community, only the
most important of this information was passed on since the
face-to-face systems has only a limited volume capability.
Furthermore, the people transmitting the information and
receiving the information could better evaluate its con­
tent.
If the content was undesirable no effort was needed
in rewording the information, making it was desirable.
The
proper words of approval or disapproval could be used in
repeating the information from person to person to produce
a desirable connotation.
With the coming of radio and
175
television this screening process no longer could take
place.
Each person in the community had the capability of
hearing the information from a common source outside the
community.
For this reason where the face-to-face method
still predominates on the reservation the integration of
the community is higher.
Where the nation communication
process predominates integration is lower.
When the norms of the Indian political system were
compared with the norm3 of the urban-industrial man, five
differences were established:
(1) Indian political life
is consensus oriented, while the urban-industrial life is
majority rule oriented; (2) The Indians are oriented
towards persons, but the "urbans" are concerned with
"things"; (3) Indians primarily prefer diffuse roles, while
urban-men prefer specific political roles; (JLj.) politically,
Indians have a fluid concept of leadership and authority,
while urban man has assigned leadership; and ($) the Indian
way is non-hierarchical and the urban-industrial way is
hierarchical.
The Indian way of performing political roles and
acting politically has come under constant pressure by
those preferring the urban style.
Those people, through
the coramunication system and an imposed political struc­
ture, attempt to persuade and force the adoption of the
urban way by the Indian.
Thus, the "outsider" has been
176
intolerant of the Indian way and has attempted to make the
Indian like himself.
With these pressures and the lack of
an adequate "Weltanschauung" on the part of the Indian, the
Indian's resistance to change has been lowered.
The result
has been that the differences in the Indian life style and
the urban life style has been blurred.
The Indians are
increasingly professing the political values of the urbanindustrial man. In their behavior, however, the values
they are taught by the "private culture" often predominate.
This fact explains, to some degree, the gap between saying
and doing that exists on the reservation.
The political structure not only stimulates politi­
cal integration by forcing new sots of values on the
Indians, it also stimulates integration through the domi­
nance of the national political system over the tribe and
community systems.
At first glance, the tribal political
system appears to be an independent semi-sovereign system
with the local communities tied tightly together into the
tribal system.
The national system appears from the legal
standpoint to have little control over the internal affairs
of the tribal system.
deceiving.
This appearance, however, is
The national system with its resources, talent
and control of information has dominated the tribal system.
The tribe has had little say about the content of national
programs designed to meet the needs of Indians.
It has had
177
only the power of veto.
The trend however, is towards more
self-determination and thus the tribe should develop more
say in the actual content of programs.
The Model Cities program that is getting started on
the reservation can be a good means by which the tribe can
begin the content of the programs they want on the reser­
vation since the goal of Model Cities is to have the citi­
zen plan their programs and then seek money for theae
programs through Federal aid.
The people in the communities
then would be prescribing solutions to their own problems
and participating in the policy process.
On the tribal level the formal constitutional
structure seems to give the tribal Council the predominant
role in the policy process.
All other policy groups are
supposedly placed in an inferior position to the tribal
Council.
The Governor and Lt. Governor, committees and
boards, and other tribal personnel are to be constitu­
tionally dependent on the Council for the initiation and
formulation of policy.
The actuality of the policy process,
however, places the Council in a subordinate position to
most of the administrators.
The administrators control the
process because they monopolize the technical information
needed for the formulation of policy.
The administrators
observe a problem or a problem is brought to their atten­
tion; they then formulate alternatives, drum up support for
178
the policy and present it to the tribal Council for
approval.
Finally, they administer the policy.
Similarly, the communities or districts exercise
more independence than the constitution prescribes.
The
basic reason for this is the poor linkage between the Coun­
cil and the District.
The administrators in many instances
have better linkage to the districts since they often have
full time employees in the districts and the Council mem­
bers are employed elsewhere, in many cases, and can not
contact a lot of people.
Thus, the tribal and community political systems
are highly dependent on the national political system con­
trary to what legally and constitutionally is prescribed.
This dependency is increasing the political integration of
the Indian into the national political system but helping
to inhibit integration into the tribal and community
political systems.
Finally, the purpose of this study was not only to
describe and explain the political integration of the
Indian on the Gila River Reservation but to draw some
general conclusions about political integration.
The fol­
lowing generalizations are suggested from the analysis of
the Indian: (1) political culture acts as a restraint to
political integration where culture orientations differ
significantly, i.e., between the United States and the local
179
Indian Community. (2) Political culture acts as a stimu­
lant to political integration where culture orientations
are similar, i.e., between the tribal system and the com­
munity system. (3) Communications act as a stimulant to
political integration where well-established channels of
communication have been built and all information passes
through these channels.
(ij.) Where communication channels
are fragmented, competitive, or non-existent, political
integration is hindered. (5) If one political system con­
trols the communication process, the movement of political
integration is towards that system.
(6) Where a strong
"Weltanschauung" exists which allows a system to screen out
undesirable information from the system, then the endoge­
nous political system is protected and political integra­
tion into external system is inhibited. (7) Where
political norms differ significantly, political integration
is stimulated into the system that controls the flow of
information. (8) Where noms differ significantly, politi­
cal integration is inhibited into the larger system by the
private culture of the home and family. (9) When political
norms do not differ, the socialization process of the
"private culture" stimulates political integration. (10)
Where behavior and norms correspond, political integration
is increased. (11) Where behavior and noms do not corre­
spond, political integration decreases.
(12) Political
180
structure may act as a stimulant to integration where cul­
ture and structure are congruent.
(13) In cases where
culture and structure are incongruent political integration
is hindered. (14) The movement of integration will be
towards the system that controls the political structure
and away from the political systems controlled by external
elements.
Critical problems have arisen in the Indian society
as a result of the diverse forces working on it.
Some
forces pulling them towards the larger political system.
Others towards the tribal political system and still others
towards the community.
Although it is possible to adjust
to all of these forces at once, this type of adjustment is
not taking place in most cases among the Pima and Maricopa
Indians.
Most appear to be facing what ha3 been called by
many scholars an "identity crisis."
Lucian W. Pye in Politics, Personality, and Nation
Building examines the problem of "identity crises" that
transitional people face.
He hypothesizes that
the struggles of large numbers of people in any
society to realize their own basic sense of
identity will inevitably be reflected in the
spirit of the society's political life, and thus,
more specifically, that those conscious and sub­
conscious elements most crucial in determining
the individual's identity crises must have their
181
counterparts in the shared sentiments of the
policy."
Furthermore, he adds, "We must assume that in transitional
societies in which the socialization process fails to give
people a clear sense of identity there will be related
uncertainty in the political culture of the people.
One of the basic measurements of the identity
crisis is trust in human relationships.
The individual
facing an identity crisis "cannot be sure about the actions
of others because he cannot be sure about himself."-^
Among
the Pima and Maricopa Indians distrust is prevalent.
The
respondents were asked:
can be trusted.
"Some people say that most people
Others say you can't be too careful in
your dealings with people.
How do you feel about it?"
A
startling forty-eight percent answered "you can't be too
careful."
Seventeen percent answered "it depends."
Only
twenty-five percent answered "most people can be trusted."
Another aspect of distrust is the feelings an indi­
vidual has about influencing others.
If a person distrusts
others, he must distrust his own capacity to influence
1. Lucian W. Pye, Politics, Personality, and
Nation Building (New Haven and London: Yale University
Press, 1962), pp. 52-53.
2.
Ibid., p. 53.
3.
Ibid., p. 55.
182
others, and hence, he has feelings of impotence.^
The Gila
River Indian Community respondents at the tribal level
showed a relatively low sense of self-competence and at the
national level they showed a definitely low estimation of
self-affect.
When asked whether they felt they could do
something about an unjust tribal regulation, thirty-eight
percent answered they could not.
When asked whether or not
they felt they could do something about an unjust national
regulation, fifty-eight percent answered they could not.
Still another index of a good sense of identity is
the social behavior of an individual.
If a person has a
good self-identity, he will find little need to commit a
crime against his own people; he will also have no need to
drink heavily or demonstrate other pathological social
behavior.
On the Gila River Indian Reservation, however,
there is a serious crime rate, two hundred thirty per one
thousand compared to the national average of fifty per
one thousand,^ serious problem with alcoholism, sixty-seven
percent of all cases appearing before the tribal court
involved drinking,^* and poor mental health.
The Comprehen­
sive Demonstration Plan for Model City reports "the number
of patients having psychoneurotic and personality disorders
U.
Ibid.
5. Comprehensive Demonstration Plan 1970» Gila
River Indian Community, 1970, p. 30.
6.
Ibid.
183
is four times as high as can be effectively treated on an
out-patient basis.
On the reservation, there appears to be many people
who are experiencing an identity crises.
Some of the con­
flict that these people are experiencing is probably a
result of the numerous and diverse pressures being placed
on them, first pulling them towards the nation, then towards
the tribe and then towards the community.
Policy Recommendations
In an age in which research is criticized, espe­
cially, among minority groups for its irrelevance, there is
a crying need for the scholar to attempt to draw from his
research some implications for the policy makers.
From the
research of this study three groups of recommendations can
be offered:
recommendations for strengthening the political
integration of the tribal level, recommendations for
strengthening the political integration on the national
level, and recommendations for strengthening political inte­
gration on the community level.
The group of recommenda­
tions one prefers will depend on individual values and
goals.
This "scholar" prefers the first, since he values
the identity of the Pima and Maricopa Indian and wishes to
7.
Ibid., p. 12.
18J+
see them prosper in a world that has taken undue advantage
of their peaceful and congenial nature.
The first group of recommendations is built around
the need to strengthen the tribal organization and thus the
political integration of the Indians into the tribe.
This
form of integration, it is felt, would also strengthen the
degree of political integration at the lower levels since
no great cultural differences exist.
The tribal system
need not in anyway compete or challenge the local integra­
tion whereas integration into the national system may very
well destroy all that is left of the Indian way since many
of the Indian values are different than prominent national
values.
In order to strengthen the tribal system the fol­
lowing needs to be done:
First, the tribal government
needs to be strengthened.
The Council needs to establish
a committee system which will allow it to be informed at
all times about the numerous programs on the reservation.
The formulation and initiation of policy should come from
official members of the tribe through these committees,
not from the "outside."
The content of all programs on th9
reservation needs to be reviewed carefully by the tribal
Council.
The essential concerns of the people and their
needs should be discovered by maintaining good communica­
tions with the people and having more programs initiated by
185
the people.
The tribal government should work on solving
these problems within its own framework.
Model Cities and
its staff should be used extensively in this process.
Model Cities should not be permitted to operate separate
from and independent of the tribal structure and govern­
ment.
It should be clear that Model Cities is a part of
the tribal government, not of the Federal government.
Finally, the tribe should work to take over the functions
of the Bureau of Indian Affairs as soon as it is feasible
to do so.
The Federal agencies should be viewed solely as
resource from which the tribe can get needed help.
Once
these functions are assumed by the tribe, the tribe's
structural independence can be assumed and the structural
controls that the outside has had on the tribe will be
destroyed.
When the tribal governments structure has been
strengthened and a greater degree of independence estab­
lished, the tribe can move towards strengthening the Indian
culture.
The tribe should require courses on tribal gov­
ernment, politics, and culture to be taught in schools
where its children attend.
The Indian way of doing things
should be encouraged, not discouraged.
The differences
between the Indian way and the white way should be empha­
sized, not de-emphasized.
186
Tribal cohesion will be additionally strengthened
if the tribe has better control over the communication
system on the reservation.
A reservation radio station
should be established v/hich can broadcast accurate informa­
tion in volume to the tribal members.
All care should be
taken to get accurate information speedily throughout the
reservation.
Professional communicators should be hired
whose only purpose would be to pass information by word of
mouth to people in each district.
These communicators
should also act as a link between the people and those in
authority so that there is good feedback to the people on
the programs on the reservation.
Finally, community governments should be given more
responsibility in governing their communities.
Programs
that are individual and local in nature should be con­
trolled and administered by the community government.
Local governments or community governments need to have
more money with which to operate.
In the larger communi­
ties such as Sacaton the community should hire full time
administrators to take care of local needs.
The second category of policy proposals would be
geared to strengthen the local community alone, disregarding
the importance of the tribe and nation.
Many want to
strengthen the local government making them independent of
the tribal government.
The differences and uniqueness of
187
each community would be stressed and an ideological system
built which would screen outside information which pene­
trates the community.
The community would want to run its
own schools and to control the communication process in the
community as much as possible.
The information passed by
the face-to-face method should be stressed over all other.
The mass media system would be a threat to the community's
integration unless the membership in the communities were
sophisticated enough to evaluate the information in terns
of their united goals.
The third policy proposals are for those people who
wish to emphasize the national system and want the Indians
to be fully integrated into that system.
These people
would continuo much of the existing methods of dealing
with the Indians.
They would want the technical informa­
tion completely controlled by Federal bureaucracies.
They
would continuo to stress the dependency of the tribe on the
Federal system.
They would de-emphasize the Indian culture
and they would overload the communication system with
information from the outside world.
APPENDIX A
QUESTIONNAIRE AND PERCENTAGE WHO
RESPONDED TO EACH ANSWER
Hello . • . I'm an interviewer working for a grad­
uate student who is from the Department of Government at The
University of Arizona.
We are doing a study of the atti­
tudes and opinions of the people concerning problems of the
Gila River Community.
We would like to interview you (if
too young—a member of your family over 18).
has been approved by the tribal council.
THIS POINT ONLY IP NECESSARY.
This project
(SHOW LETTER AT
YOU MAY ALSO SHOW LETTER AT
SOME OTHER POINT IN THE INTERVIEW IP YOU THINK IT WILL HELP.)
You may know quite a lot about some things, or you may not,
it doesn't matter.
There are no right or wrong answers to
the questions I am going to ask you.
We are interested in
how you think and feel about problems.
We'd like to begin our interview with some basic background
questions.
1. Where were you born?
On the reservation
Off the reservation
Other
NA
188
189
How long have you lived in this area?
Less than a year
1-2 years
2-5 years
5-10 years
10-20 years
20 or more 'all my life'
1. 1#
2. 1%
3. 2%
Ur*
3%
5. 2%
6. 93#
Do you intend to stay in this area?
Yes
Might move, it depends, etc.
Probably will move
Definitely will move
Other
Don't know, NA
1. -22t_
2. k-%
3.
U-.
7. 1%
9. h.%
Are you married?
Married
Divorced, separated
Widowed
Single
NA
1.
2. 12%
3. 20%
*4-. 11%
9.
How many children do you have?
None
One
Two
Three
Four
Five or mor9
NA
INAP
6. How old are you?
0.
1. 12%
2. 11%
3. 15%
11%
5.
a.
9.
190
7. Thinking about the economic situation of your family in
general—the money you earn, the chances for advancement,
etc*—do you think it is satisfactory or not?
Satisfactory_
So- so
Unsatisfactory
Other
Don't know
5. 39%
7. 1%
a. 2/£
do you think it will change in the next ten years?
Go up
Stay the same
Go down
Other
1. k
3. 20#
5. 7%
7. 1%
"A -oO
We'd like to ask about your religious affiliation.
you belong to any church?
Protestant
Catholic
LDS
Other
Don't know
None
Do
1. 66f3
2. 30%
3. 1J
7. 2%
0. H
0.
10. About how often do you attend services?
Weekly or more often
Once in a while
One on major holiday or major event
Never
Other
Don•t know
INAP
1. 3b%
3.
U-.
5.
7.
tt.
0.
11. Now, we'd like to start out by talking about some of
your more general interests. Aside from your work and
your family, what are the activities that interest you
most, that you spend your free time on? (For those who
say they have no free time). If you had more free time
and opportunity, which activities would you like to
engage in? (Take down full response.)
Nothing
Political activities and interests.
Participate in or take interest
00.
7#
191
(read, discuss) in politics,
political parties or government
Participate in economic interest
organizations—unions, business
associations, professional
associations, cooperatives
Participate in other groups that tryto influence government and politics—
citizen committees on schools, housing-«campaign for nuclear disarmament,
etc.
Private charitable and welfare
activities—as individual or through
organizations
Religious activities—church,
religious groups
Social ac ti vi ti es—visiting, dancing,
bridge, social clubs
Hobbies, sports, games, gardening,
household work
Cultural activities—music, art,
reading, education, theater, cinema
Travel
Other
Don1t know, NA
10.
3%
20.
0%
25.
2%
30.
I;0.
50»
7$
60. 29$
70.
80S%"
90. 22%
95• ' ojf
12. Generally speaking, do you usually think of yourself as
a Pima, an American Indian, an American, or what?
Pima
An American Indian
American
1.
2.
3»
59#
33%
1
2.
3«
k*
""5.
33#
T
57ft
9%
1
2.
3»
k.
5.
8#
17%
72%
w
3%
NAT
13. Which one would you pick secondly?
Pirtm
American Indian
American
NA
1%
And thirdly?
Pima_
American Indian
American
NA
192
1ij.# To which of these groups do you feel the most loyalty?
Pima^
American Indian
American
NA
,
1. 58/£
2. 25>>%
3. 1 S/»
iu~"^
5. 2%
Next
Pima
American Indian
American
1. 25%
2. 50%
3."~23%
NA
5 . 7 T
1£. Which of these groups have helped you the most in your
life?
Pima
American Indian
American
_1. 35#
2• 19%
3* U-2%
5.
NA
>A.%
16. Which one is second in the amount of help it has given
you?
Pima
American Indian
American
NI
1. 32#
2. 31%
3^ 27%
—
And third
Pima
__
American Indian
American
NA
1«
22%
2. '29%
3« ^7% ""
lj-« 1 %
5. 9%
17» We know that the ordinary person has many problems that
take his time. In view of this, if a person has some
spare time and wants to help some one outside his family
which of the above groups snould he first attempt to
help?
Pima
American Indian
•l-M
193
American
3.
1%
NA
^.
2%
18. Have you ever worked or done anything to help one of
these groups of people?
Yes
NO
NA
1. (A$>
2riif
3. 2%
If so which one, or ones?
Pima_
American Indian
American
1. 55%
2. 5#
3. 3%
NA
What did you do?
NA
Other
Volunteer Cooking, farm work
Church work
Donated money, helped needy
Community services, work hospital,
chaperon
Group work for community
Work tribal affairs
Work United States or Americans
00. 38#
"~11. V,%
"2'd. 1k%
33. 9%'
Ijlj-. 7%
55. 1h%
66. j%
77« *" V)T
88.
19. We are also interested in how well known the national
leaders of the various political parties are in the
country. Are you aware of some leaders of the Repub­
lican Party? Can you name some? (Take down full
response.)
Don11 know or no
K/iiv iieuaou
Two named correctly
Three named correctly
Pour named correctly
Five named correctly
1
61#
,v(°,
3.
k.
5.
6.
12%
7 "k
2$
Are you aware of some of the leaders of the Democratic
Party? Can you name some? (Take down full response.)
Don't know or no_
One named correctly"
1. 625?:
•2.--Tgf
Two named correctly
Three named correctly
Four named correctly
Five or more named correctly
3. 151.
TU 3%
5 . V F
6 . B %
20. We are also interested in how well known the tribal
leaders are on the reservation. Could you name some of
the Tribal leaders? (Take down full response.)
Den1t know or no
Governor named
Lt. Governor named
Councilman named
All above named
Governor and Lt. Governor named
Governor and others named
One or more other than Governor named
1.
"2."
u
"3/
2/0
6.
"8/ lb-/o
"9.'mi
Could you name some of the local community leaders that
is people who you look up to for advice in this part of
the reservation? (Take down full response.)
Don't know, no answer
District Chairman
One or more councilmen
Others named
_______
Councilman, District Chairman and others
named
Councilman and others named
District Chairman and others named
Others
00, 16S£
"11,
"22. -TP"33. 2A 2L.
*lU. 19S£
155.
66, 10>
HI
"77.
21. Do you follow the accounts of political and governmental
affairs? Would you say you follow them regularly, from
time to time, or never?
Regularly
Time to Time_
Never
Other
Don't know
HA
_1.
3*
II
MO/&
"7.
T3."
"9."
JA.
•jz~
22. What about newspapers—do you follow accounts of
political and governmental affairs in the newspapers
nearly every day, about once a week, from time to time,
or never?
Nearly every day_
Once a weeK
1.
'2.
12#
195
Prom time to time
Never
Other
Don't know
3.
5.
7.
a.
INAF
0.
ho%
39%
1"h
What about on tho radio or television? Do you listen to
accounts of public affairs nearly every day, about once
a week, from time to time, or never?
1.
Nearly every day
Once a week
Prom time to time
Never
Other
Don1t know
2.
3.
5.
7.
a.
INAP
0.
33%
lx.%
LO'/i,
2«I/O
QC/
eZ/o
22. What about tribal affairs—Would you say you follow them
regularly, from time to time, or never?
Regularly
Time to time
Never
Other
Don11 know
NA
,
1.
3.
5>.
7.
8.
9.
Have you ever attended a tribal council meeting?
how many would you say?
Less than 5
5-10
Or more than 10
Other
Don1t know
NA
13$
5j/T
32%
1%
r
About
1,
_
3.
5.
7
8.
9.
68^
3/3
10>b
6%
1
lJo_
23. What about talking to other people about problems that
exist in this part of the reservation--do you do that
nearly every day, once a week, from time to time, or
never?
Nearly every day
Once a week
From time to time
Never
Other
Don1t know
INAP
1.
2.
3.
5.
7.
0.
9.
,
9$
27o
196
Thinking now about the national government in Washing­
ton, about how much effect do you think its activities,
the laws passed and so on, have on your day-to-day life*
to they have a great effect, some effect, or none?
Great effect
Some effect
None
Other
Don1t know
1.
3.
5.
7.
5.
19^
18%
Now thinking about the tribal government on the reserva­
tion, about how much effect do you think its activities
have on your day-to-day life, does it have a great
effect, some effect, or none?
Great effect
Some effect
None
Other
Don't know
1.
3.
5.
7.
0.
5U/o
1 bjo
11%
What about the decisions made by the leaders in this
part of the reservation--do their decisions have much
effect on your life?
Great effect
Some effect
None
Other
Don't know
1.
3.
5.
7»
9.
20%
5^/q
20>o
9>T
We know that the ordinary person has many problems that
take his time. In view of this, what part do you think
the ordinary person ought to play in Tribal Affairs?
Nothing
Take part in local government.
Participate in governmental groups,
organizations, committees
Take part in political parties
Take part in non-governmental
groups and organizations dealing
with local affairs--community
betterment groups, charitable
activi ties
Take part in church and religious
activities
Try to understand and keep informed.
00
1$
10.
"20.
9%
30» 10#
l+O.
2%
197
Vote
Do job well, take care of family.
Be upright and responsible in
one's personal life
Just take an interest in local
affairs. (Code this if only an
interest in local affairs
mentioned, but nothing more
specific.)
Other
Don't know
NA
60. 16#
70»
5#
80. 10%'
90. 3%
98. 31^
99. 5%
Also we would like to know what part you think the
ordinary person ought to play in solving problems that
effect this part of the reservation?
Nothing
Take part in local government.
Participate in governmental
groups, organizations, committees
Take part in political parties
Take part in non-governmental
groups and organizations dealing
with local affairs--community
betterment groups, charitable
activities
Take part in church and
religious activities
Try to understand and keep informed
Vote
Do job well, cake care of family.
Be upright and responsible in
one's personal life
Just take an interest in local
affairs. (Code this if only an
interest in local affairs
mentioned, but nothing more
specific.)
Other
Don11 know
NA
00.
10. 11#
20.
30» 11#
1^0. 3#
£0. 11$
60. 12%
70«
5#
80. 13#
90.
98.
99. 2%
26. People speak of the obligation which they owe their
country. In your opinion what are the obligations which
every man owes his country?
Nothing
Vote
00. 22#
10. 1 bii
198
Try to understand and keep
informed about governmental
affairs—read about them, etc.
Participate in public and
political activities--discuss
politics—express one's opinioncriticize the government if
necessary
Love one's country—be loyal,
rospectful--speak well of it—
represent it well in other
countries
Pay taxes
Defend the country, serve in
armed forces if needed
Obey the laws, respect authority
Do one's job right—raise
children properly—be up-right,
helpful, responsible in personal
life
General virtues—be honest,
moral, work to better nation
(code this only if nothing more
specific mentioned)
20.
&
30.
W
1*0. m
50. 1%
60. 20 yt
70. 7i°
80.
kf
85.
Ft
Speaking generally, what are the tnings about this
country that you are most proud of as an. American?
Nothing
Political-legal system. Free­
doms, democracy, justice,
political stability
Social legislation—old age
pensions, aid to poor, etc.
National strength and inde­
pendence, world leadership,
military power
Economic system'--econo"mic growth-chance to advance, earn a living
Characteristics of the people—
honesty, sense of justice, hard
work, efficiency, etc.
Spiritual virtues, religion
Contributions to arts, music,
literature, education
Contributions to science,
medicine, technology
Physical attributes of the
country—natural beauties,
natural resources
00.
If
10. 60#
20.
$$
30.
9%
ko.
50.
55. \j>
60.
65.
70.
w
199
Sports
Mo ther tongue
0ther
Don* t know, NA
80.
"85»
90.
*95*
What are the things that make you most proud to be a
Pima? (Take down full response.)
NA, I don't know
Just being a Pima (Maricopa)
My tribe makes the best pottery
American or Pima heritage
Having our own government
Love my people
The people are a progressive and peaceful
people
Just proud to be an American Indian
We were here first
Because we have land on a
reservation to live on
The way I was brought up to as a Pima
00. 25$
11. 17%
22.
33» 13%
3%
55. 1A
6*7. 1$
77» 15#
78. 1%
88. 11$
"89.
28. Now we would like to find out something about your party
preference and how you vote. Do you consider yourself a
supporter of a particular party? Which party?
Democratic party supporter
Republican party supporter
Independent
Supporter other party
Don11 know NA
No supporter party
10.
20. b%
30* 3%
90> 9#
95.
00. 46$
Are you a member of any political club or organization?
(Which club or organization is that?)
No, None INAP
^
Democratic clubs or organizations
Republican clubs or organizations
Candidate Oriented non-partisan
Non-parti3an and not candidate
oriented
Miscellaneous non-political
groups that somecimes take a
stand
Vague or miscellaneous or unknown
Don't know, NA
"
INAP
0.
1.
2.
3»
k%
iu
11$
5.
7%
7» \\'k
t5£2$
9.
200
Have you ever been active in a political campaign—that
is, have you ever worked for a candidate or party, con­
tributed money, or done any other active work?
Yes, have been active
No
Don11 know NA
INAP
1.
2#
5. 97%
7"
9.
VZL.
0.
What about tribal politics do you belong to any particu­
lar group on the reservation which supports candidates
or policies?
Yes
No
Other
NA
1.
2.
3.
5.
A?#
2 io
If so to which group do you belong?
29» Do you ever discuss political and governmental affairs,
would you say you discuss them often, from time to time,
or never?
Often
From time to time
Never
Other
Don1t know
NA
1
3«
5«
7*
8.
9.
1%
38%
53#
1%
T%"
VjT
30. Suppose there were some question that you h„u to take to
a government office--for example, a tax question or
housing regulation. Do you think you would be given
equal treatment--l mean, would you be treated as well as
anyone else?
Yes
It depends
No
Other
Don11 know,
NA
1. k2%
3« TBjT"
5. 15%
7.
Ifr
8. '21<
31• If you explained your point of view to the officials.
What effect do you think it would have? Would they give
your point of view serious consideration, would they pay
only a little attention, or would they ignore what you
had to say?
Serious consideration
Little attention
1.
2.
28#
32%
201
Ignore point of view
It depends
Wouldn't say anything
Other
Don11 know
3, 10#
k* 12%"
5«
2>W
7.
8.15 # "
32. If you had some trouble with the police—a traffic vio­
lation maybe, or being accused of minor offense--do you
think you would be given equal treatment, that is would
you be treated as well as anyone else?
Yes
It depends
No
Other
Don11 know HA
'
'
1.
3.
5«
7»
9.
53#
17%
16%
1
33» If you explained your point of view to the police, what
effect do you think it would have. Would they give your
point of view serious consideration, would they pay only
a little attention, or would they ignore what you had to
say?
Serious consideration
Little attention
Ignore point of view__
It depends
Wouldn't say anything
Other
Don* t know NA
1.
2.
3.
1\.
5.
7.
9.
39#
23#
13%
13%
11%
3i|.. Suppose you had to take a problem to a tribal official.
Do you think you would be given equal treatment—I mean,
would you be treated as well as anyone else?
Yes
It depends
No
Other
Don11 know, NA
1.
3.
5.
7.
(j.
10$T
U-%
11%
35. If you explained your point of view to the tribal
official what effect do you think it would have: would
he give your point of view serious consideration, would
he pay only a little attention, or would they ignore
what you had to say?
Serious consideration
Little attention
Ignore point of view
1.
2.
~3.
55#
19>o"
4%
202
It depends
Wouldn't say anything
Other
Don•t know
U»
5.
7.
0.
11$
2%'
9%
36. Some people say that politics and government are so com­
plicated that the average man can not really understand
what is going on. In general, do you agree or disagree
with that?
Agree
Depends
Disagree
Other
Don1t know
NA
1
310>S~
5. 1^%
7.
1 fo
9.~ 9%
37. On the whole, do the activities of the government in
Washington tend to improve conditions in this country or
would we be better off without them?
Tend to improve
Sometimes improve, sometimes don't
Better off without them
Makes no difference
Other
Don't know
1. f>8#
2." 2k%
3.
3/^
U.
7•
b.
mrr
What about the tribal government? Does its activities
tend to improve conditions on the reservation or would
you be better off without them?
Tend to improve
Sometimes improve", sometimes" don11
Better off without them
Makes no difference
Other
Don1t know
1. 65%
2." 1o%
3._
~U.~"
(O
7.
0. 1 0 %
What about the leaders of this part of the reservation
do their activities tend to improve things or would it
be better off without them?
Tend to improve
Sometimes improve, sometimes don't
Better off without them
Makes no difference
Other
Don't know
1. 6y%
2. 1b#
3." 10#
1|.
7
1%
8." bff
203
38. Suppose a regulation were being considered by your
tribal council which you considered very unjust or
harmful, what do you think you could do?
Nothing
Work through informal, unorganized
groups—neighbors, friends. Get
neighbors or friends to write
letters--attend meetings—sign a
p3tition—talk to people
Work through political party
Work through other formal,
organized group—trade union,
professional group, church, etc.
As individual talk to, v;rite
letters, contact, councilmen—and other political leaders,
or the press, etc. (Activities for
which respondent does not mention
getting others to join him).
As individual talk to, write
letters to authorities, admin­
istrative departments
Consult a lawyer—use legal
(iuristic) means—go to court
Vote
Take some violent action. Protest march, rebellion, active
resistance, assassination, riots
Other
Don11' know
NA
00. 13$
10. 18#
"20. 1
30.
6#
lj.0. 2$%
j>0.
2#
60.
70.
2%
b%
80.
90.
1#
98. 2ti%
99.
Anything else
39. If you made an effort to change this regulation how
likely is it that you would succeed?
Very likely
Moderately likely
Somev/hat unlikely_
Not at all likely impossible
Likely only if others joined in
Other
Don1t know
1.
2.
3«
Ij..
5.
7.
8.
1
7%
12%
27%
27%
1%
12$
20k
If such a case arose how likely is it that you would
actually do something about it?
Very likely
Moderately likely
Somewhat unlikely
Not at all likely—impossible
Depends on the issue
Other
Don't know NA
1.
2.
3.
k*
5.
7.
tt.
\k
19*
Have you ever done anything to try to influence a tribal
decision?
Often
Once or twice, a few times
Never
Other
Don11 know NA
1.
3.
5.
7.
9.
A ft
1U?o
w
Suppose a law were being considered by the Congress of
the United States Government, which you considered to be
very unjust or harmful, what do you think you could do?
00.
10.
20.
M
i
i
\o
c
•
Nothing
Work through informal, unorganized
groups—neighbors, friends. Get
neighbors or friends to write
letters--attend meetings--sign a
petition--talk to people
Work through political party
Work through other formal,
organized group—trade union,
professional group, church, etc
As individual talk to, write
letters, contact, councilmen—and other political leaders,
or the press, etc. (Activities
for which respondent does not
mention getting others to join him)
As individual talk to, write
letters to authorities, admin­
istrative departments
Consult a lawyer—use legal
(luristic) means—go to court
Vote
Take some violent action. Protest march, rebellion, active
resistance, assassination, riots
Other
if
lj-0. 12#
£0.
hcJ>
60.
70.
1%
80. 1#
90. 2%
205
Don't know
NA
Anything else
98. 33#
99. 5%
.
43. If you made an effort to change this law, how likely is
it that you would succeed?
Very likely
Moderately likely
Somewhat unlikely
Not at all likely-impossible
Likely only if others .joined in
Other
Don't know
1.
2. '
3.
l±.
5.
7.
8.
11#
b# '
9%
31#
13/f~
1%
£7%
If such a case arose, how likely is it that you would
actually do something about it?
Very likely
Moderately likely
Somewhat unlikely
Not at all likely-impossible
Depends on the issue
Other
Don't know NA
1.
2.
3.
16$
7%
9%
h . 22/o
5. ' 1'9%
7.
27$
ti.
Have you ever done anything to try to influnece an act
of Congress?
Often
Once or twice, a few times
Never
Other
Don11 imow NA
1.
3.
5.
7.
9.
-
1%
1%
7#
ij.6. Problems sometimes arise that need to be brought to the
attention of leaders of this part of the reservation.
If such a problem arose would you do anything to bring
it to the attention of these leaders?
Yes
No
Other
Don't know
NA
1.
2.
3.
5.
7.
65#
12%
?8
206
(If respondent would do something) To whom would you
go?
INAP
Local Councilman
Leaders
District Chairman
Governor
Friend
Combination of above
Others
NA
Has such a problem ever come up?
response)
0.
1.
"' 2. " 10$
3. 1U*
iw
te
5.
in
6.
7.
a. 1 1 %
&
(Take down full
00. 39^
55. 24>«
99. W
INaP
Yes
No
What did you do?
(Take down full response)
INAP
Went to councilman
Police
District chairman
Combination of above
Other
1.
2.
3. '
4.
5.
6.
b%
&
Some people say that most people can be trusted. Others
say you can't be to careful in your dealing with people.
How do you feel about it?
Most people can be trusted
It depends
You can't be too careful
Other
Don't know
NA
'
1.
2.
5>«
7.
8.
9.
26$
1
2%
Speaking generally, would you say that most people are
more inclined to help others, or are more inclined to
look out for themselves?
More inclined to help others
More inclined to look out for themselves
It depends
Other
Don't know
NA
1, 21#
2."
3.
7
1%
8.
b%
9.
207
One sometimes hears that some people or groups have so
much influence on the way the government is run that the
interests of the majority are ignored. Do you agree or
disagree that there are such groups?
Agree
Partially agree
Disagree
Other
Don11 know
1.
3»
5»
7.
8.
62$
iffi
5%
1ti%
If you agree can you name some?
Church (Catholic)
Other religions
Labor unions
Aristocrates, the well-borne
Big business, the rich
Politicians, political party
Other special interests, lobbies
Ideological groups, communists,
fascists, socialists
Ignorant people—the masses
Other
INAP
Don't know
10.
15.
20. 1%
30. 10*
U-0. 11%
50.
60.
&
70.
00. 7%
90.
91. 21%
98. kljfe
Suppose several men were trying to influence a govern­
ment decision. Here is a list of things they might do
(hand list i+J. The first man works through personal and
family connection with government officials. The second
one writes to government officials explaining his point
of view. The third tries to get people interested in
the problem and to form a group. The fourth man works
through his party. A fifth man organizes a protest
demonstration. Which one of these methods do you think
would be the most effective?
None
Working through personal and
family conne ctions
Writing to government officials
Getting people interested—
forming a group
Working through a political party
Organizing a protest demonstration
Other
Don't know
0.
1.
2.
hO%
3.
1%'
5.
7.
0.
1^
27%
208
Which method would be least effective?
None
Working through personal and
family connections
Writing to government o'fficials
Getting people interested—
forming a group
Working through a political party
Organizing a protest demonstration
Other
Don1t know
0.
155*
1.
2.
8g
27^
3.
k.
5.
7.
3^
t%
31%
In general elections do you usually know definitely how
you will vote before the electoral campaign starts? Do
you sometimes have doubts as to how to vote, or do you
usually have doubts as to how to vote?
Usually knows definitely
Sometimes have doubts
Usually have doubts
Don't vote (or only in local
elections)
Don1t know
INAP
1. 37$
2. 12%
3." 16%
5.
a.
0.
13%
Which one of these statements comes closest to describ­
ing your feelings when you go to the polls to cast your
ballot:
I get a feeling of satisfaction
out of it
I do it only because it is my duty
I feel annoyed, it's a waste of time
I don't feel anything in particular
Other
Don't know
INAP
1.
2.
3. ..._1%
5. i&i
1%
7.
o. 21%
0.
Do your feelings differ any according to what election
you're voting in: National or tribal?
Yes
No
Other
Don't know
NA
1.
2.
3.
5.
7.
w*
1I ^
/O
1 Lrf
209
If yes, how?
INAP
_
Don't know national leadero
More concerned with local election
Know local leader
Other
NA
00. 75#
11. 1%
22. 5%
33. 6%
Ww 2%
55. 9#
55. How often do you talk to your neighbors or see them:
nearly every day, once a week, from time to time, or
never?
n
Every day
Once a week
Time to time
Never
Don1t know
NA
1.
2.
3.
5.
7.
35#
15*
IH 5*
5%
1%
How often do you take a trip say to Phoenix, Coolidge or
maybe Casa Grande: nearly every day, once a week, from
time to time, or never?
Every day
Once a weelc
Time to time
Never
Don't know
NA
1.
2.
3.
5.
7.
9.
16#
2/4-%
57%
3*
1%
What is the furtherest you have been away from home?
(Take down full response.)
NA
Nowhere
Arizona
Western States
Midwestern States
Eastern States
Southern States
Foreign Country
00.
11.
22.
33.
ltH-.
55.
66.
77.
2#
tt/o
23%
395i
5%
5/3
12%
Where do you go, outside the home, if you want to talk
with people or JU3t meet with people? (Take down full
response.)
NA
Nowhere
00.
11.
7j4
210
Friends and neighbors
Relatives
Church
Store
Bar
Clinic
Town
Combination of above
Work
Other
22. 18#
33.
Hk. 1H
55. 124
66. 3#
77. 1%
2%
91. %
95. 1%
99. i£#
%
59. What about the people you respect most in this part of
the reservation, how often do you see or speak to them:
nearly every day, once a week, from time to time, or
never?
Every day
Once a week
Time to time
Never
Don't know
NA
1.
2.
3.
5.
7.
9.
60. Have you ever worked off the reservation?
long?
Weeks
Months
1-2 years
3-5 years
More than 5 years
Never
What were you doing?
11#
10%
3%.
1#
If so how
1.
2.
3.
5.
7.
9.
0.
1 oft
23#
(Take down full response.)
INAP. NA
White collar worker
Skilled worker
Domestic worker
Farm worker
Unskilled worlcer
Farm owner
00. 32#
39. i\.y0
U9.
59. 19#
72. 1676
79. *\2%
til. 2%
61. We would like to find out something about your educa­
tion. How far did you get with your education? (Probe
to find highest level attained.)
No schooling
1-lj. years
0.
1.
b%
211
5-7 years
0 years
9-11 years
12 years
1-3 college
College graduate
2.
3.
15%
31%
5.
6.
7.
9%
62. How about your husband (wife)—how far did he (she) get
with his (her) education?
No schooling
1-1}. years
5-7 years
8 years
9-11 years
12 years
1-3 college
College graduate
0»
1»
2.
3«
1|.
5»
6,
7«
12%
1b%~
17%
31 %~
19%~
"3if
1%
63. Do you remember how much time was spent in your school
in studying current events and the government of the
country? Was there a lot of time spent on this, a little
or none at all?
A lot
Some but can't remember how much
A little
None
Other
Don't know—don't remember
INAP
1.
2,
3.
5.
7«
ti,
9.
19#
£*+%
2k%
lio
15%
1 b%
6ij.. What about at home or in the community was there much
time spent on relating stories about the Pima history
and past?
A lot
Some but can't remember how much
A little
None
Other
Don't know—don't remember
INAP
1.
2.
3.
5.
7.
tJ.
9.
2.%
16%
1%
6%
\jo
212
65/. The next question is about family income. Adding
together the whole family income, as well as any other
money the family here may have received for pensions,
unemployment compensation, or other sources. In which
one of these general groups did the total income of your
family f£ll during the last twelve months—before taxes,
that is? (Hand them list five)
Under $1,000
51,000-1,999
[>2,000-2,999"
53,000-4,999"
[55,000-7,499"
p7,500-9,999"
510,000 and over_
Don1t know
NA
The next series of questions should be answered with a
agree or disagree.
66. A good citizen should be willing to assume leadership
in groups trying to improve the area?
Agree
Disagree
Don't know
NA
.
1.
5.
8.
9.
93$
2%~
U%
1%
67. Tribal improvement should be the concern of only a few
leaders in the tribe?
Agree
Disagree
Don't know ft.
NA
1
5«
9.
20$
73)0
0%
1%
1.
5.
13$
77^"
68. Improving slum areas is a waste of money.
Agree
Disagree
Disagree
:s-ZTSL
213
Don't know
NA
8.
9.
k%
2%
70. The Federal government is doing all it should to help
the Indian.
Agree
Disagree
Don't know
NA
1.
5.
1•
8.
9.
39#
kh%~
1 o%
fefo
^
71. The Tribal leaaers are doing all they should to improve
living conditions on the reservation.
Agree
Disagree
Don * t know
NA;
1.
5.
8.
9.
62%
26%
12io
1%
72. Every citizen should have an equal chance to influence
government policy.
Agreo_
Disagree
Don't know
1
5»
o.
Qkfo
5%~
_1 O^T
NA
9.
2%
73* Democracy is the best form of government.
Agree
Disagree
Don't know
NA
1
76%
5»
5%
8. 1o%~
9." 1%
74^ The minority should be free to criticize government
decision.
Agree
Disagree
Don't know
NA
1. 70%
f>. 1fi%"
8. 1*5%
9,
1%
75. A few strong leaders do more for this country than all
the laws and talk.
Agree
Disagre e
Don't know
NA
1.-491
5«______
5>«
8. £7%
9.
2T
I
21^
76. The individual owes his first duty to the state and only
secondarily to his personal welfare.
Agree
Disagree
Don't know
NA
1
31#
5>« 52/T"
8. 1 b%
9.2%
77* It is not very important to vote in local elections.
Agree
Disagree
Don't know
NA
1
11%
5» 67^
8. 1i4-%
9.
1%
78. It is very important to vote even when many other people
vote in an election.
Agree
Disagree
Don't know
NA
1.
5«
8.
9.
82ff?
9%
yT
79. People like me do not .have any say about what the gov­
ernment does.
Agree
Disagree
Don11 know
NA
1
5.
8.
9.
3k%
50%
12%
2-/o
80. Indians have no control over what the Federal government
does in Washington.
Agree
Disagree
Don1t know
NA
1.
5»
o.
9
it1%
31^"
15%
h%
Male
Female
1.
2.
62jo
81. Sex
82. Interviewer rating of respondent's socio-economic class.
A (High)
B
C"~
1.
2.
3.
6%
35#
215
D (Low)
NA
lu
9.
U1#
11%
1.
2.
3#
5.
k.2%
33/o
13%
12%
1.
2.
3.
68$
£7$
ST
9.
3%
1.
2.
3»
7.
"""9.
73#
5$
2#
83. Articulateness of respondent.
Very articulate
So-so
Relatively inarticulate
NA
8I|.» Attitude of respondent toward interview.
Friendly, eager etc.
Cooperative, but not particularly eager
Indifferent, bored etc.
Hostile
NA
8£. Place of interview
Home
Place of work
Public place
Other
In yard
116%
b%
APPENDIX B
LETTER OP PERMISSION PROM GILA RIVER
INDIAN COMMUNITY
<3Ua 2Uuer Sln&tem (Eummnniiy
Box 97
Stcttoa, Arizona 8)247
Tel. 562-3311
August 4, 1970
TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN:
This will introduce Darrell ¥. Krueger
who has been granted permission by the Tribal
Council to do a study on the reservation for
his PhD.
Mr. Krueger was given this permission
at the regular council meeting on July 1, 1970.
Sincerely yours,
Donald R. Antone, Sr.,
It. Governor
216
APPENDIX C
MAP OP GILA RIVER RESERVATION
217
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aberle, David I. "Navaho." Matrilineal Kinship. Edited
by David M. Schneider and Kathleen Gough.
Berkeley: University of California, 1961.
Adams, Lucy Wilcox. Pima Economy. Technical Cooperation.
Bureau of Indian Affairs, 1936.
Adams, Richard N. Political Change in Guatemalan Indian
CommunitiesT New Orleans: Middle American
Research Institute, Tulane University, 1957.
Ake, Claude. A Theory of Political Integration.
Illinois: The Dorsey Press, 1967.
Homewood,
Almond, Gabriel A. and B. G. Bingham Powell, Jr. Compara­
tive Politics: A Developmental Approach. Boston:
Little, Brown and Company, 1966.
Almond, Gabriel A. and Sidney Verba. The Civic Culture.
Boston and Toronto: Little, Brown and Company,
1963.
Angell, Robert C.
New York:
The Integration of American Society.
McGraw-Hill Book Co., 19/4-1.
Andrews, George L. Survey of the Pima and Maricopa Reser­
vation. U.S. Congress, House Executive Documents.
i|1st Cong., 3rd Sess., 1870-71.
Apter, David E. The Politics of Modernization.
The University of Chicago Press, 196^.
Chicago:
Banfield, Edward. The Moral Basis of a Backward Society.
G1encoe, Illinois: Free Pres3, 195^•
Binder, Leonard. "National Integration and Political
Development," American Political Science Review,
LVII, No. 3 (September, 196^), 622-63.
Castetter, Edward and Willis Bell. Pima and Papago Agri­
culture. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico
Press, 19l|8.
Code Book: The Five Nation Study. Inter-University Consortium for Political Research, 1968.
219
220
Cohen, Felix S. (ed.). Handbook of Federal Indian Law,
Washington, D.C.1 U.S. Government Printing Office,
191+2.
• "The Erosion of Indian Rights, 1950-1953*" Yale
Law Journal, LXII, No. 3 (1953).
. "Indians are Citizens l" The American Indian, I,
No. 1+ (Summer, 19i+4)> 12-22.
Coleman, James and Carl Rosberg. Political Parties and
National Integration in Tropical Africa^ Berkeley
and Los Angeles: University of California Press,
1961+.
Collier, John. Indians of the Americas: the Long Hope.
New York! Mentor Books, The New American Library,
1948.
Comprehensive Demonstration Plan 1970*
Community, 1970.
Gila River Indian
Constitution and By-laws of the Gila River Indian Communlty. Arizona, March 17, 1960.
Cormack, Charles W. "Social structure and Economic pro­
duction on an Arizona Indian Reservation." Unpub­
lished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthro­
pology, The Ifciiversity of Arizona, 1968.
Dawson, Richard E. and Kenneth Prewitt. Political Social­
ization. Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1969.
Deutsch, Karl (ed.).
Press, 1963.
Nation-Building.
. The Nerves of Government.
Press, 1963.
New York:
New York:
Atherton
The Free
Drucker, Philip. "Culture Element Distributions—Yuman
Piman." Anthropological Records, Vol. 6, No. 3.
Berkeley: University of California Press, 191+1.
Ezell, Paul H. The Hispanic Acculturation of the Gila
River Pimas. TNO American Anthropological Associa­
tion, Memoir 90, Vol. LXIII, No. 5> Part 2, 1961.
Grossman, F. E. The Pima Indians of Arizona. The Annual
Report for 1071. The Smithsonian Institution.
Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government printing Office,
1873.
221
Haas, Ernst B. The Uniting of Europe: Political, Social
and Economic Forces. Stanford, Calif.: Stanford
University Press, 1958.
Haas, Theodore H. Ten Years of Tribal Government Under
IRA. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Indian Service, 191+7.
Hackenberg, Robert A. A Brief History of the Gila River
Reservation. Bureau of Ethnic Research. Dept. of
Anthropology, University of Arizona, 1955.
. Economic and Political Change Among the Gila
River Piraa Indians. A Report to the John Hay
Whitney Foundation, March 1955*
Hamilton, J. H. "A History of the Presbyterian Church
Among the Pima and Papago Indians of Arizona."
Unpublished Master's Thesis, The University of
Arizona, 1914-8.
Hawley, A. H. Human Ecology.
Company, 1950.
New York:
Ronald Press
Hirshberg, Richard I. and Janet F. Abrams. Local Utiliza­
tion of Federal Assistance Programs for American
Indians"! Menlo Park, California: Stanford
Research Institute, 1970.
Huntington, Samuel P. Political Order in Changing Socie­
ties. New Haven! Yale University Press, 1965.
Jacob, Philip E. and Henry Teune. "The Integrative
Process: Guidelines for Analysis of the Bases of
Political Community." The Integration of Political
Communities. Edited by Philip E. Jacob and James
V. Toscano. Philadelphia and New York: J. B.
Lippincott Company, 1961^..
Kautsky, John H. Political Change in Underdeveloped Coun­
tries, Nationalism and. Communism. New York: John
Wiley and Sons, Inc., 1962.
Landecker, Werner S. "Types of Integration and Their
Measurement," American Journal of Sociology, LVI,
No. Ij. (January, 1951)» 332-340.
222
Leonard, Olen and C. P. Loomis. "The Culture of a Contem­
porary Rural Community: El Cerrito, New Mexico."
Rural Life Studies. No. 1. Washington, D.C.:
U.S. Department of Agriculture, Bureau of Agri­
cultural Economics, November, 191+1.
Lerner, Daniel. The Passing of Traditional Society,
Modernizing the Middle East. New York: The Free
Press, 19i»o.
Martindale, Don. "The Formation of Destruction of Communities." Explorations in Social Change. Edited by
G. K. Zollschan and Walter Hirsh. Boston:
Houghton Mifflin Company, 196]+.
Meriam, Lewis, et al. The Problem of Indian Administration.
Institute for Governmental Research Studies in
Administration. Baltimore: The John Hopkins
Press, 1920.
NCAI Sentinel. National Congress of American Indians.
Washington, D.C.
Pearson, Keith L. "Processes of Political Development in
Navajo Community." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,
Department of Anthropology, The University of
Arizona, 1969.
"President Nixon Presents a New Indian Doctrine," Indian
Record (August, 1970).
Price, More. "Law and Social Order," Arizona State Law
Journalt Vol. II (1969), 161.
Pye, Lucian W. (ed.). Communications and Political Devel­
opment. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton Univer­
sity Press, 1963.
. Politics, Personality, and Nation Building. New
Haven and London: Yale University press, 1962.
Pye, Lucian W. and Sidney Verba (eds.). Political Culture
and Political Development. Princeton: Princeton
University Press, 1965.
Radcliffe, Brown, A. R. Structure and Function in Primi­
tive Society. New York: The Free Press, Macmillan
Company, 1965.
223
Research Report prepared by University of Arizona.
Eighteenth Arizona Townhall on the Arizona Indian
People and Tneir Relationship "Co the State's Total
Structure. Phoenix: Arizona Academy, 1971»
Robinson, John P., Jerrold G. Rusk and Kendra B. Head.
Measures of Political Attitudes, Institute for
Social Research! Ann Arbor: The University~jf
Michigan, 196b.
Roessel, Robert. Cases and Concepts in Community Developraent. Tempe: Arizona State University Press,
*1953.
Smith, Anne M. New Mexico Indians, Economic, Educational
and Social Problems. Sante Fe: Museum of New
Mexico Press, 1969.
Spicer, Edward H. A Short History of the Indians of the
United States. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold
Company, 196'^.
. Cycles of Conquest: the Impact of Spain,
Mexico, and the United States on the Indians of the
Southwest, 1533-1960Tucson: The University of
Arizona Press, 196c*.
Steward, Julian H. and Louis C. Paron. Native People of
South America. New York, 1959.
Tyler, S. Lyman. Indian Affairs: A Study of the Changes
in Policy of the United States Towards Indians^
Institute of American Indian Studies. Provo:
Brighara Young University, 196Z|.
. Indian Affairs: A Work paper on Termination
With an Attempt to Show its Antecedents. Institute
of American Indian Studies. Provo: Brigham Young
University, 196J4..
Walker, A. L. Report on Economic Conditions Existing on
the San Carlos Irrigation Project and the Gila
River Indian Reservation, Arizona. L03 Angeles:
U.S. Department of tho Interior, Office of Indian
Affairs, Irrigation Division, Agricultural Eco­
nomics Unit, 19U1+.
Weiner, Myron. "Political Integration and Political Devel«
opment," Annals of the American Academy, CCCLVIII
(March, 1$65), 52-64..
22k
Weiss, Carol H. and Margit A. Johansson. Data Collection
from Low-Income Populations. Bibliography, June
1966.
Wetzler, Lewis. "History of the Pimas." Unpublished Ph.D.
Thesis, University of California, Berkeley, 1949.
Whittemore, I. T. Among the Pimas. Albany:
Mission School Association, 1093»
55 I.D. 15, 1934.
Ladies Union

* Your assessment is very important for improving the work of artificial intelligence, which forms the content of this project