Annebta E



A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the


In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

.For the Degree of


In the Graduate College


1 9 6 9

g m a m m b y a u t h o r

This thesis has been submitted, in partial fulfillment of

requirements for an advanced degree at The University ©f Arizona

and is deposited in the University Library to be made available "

t© borrowers under rules of the library»

Brief quotations from this thesis are allowable without

special'permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source

is made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or

reproduction of this manuscript In whole or in part may be granted

by the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate

College when in his judgment the proposed use of the material is in

the interests of scholarship. In all other instances, however,

permission must be obtained from the author.

SIGHEDs a p b r q


a l

; bi t h e s i s


di r e c t o r


This thesis has been approved on the date shown below?

3 ^ 2 . ,

~ Date

. . .



Mgr interest was directed to problems of classification in

historical archaeology by an article written by my thesis director

Dr. Bernard Fontana (1965


and later by many discussions with him

%- deepest appreciation is extended to him for his time, patience,

and advicee

1 am also grateful to Dre Patrick Culbert and Dr* William

longacre, other members of my thesis committee, for the time they

spent reviewing


thesis and for the constructive criticisms they


My gratitude is extended to my husband, Charles Cheek, for

his support and his aid in correcting this thesis*

I wish to thank John Hanson for his helpful comments on

artifact typology, and Jerry Smith for his assistance in proof

reading the manuscript*

Finally, appreciation is expressed to Mrs* Hazel Gillie

for her advice and typing the manuscript*

................... \ .


ABSTRACT q * & * A o q * * q * o o o CO e e o q o q e o V




Population Movement „ . „

Nature and Extent of Change ‘..................

k 0


5# bTHER PERSPECTIVES........ '....................... 37


CONCLUSION » o O q q o o q o - ^4*3

REFERENCES .....................









Classification of historic aboriginal contact sites =




20 Classification of historic aboriginal contact artifacts




The study of culture contact and change is of major interest

to anthropologists„ The before, during and after phases of these

processes may be viewed simultaneously in archaeological materials«

The documentary evidence which is often available to aid in the

interpretation of historic period sites makes historic sites archae­ ology especially useful for the study of culture changea

Classification is an important problem in science, since it

is necessary to classify data to facilitate communication among the

scholars working in any particular discipline^

This thesis presents a typology of historic period aboriginal

contact sites, based upon the consideration of the degree of change

evidenced by the material from those sites and the occurrence of

population movement to the sites 0

Representative samples of each

class in the typology are presented®

Problems caused by the use of the features of change and

population movement, such as the difficulty of discovering the cause

of a particular movement, are discussed#,

Another major problem is the determination of different

degrees of change solely on the basis of archaeological remains


This determination is approached through the development of a

typology of contact period artifact types*

Finally, other features which might be used in the study of

culture contact and change are discussed*



The study of culture change provides one of the major in­

terests of anthropologists* Transeulturation, change occasioned by

the contact of two or more cultures, is of particular interest because

change may be accelerated and intensified under the influence of

contact and thus may be more apparent to those interested in studying

this phenomenona The material of the cultural anthropologist does

not allow him to view concurrently the before, during, and after

phases of the processes of change, even in contact situations* The

archaeologist, however, may see these three aspects simultaneously

in his data* Thus, in the areas of culture contact and culture

change, archaeology may have significant contributions to make to

anthropological theory* This may be especially true of archaeology

of the historic period in which the data derived from excavation are

supplemented by documentary evidence*

Before a particular area of knowledge can be adequately

studied, it is necessary to classify its subject matter in a meaning­

ful way* Without such a classification, studies of the material are

often not comparable or are comparable only with much preliminary

work* Consequently, much time and effort are wasted and the develop­ ment of the field of knowledge is retarded *


the following classification of historic contact sites in

North America was devised in the hope it will prove usefml as an

heuristic device or as a means of communication,, Because the data

are so extensive, primary interest was restricted to aboriginal sites

and to the changes occurring in the aboriginal culture 0

The classification is based on distinctive feature analysis,

a device borrowed from linguistic methodology (Oolby 1966 s 3 = 32 ;

Wallace and Atkins 1960 s 58 80 ; Sturtevant 1961*8 98-131) 0

Two features

were chosen as a means of establishing mutually exclusive classes of

siteso These features are population movement and the nature and ex­

tent of changeo It was felt that the classification of sites on the

basis of these features might result in categories which are related

to culture processes of contact and change=

Evidence for population movement has long been of interest to

archaeologists^ Aboriginal population movement in historic times was

often motivated by Europeans, although this influence was often in­

direct* The exact reasons for a particular move are related to the

type of contact occurring, and information on these factors may be

present in the archaeological material„

Much of the change which occurred in the various aboriginal

cultures during the transition from prehistoric to historic times, as

well as that which occurred during historic times, is attributable in

some way to the Europeans* This influence may have been direct, as

in trading situations, or indirect, as in the effects of European

originated diseases on the aboriginal population* The extent and

kind of change in the Indian cultures was affected by the nature of

European influence (Quimby




Contrary to the use of componential analysis in linguistics,

it is not implied here that these two features are innately meaning-

ful, They are not the only features which could be used as a basis

of classifications they are not even necessarily the best ones



that matter, there is probably no single best classification of this

material 0

lather, sites may be classified in whatever manner proves

most useful to a particular study, since each classification empha­


sizes different features of the situation and may therefore reveal

6 l|.6£)0

Although this method allows the establishment of a theoreti­

cally mutually exclusive set of classes, the archaeological remains

and documentary evidence available for a site will rarely allow that

site to be placed without hesitation into a particular category


Furthermore, the same site may fit into a different category at dif­

ferent times in the history of that site* Nevertheless, if knowledge

of a site at a certain time were complete, it could be placed without

question into one class*

The feature of population movement concerns the occupation of

a site as a result of movement of the aboriginal group, when that

movement was caused in some way by European influence* An historic

period Indian site which was so founded is termed Resettlede An his­

toric site with both pre- or protohistorie and contact phases, or

which was first settled during historic times but not as a result of

European influenced movement, is considered Stationary*

The changes occurring in the aboriginal culture as a result of

direct or indirect European influence form the basis of the second

feature* Three degrees of change are isolated


These three have a

very rough correlation with the length of contact* For example, the

first degree often results from the shortest, least intense, contact.

More than one of these three types of change may, of course, be evi=

deneed at any single site* For purposes of this classification, they

are considered in an ascending order and.a site is classified accord­ ing to the highest degree of change for which evidence is present.

For example, if both types one and two appear to be present the site

is classified as type two*

The first type of change occurs when a few European elements

are added to the material inventory of the Indians without necessarily

replacing the corresponding aboriginal elements. This change is es­

sentially superficial and is frequently the result of simple trade

relations with the Europeans (Quimby 1966s 9), or even merely with

other Indians who in turn have traded with the Europeans. The arti­

facts involved are rarely found consistently fulfilling needs in the

aboriginal culture. This type of change is termed Addition.

The second type of change is characterised by the Replacement

of aboriginal elements by European elements. The replaced traits may

be, but are not necessarily, material ones. Ideally, it should be

possible to demonstrate that a '‘need


has developed for the traits involved. The change is generally found

to have occurred consistently throughout the culture rather than

merely in isolated instances„ That is, there has been a change in a

The third type of change occurs where there is evidence for

Social Change in the aboriginal culture^ All instances of social

change will not be apparent from the documentary or archaeological

evidence, and it may often be difficult to separate this type of

change from either of the previous twoQ Only those eases in which

social change is apparent will be included here* Social change is

taken to include such things as changes in the kinship system or in

the political establishments of the culture* This change must endure

in the absence of the force which originally caused the change* If

there is a general reversion to aboriginal ways after the change

agent is removed, it cannot be considered that social change has

occurred (Goodenough 1963s


)* These changes are the most difficult

to define and for which to establish evidence, but they are the most

important for anthropological theory*

When these, features are arranged in chart form in such a way

that all possible combinations are considered, the results are as

shown in Figure



The classes generated are as follows:

A* These are sites which have been settled as a result of move­

ment of the aboriginal population, when that movement was motivated,

directly or indirectly, by Europeans* The only change present is

the addition of some non-aboriginal elements to the material culture*

B* These are sites which are still found at the location they

occupied during prehistoric times, or whose settlement was not



Social Change










Figure 1. Classification of historic aboriginal contact




Europeans= Change is limited to the addition of some

European material elements


Go These sites have been settled as a result of European moti­

vated movement of the aboriginal population. Change now extends to

the replacement of some aboriginal traits with European traits


Do These are sites which are still found at their prehistoric

locations, or whose settlement was not influenced by Europeans


Change extends to the replacement of some aboriginal traits by Euro­ pean traitSo ■

So Sites in this class have been settled as a result of European

motivated movement. Change extends into the social structure of the


Fo These sites are still at their prehistoric locations, or

their settlement was not motivated by European influence» Change

extends into the aboriginal social structure*


When the literature on specific historic aboriginal sites is

consulteds one finds that many of them fit readily into the proposed

classification^ Often, however, the data available about a site are

insufficient to allow it to be placed without question into a class„

This is especially true of sites which give evidence of little con­ tact,, They are usually from a time or place for which scanty docu­ mentary information is available, making placement more unsure 0


is particularly difficult to ascertain whether sites from the early

stages of contact were settled as a result of European motivated

movement unless written documentation is on hand* Even then the

sources may fail to give the pertinent information* During later

stages of contact it becomes easier to tell if such movement took

place, with or without documentary evidence*

The following sites were selected for presentation because

they seemed to be particularly clear examples of their respective


A* Site settled as a result of European motivated movement, with

change restricted to the addition of some non-aboriginal material


The Zimmerman site is located on the north bank of the

Illinois River in LaSalle County, Illinois* It lies across the

river from the former site of Fort St


Louiss which was built by Rene-

Robert Gavelier LaSalle and Henri de Tonti in 1682


The main occupants of the site were the Kaskaskia^ a branch

of the Iliniweko They had a large village there in prehistoric and

early contact times, called the Grand Village of the Kaskaskia, with


In 1680 this settlement was destroyed by

the Iroquois, and the Iliniwek temporarily abandoned the area


Attracted by the new fort, they returned in 1682-83 and rebuilt part

of their village


The documentary evidence indicates that this new

settlement was probably at the same location as the earlier one*

Several other Indian groups who had hitherto little connection

with the area were also attracted to the vicinity of the fort. They

included Miami? Missouri, Kilatika, and Mahigan, Several bands of

Shawnee came from the east, probably from the banks of the Ohio River,

The Shawnee proper settled on the bank of the Illinois River opposite

the fort and right next to the new Iliniwek village.

With the decline of the fort and Its eventual permanent

abandonment in 1718, the various Indian groups drifted away from the

area leaving it less heavily populated than it had been in pre-contact

times. The Kaskaskia had abandoned their major village by 1700, by

which time the fort also had been temporarily abandoned. The Miami,

Mahican and Shawnee left the fort as well as the general region in

1688-89 (Brown 1961s 7-21, 74-77),

The Zimmerman site contains five components. The prehistoric

and historic Really components seem to relate to the prehistoric and

10 the two historic Iliniwek occupations, respectively


The Swanson

component appears to be a prehistoric late Woodland complexj the

Zimmerman component is a tenuous historic Oneota complex,, These

last two are not definitely associated with any ethnographic group.

The best defined component, an historic Fort Ancient complex which

is intrusive to the area, is termed the Banner component. This is

almost certainly associated with the Shawnee who were attracted to

the area by the fort. The Shawnee village is shown at approximately

this location on two maps dating from





The Banner component was excavated from unmixed contexts in

one portion of the site and elsewhere from the most recent strata

where it was mixed with other assemblages. Twenty-five features

were assigned to Danner, Including various storage and roasting pits,

a deposit of rocks which was perhaps the remains of a sweat house,

and at least two burials, lone of the three houses excavated be­

longed to the Banner component. Despite the number of features

assigned to this complex, few artifacts were definitely associated

with Banner, Aboriginal artifacts included ceramics, small triangular

projectile points, various scraper types, a whetstone, and a bison

scapula hoe and spade. Floral and faunal remains indicate a subsis­ tence based mainly on corn agriculture and bison hunting,

European artifacts associated with the Danner component are

rather scanty. They include ornaments made from brass or copper

wire twisted into a spring like shape, iron knife fragments, an iron

axe head, and a few unidentifiable fragments» In general, the


inventory does not give evidence of extensive change in the native

culture. The relatively short period of contact, about





would indicate that change might have indeed been minimal. However,

it would be quite interesting to know what motives prompted the

Shawnee to move from the Ohio River to the area of Port St, Louis,

and what changes these motives represented or caused in the culture,

B 0

Site still at its prehistoric location, with change restricted

to the addition of some non-aboriginal material elements,

ilhite Cat Village (25HN37) in Harlan County Reservoir,

Mebraska, is assigned to the Diamal.River Aspect, which is found in

parts of Nebraska, Kansas, Colorado, and Wyoming about 1675-1725,

This aspect is generally attributed to the Plains Apache, The mate­

rial culture of these people was simple and hunting was the primary

subsistence activity. Some agriculture was practiced, however, and

this site in particular was favorable to such pursuits (Gunnerson

I 960 : Ihl-lW),

The architecture at White Cat Village is very interesting.

The structures were semipermanent, about lit feet in diameter, and

built either on the surface or in a shallow excavation. Almost all

houses were supported by a five post foundation, arranged in a

pentagon, A line passing through the center of the five post holes

describes almost a perfect circle (Gunnerson I960: llt6-57),

It is interesting to compare a site located in northeastern

New Mexico with White Cat Village, This site was found upon excava­ tion to be typically Dismal River, although it had long been assumed

to be puebloan on the basis of the seven room adobe structure which

occurred there (Gunnerson 1969; 25)*


White Oat Tillage was dated at 1723 by dendrochronology* By

this times the Plains Apache supposedly had access to the horse, a

fact which caused rapid and extensive cultural change (Secoy 1953


However, it is not inconceivable that the horse had not spread as far

northeast as 25HM37 by this time* No horse bones have been found at

any Dismal River Aspect sites (Gunnerson 1960s 177)s and apparently

no artifacts associated with the horse have been found either*

Indeed, the archaeological evidence indicates that few

European trade goods found their way to this area in this time

period* The artifactual inventory, of 25®37 is almost purely abo­

riginal* Chipped stone artifacts are most typical, and include end

and side scrapers, projectile points, drills, choppers, and knives.

One metate was found* Bone artifacts include awls, beads, and

fleshers* Only three European items were found during the excavation,

although several others were found on the surface. These three were

a jingle of thin sheet brass, a piece of sheet copper, and an iron

axe probably of French or English origin* Other Dismal River Aspect

sites show a similar paucity of European material, and it is reason­

able to infer that European influence on this aspect in general and

White Cat Tillage in particular was minimal. In fact, such a site

may be considered to represent the very earliest phase of European

influence on American Indian culture*


G 0 Site settled as a result of European motivated movement«

change extending to the replacement of some aboriginal traits with

European traits„

I was unable to find reports of any sites which clearly fall

into this category= Although I examined a considerable amount of

literature 5

on historic aboriginal sites. It is entirely possible that such a

site has been studied and is reported in the literature* Even if

this is not the case, the lack of an example for this category in

no way decreases any value my classification might have* The classi­

fication is a theoretical system constructed so that it includes all

logical possibilities of combinations of featuress and it is not

necessary that an actual example of all of these possibilities should


D* Site still at its prehistoric location, with change extending

Grow Village, in southwestern Alaska, was probably first

settled by the Yupik Eskimo in the early iSOO's* This settlement is

one of the farthest inland of this group of Eskimo and was probably

the result of their eastward expansion from the coast* The village

was established before the period of Ihite contact, although a few

traders had penetrated the area by that time* The site was occupied

until about 1901 , at which time it was abandoned because of the de­

population resulting from an epidemic of influenza, measles,

pneumonia, and whooping cough (Oswalt and VanStone





8 4

.) * t

Direct White contact with Orow Village probably first occurred

in the 1830’So Throughout the rest of the life of this village con­

tact occurred with Russians and later Americans on a fairly regular

basis* Nevertheless, this contact did not seem to have a very great

affect on the life of the people of Orow Village (Oswalt and VanStone

1967 s 77)#- the Russians seemed to be interested only in trading for

fur and did not interfere with the internal affairs of the Eskimo,

This attitude perhaps applied even more to the area around Grow

Village than to other areas in which the Russians traded, for it was

at the fringe of their sphere of influence. There was little change

in this attitude with the advent of the American period in 186?

(Oswalt and VanStone 1967$ 77-82),

Gontinuity from precontact times is marked in the artifactual

inventory recovered from the site. New forms based on European

models are rare, though trade goods and native items made from

European materials are fairly frequent. Trade goods include cans

from canned foods, some porcelain, glass beads, nails, kettles,

buckets, axe heads, shoes and a few other items. The most commonly

used European materials were metal, especially tin. Tin was made

into knife blades, salmon dart heads, and dishes. The excavators

of the site, Oswalt and VanStone, feel that these trade items relate

to aspects of culture in which innovation would not be disruptive,

nor would it affect the culture as a whole.

The Russian Orthodox Church made an effort to Christianize the Eskimos in this area. However, at the end of the Russian era,

the Eskimos poorly understood the nature of Christianity, and the

church buildings were soon abandoned (Oswalt and VanStone


?s 80,


83)o Church influence was not reestablished until the end of the

19th century and none of the missionary activities played a major

part in the lives of the people of Grow Tillage, .No chapel or church

was ever built on the site (Oswalt and VanStone 196?s 83 ),

The list of trade goods seems to indicate that European

related to household activities, Ethnohistoric materials show that

a new importance was attached to fur trapping as a result of Russian

and American pressures, so it is reasonable to expect that some

changes occurred in the associated behavioral complex. However,

this change seems to have been little more than an increase in em­

phasis on these activities, with more time and effort being spent

trapping than was the case in prehistoric times. There was little

apparent change in the artifacts associated with trapping (Qswalt

and VanStone




, 73)»

Thus it would seem that the onset of the contact period

brought few far-reaching changes into the lives of the people of

Crow Village, Besides the probable changes which occurred in house­

hold activities with the acquisition of some European implements and

canned goods, and the new emphasis on trapping, little change is

attested to by the artifactual or documentary record.

; 16



Site settled as a result of European motivated movement, with

change extending into the social structure»

La PurisimaMission, a Franciscan frontier mission at Lompoc,

California, was constructed in 1812 to serve the Ghumash Indians


Archaeological work was begun there in the 1930

8 s


In the summer of

1963, James Beets directed the excavation of a tanning vat complex,

a blacksmith shop, and a segment of the Indian barracks« The last

is the most important here (Beets 1962-63: 165-66 )0

The material culture of the Indians residing in the barracks

was a blend of Hispanic and aboriginal elements


The former repre­ sented about


of the total, and included nails and spikes, iron

knife blades, lead-glazed earthenware, an iron axe head, bottle

fragments, porcelain, an iron hoe, a kemal of wheat, scissors, an

iron razor, an iron jack knife, an iron sickle, glass beads, and

some cow bones


The aboriginal elements comprised about

20% of


total inventory, and included shell beads, two arrowshaft straight-

eners, coma! fragments, a few stone flakes, basket fragments, manos,

mortars, and pestles (Beetz 1962-63:




, 196-2010„

Ihen these items and their frequencies are compared to those

from Alamo Pintado, a nearby contemporary Ghumash village, Beetz

believes that certain social changes are revealed


He feels that

the role of the male in Ghumash society had changed considerably

from that of precontact times® There was a drastic reduction in

chipped stone at the mission, even considering that the village prob­ ably had a larger population. This, combined with the historical


knowledge that the Indians at the mission were engaged in farming,

indicates that hunting and thus stone working no longer played an

important part in the life of the Chumash malee Consequentlys his

role in the society probably changed considerably^ It seems to me

that many of the male associated artifacts are Spanish= Notably,

most of the aboriginal male associated artifacts were recovered from

the older portion of the barracks (Deetz 1968 $ 12 $)0

On the other hand, there is great similarity in the

portion of female associated artifacts at the mission and at the

villageo For that matter, as Deetz points out, most of the Indian

artifacts at the mission could be considered female associated, such

as the comal fragments, manos, mortars, and pestles (Deetz 1962-63$

187-89)o This may indicate a greater stability in the female role

from prehispanic to Hispanic times 9

These apparent differences in the degree of change in the

male and female spheres of culture indicate that there was a rather

different orientation to daily life in historic times than there had

been in prehistoric times. Further indications of change in the

culture include the presence of the single wheat grain and the rather

considerable amount of cattle bones, suggesting that there was a

considerable difference in the economic aspects of the historic

period culture* This is, of course, supported by the historic record,

which details other changes in the life of the mission Indians due

to the rather extensive influences of the Mission Fathers.




Site still at its prehistoric location, with change extending

into the social structure 0

inhabited from before the arrival of the Spaniards until 1671 or 1672»

By that time little remained of the culture or people as they had

been in pre-Columbian times* The final


or so Jumano abandoned

their homes and moved west and south, some to the Bio Grande Piro

villages and some to the Manse mission at 11 Paso*

The first actual contact between the Spaniards and the peoples

of the Jumano region probably occurred in 1582, although the Spaniards

were not unknown to the Indians before that time, individual explorers

having passed through the area numerous times since the early 1500


From 1582 until the abandonment of their pueblo the Jumano, like other

peoples of the region, were subjected to extensive and diverse Spanish


The Spaniards came to colonize, to convert the heathen, to

live off the land, the mines and the people* They found it necessary

to extract tribute from the Indians for their own support even though

in many eases the natives of this waterless land were hard pressed to

support themselvese In addition, Indians were forced to contribute

labor for the building of churches and for the construction of Santa

Fe, to produce goods to enrich the coffers of the civil hierarchy, to

herd the livestock of the church and the civil-military officialsj

they were forced to supply the clergy and military personnel with

servants, occasionally they were even sold on the slave markets of



Mew Spaino They were forced to work the colonistsf farms and even­

tually the pueblo was placed in the encomienda system, under which the

Indians regularly made a payment of labor to certain individuals, most

frequently soldiers who in this way were being rewarded for their

services to the Crown„

During the last decades of the life of the pueblo the Jumano

were subjected to Apache raidsa Previously, the Apaches had fairly

friendly trade relations with Gran Quivira, but they turned against

the Jumanos, who were the unwilling associates of the Spaniards, when

the Spaniards began the practice of raiding the Apache for slaves*

The Catholic church exerted a strong influence in Gran

Quivira* The first recorded missionary efforts there occurred in

1627* Over the years the people of the pueblo constructed a chapel

and later a large church with a convento, which replaced the kivas

of the town as centers of religious activities* The clergy actively

attempted to suppress the old ceremonials and rituals, destroying

much religious paraphernalia and punishing the Indians for trans­

The influence of the civil authorities was frequently in

direct opposition to the wishes of the clergy* The civil authorities

resented and feared the authority and power of the Catholic church,

and disliked the economic competition for Indian goods and labor

which the church represented* It was a common occurrence for the

government to punish the Indians for doing something they had been

ordered by the church to do, and to obstruct the influence of the



the Indians were undoubtedly

quite confused by the two conflicting pressurese

In 1666 a drought began which lasted at least until 1670c

Four hundred fifty Gran Quivira Jumano died of starvation and many of

the weakened survivors were struck by an epidemic 0

Finallys the

Apache depredations of this period brought about the abandonment of

the pueblo (Vivian 196k)*

Thus the period of Spanish contact resulted in dramatic

changes in the lifeways of the Jumano 0 The native religion was sup­

pressed, to be replaced by Gatholicism, although the latter was

certainly not without aboriginal elements


The daily life of the

individual was drastically altered* It is probably reasonable to

conclude that these influences plus the degree of depopulation due

to disease resulted in extensive changes in the social relationships

of the peopleo Eventually the changes in the culture of Gran Quivira

were so extensive that the people were dispersed and lost their

identity as Jumano


The material remains from Gran Quivira give some indications

of the extensive change which occurred there* The pottery type

Tabira Black-on-white, which has antecedents traced back at least to

Pueblo II times, at the time of the advent of the Spanish evidenced

a distinct change in decorative style* Many features of design seem

to be a direct result of Spanish influence, such as heavy crosses

and apparent copies of Spanish tile designs* Spanish ceramic forms

begin to appear in some of the plain ware from the site, e.g.,

chalice forms and candlesticks*


Few specimens of European origin survived» Two pieces of

copper were found 0

One was a fragment of sheeting, the other a disk

with a stamped design which has been tentatively identified as a

button or part of a clasp. One iron blade, possibly part of a tool

for shearing sheep, was found, along with four other badly rusted

pieces of iron 6

The faunal remains contained a good number of domestic sheep

bones. Sheep were probably 1

by the iron blade, and for food. The presence of this behavioral

complex, which is supported by the documentary record, can be taken

as an indication of fairly extensive changes in the Indian lifeway.

Horse bones were also common at the site. This also may be

taken as evidence of rather extensive behavioral and social change,

supported again by the documentary record.

The most obvious evidences of Spanish presence and influence

are found in architecture. The chapel of San Isidro, measuring 10P x.

29 feet, was the earliest Christian structure at the site. Later, a

larger church, San Buenaventura, was built, as well as an attached

would be very difficult to fail to Identify these buildings as

European in conception (Vivian 1961}.),

Although the artifactual remains do give some indications of

the nature and extent of change which occurred during contact times,

our knowledge would be sadly lacking were it not for the documentary

record, especially if the Spanish architecture were not present.


However, a more detailed study of the material remains of the Jumano

culture as it appeared before the arrival of the Spanish and again

near the end of the life of the pueblo might result in more extensive

clues to the processes and results of social change


Such information

might also result from the excavation of a larger portion of the

native habitation area at Gran Quivira* If this were done, it would

be most interesting to compare the artifactual assemblages from here

and from 'La Purisima, to see if there would be any discerhible dif­ ferences in the nature of change at the two sites*

0H&HSR 3


The preceding classification may often prove useful in its

present form to the study of prehistoric sites. However? there may

be complicating factors, suggesting that a further refinement of the

distinctive features chosen may be necessary for the classification

to be meaningful or to allow for the discovery of more useful informa­ tion.

Population Movement

.The amount of effort directed to the study of this factor of

population movement at any particular site may vary with the problems

being studied= I feel that the occurrence of movement and the moti­

vation behind it, if discernible from the archaeological data, may

frequently be profitable subjects of inquiry if one is interested in

studying the processes of culture contact and change 6

Although "migration" and "population movement" have not been

used with exact equivalence in archaeology, nevertheless the problems

that might arise from the utilization of either of these concepts are

similar, and they will therefore be considered interchangeable for

the purposes of this discussion (see James N 0

Hill 1<?63)„ The concept

of migration has frequently been invoked in archaeology to explain

changeo As House notes (195»8: 6U), it is unfortunate that most

studies of this topic have been restricted to the inference of migra­ tion from prehistoric evidence


Since this concept has been so

controversial 5

due to its extensive and often irresponsible use as an

explanatory device,, it would seem desirable to study the nature of the

archaeological record left by known occurrences 0

Many of the best

examples of known cases of population movement are, of course, those

which involve historic sites and which are noted in the documentary

recordo An extensive survey of historic sites settled as a result

of population movement may reveal some common features, or may allow

a refined description of such features as are known from prehistoric


That is, historic archaeology may serve as a laboratory

for testing hypotheses of migration


The use of population movement as a distinctive feature pre­

sents a number of difficulties, especially since it is sometimes

Impossible to isolate the motivation behind a particular move



ments that occurred during the historic period, but which were not

influenced by the Europeans are not included here* It may not be

possible to distinguish in the archaeological record such a ease from

the instances where movement was the result of European influence*

Similarly, it often happened that an Indian group moved its residence

in an attempt to avoid European contact, or because it was being

pushed by another group which in turn was being influenced by the

Europeanso For example, much of the llandan, Arikara and Hidatsa

movement in early historic times was the result of pressure, from the

horse Indians of the Plains, though little or no actual contact with

Europeans occurred



Influence of Europeans on the basis of archaeological evidence alone

is Impossible to say, and the likelihood of discerning this influence

would differ from case to case*

The motives behind a movement may tell much concerning the

nature of the contact involved* These motives may sometimes be in­

ferred from the archaeological remains* For example, trade with the

Europeans might have been an important factor=

In the North, the documentary record shows that the fur trade

was a factor behind considerable population movement„ At Eskimo,

sites which were moved to the locale of American or Russian trading

posts the desire for trade goods and the increased emphasis on fur

trapping might in some eases be revealed by the nature of the archae­ ological remains*

Movement may have been forced or encouraged by the Europeans

to bring the Indians into settlements which were easier to administer,

to take better advantage of their labor, or to missionize them* The

purpose behind the movement of the Chumash to the site of la Parisima

was fairly apparent from the nature of the archaeological remains*

Further, once it can be stated that an attempt was being made to

missionize these Indians, the circumstances of this contact situation

cam, to a certain degree, be reconstrueted


The apparent shift in

male roles and stability in female roles is a good example of such

a circumstance*

Mature and Extent of Change

As in the ease ef population movement? the study of change

that occurred at sites presents several difficulties* However it is

well worth the effort required to overcome these obstacles, since any

information obtained about change may contribute to the general body

of anthropological knowledge*

The reconstruction of occurrences of contact and change at

archaeological sites, must usually be based entirely on artifactual

assemblages and the changes which took place in them as a result of


However, there is no necessary, direct relationship between

artifactual and cultural change* Artifacts are att best an imperfect

reflection of cultural processes, and indeed may be misleading, as

some of the following examples will illustrate* Nevertheless, arti­

facts are often the sole evidence available, and if used with caution

may provide useful evidence about culture change*

It is sometimes difficult to attribute the occurrence of

change, especially when it reaches into the social structure of a

group, to the Influence of Europeans* Extensive alterations often

were brought .about with little or no actual contact* The changes

in the culture of the Plains Indians which occurred when they acquired

the horse were very great, even though Europeans in most cases were

many miles removed from the affected aboriginal groups: (Lehmer and

Jones 1968s 82)* Cultural changes occurring all along the route of

Be Soto and his men were extensive and widespread, largely as the

result of European diseases which the expedition introduced into the

area (Chapman and Chapman


3l)„ % the time missionaries arrived

there was little left of the great Mississippian cultures because of

the depopulation which had taken place

If the documentary evidence

were not available, the almost total lack of European goods in archae­

ological contexts dating to the early historic period of this area

would probably make it impossible to attribute these changes to

European influence,, This case is a particularly good example of the

lessons which might be learned from historical archaeology by pre-

"Whereas population movement is a clear cut situation allowing

an absolute distinction between Stationary and Resettled sites, with

no intermediate cases occurring to cause problems, such is not the

case with the use of change as a distinctive feature» Taking culture

as a whole, the changes that occur fall along a continuum from no

change to, in this ease, complete take-over by the European culture


Any isolation of categories along this continuum must to some degree

be arbitrarya However, it may be possibletthab some ways of dividing

the continuum will maximize the information that is retrieved from

the data* It was with this hope that the three degrees of change

used in this paper were chosen* The literature did indicate, for

example, that if the only evidence of European influences were a

few trade goods, the effect on the total culture was probably mini­

excellent example of such an exception may be found in the acquisition

of steel axes by the Australian Aboriginals* This single item

produced great alterations in the structure of social relationships

(Sharp 1952)o It should be noted that it was just such items that

Oswalt and VanStone felt probably had a minimal influence on the cul­ ture at Crow.Village


The presence of these steel axes would be the only obvious

evidence of the influence of European culture in the material remains

of the Australian culture, and it is unlikely that an archaeologist

would postulate extensive social changes on this basis alone



.an archaeological assemblage from an Australian site of this area and

time would probably enter the literature as an example of the simple

addition of European material elements to the native inventory« It

is possible, however, that a more cautious and detailed study of the

artifactual assemblage from such a site might turn up some indica­

tions of the extensive change which had occurred, Beetz was

successful in finding evidence for social change in the changes in

ceramic attribute clustering in Arikara ceramics, though the Euro­

pean artifacts from the various Arikara sites generally indicated

no influence greater than Addition in the early historic period and

Replacement in later periods (Beetz 1965)#

SHAHSi. |Y oifsmnmTioi o f ghaigb

How might one go about determining the degree of change that

had occurred at a site,, without recourse to the documentary evidence?

It would be folly to expect that some absolute solution to this

problem can be found$ but some sites and artifactual assemblages

might be analyzed in such a way that the nature of change is revealed


The material culture of a native group may be affected in a number of

ways by the influence of another culture, beyond the mere addition of

items which originated in the influencing culture* Quimby discusses

a number of "categories of change



He considers the form of the artifacts, material used in the pro­

duction of the artifacts, and the technique of manufacture, as well

as the manufacturer* Using these four factors, he arrives at the

following "categories of change:"

New types of artifacts received through trade or other

contact channels


New types of artifacts of forms copied from introduced

models, but reproduced locally of native materials by

native manufacture*

New types of artifacts of introduced forms, made and/or

decorated locally, partly from native materials and

partly from imported materials *

New types of artifacts of introduced forms, manufactured

locally from imported materials through the use of am

introduced technique or a native technique similar to

the introduced one*


Old types of artifacts modified by the substitution'©f an

imported material for a local material that was inferior

in physical properties# lacking in prestige, or harder to


Old types of artifacts modified by the substitution of

either imported material or heretofore unused local

material, the use of which involves a different techno­ logical principle to achieve a similar end product,,

Old types of artifacts modified by the introduction of a

new element of subject matter (Quimby 1966 ; 9-11 )0

It is unfortunate that Quimby, having devised such a poten­

tially rewarding scheme, ignores it in the rest of his work. Further,

I feel that his system can be made more logical and productive by

reworking it into the form of a eomponential analysis similar to that

used to arrive at a classification of contact situations* If Quimby1s

three aspects of form, material, and technique of manufacture are

used as distinctive features of an artifact, the eomponential analysis

shown in Figure 2 can be devised*

European manufactured items are excluded from this classifi­

cation since the introduction of one additional feature, Manufacturer,

would double the categories in the analysis* However, it is possible

to consider this feature if desired* Indeed, it may sometimes be

profitable to include it in the analysis* For example, the literature

reveals that in areas subject to English and French influence items

manufactured by the Europeans for the purpose of trade with the

Indians are frequently found in archaeological contexts* In areas

where contact was solely with the Spanish, no such special "trade

goods" are found* Rather, the European items found were goods used



European Material Native Material

European Indian European

Technique Technique Technique










Figure 2, Classification of historic aboriginal contact artifacts.


the Spaniards for their own purposes^ with surplus items being

traded to the Indianse This difference can be considered a reflection

of the different attitudes which the Spaniards, as opposed to the

English and French, held toward.the native populations (Anderson


personal communication)0

Most of Quimby’s categories can readily be fit into this ex­

panded scheme0 For example, the category "new types of artifacts of

introduced forms, manufactured locally from imported materials through

the use of an introduced technique or a native technique similar to

the introduced one" can be divided between class A and Be

Examples of at least some of these calsses should perhaps be

presented here to clarify the analysis0 Clothing of European style

made of imported cloth would be placed in A 0 Bone combs copied from

imported combs or molds made of local stone for the casting of lead

bullets would fit into D 0 Scrapers made of sheet brass from kettles

would fall into class E 0 Items in class 1 would be purely aboriginal,

showing no European influence0

Another factor, when superimposed over the preceding classi­

fication, may further add to its utility« Linton isolated four

qualities of an artifacts form, function, use, and meaning (1936)»

Form includes such characteristics as size and shape which can be

directly observed* Use is the relation of the artifact to things

external to the culture, the objective purpose of the artifact*

Function includes the relation of the artifact to things within the

culture, its total contribution to the continuity of the culture®


Meaning includes the subjective associations attached to the artifact

by the people in the culture (Linton 1936 s


Since the attributes of the form of an object are directly

observables this quality of any artifact is available to the archae­

ologist for analysisg The use of an object is sometimes hard to

ascertains especially for items from archaeological contexts, but at

other times it may be apparent from the form, or it may be inferred

from other Information such as ethnographic analogy. The function

and meaning of objects are the most difficult qualities to ascertain,

in either an ethnographic or an archaeological situation, but they

are the qualities which can reveal most about the culture of a people.

It is therefore toward an understanding of these two characteristics

that the scholar must strive,

in object taken into a new culture from a donating culture

does not necessarily simultaneously carry with it these four quali­

ties, Indeed, as Linton suggests, form always precedes the other

three in cases of contact,, The non-simultaneous nature of this

process of acceptance might prove useful to the study of culture .

change. This is especially true in the case of ethnography, since

it may be possible to assess the extent of change which has occurred

in a culture in regards to a particular artifact at a particular

point in time. For instance, one often finds references to abori­

ginals using for ornamentation European items which in the European

culture are put to a far different use. Later, perhaps, the object

is used by the natives in a manner more in accord with its purpose

in the European culture.

Such analysis might not be quite as useful to the archaeolo­

gist, for he often has difficulty discovering the use to which an

object was put. It is usually impossible to ascertain if a European

item recovered from an Indian site was used for the same purpose as

in the European culture. However, occasionally some evidence exists

about the use of an object and thus about the stage of change,

A good example of such a situation occurs in Deetz's Arikara

material. The protohistoric Stanley phase lasted from 1700 to 1750,

During this time, European trade material was.introduced into the

Middle Missouri area. However, this material is seldom recovered

from Stanley phase sites in unmodified form (Deetz 1965: 16)* Ho

metal artifact in the collection from the type site for this phase,

the Dodd site, is of European manufacture. Rather, the pieces are

native utilizations of white material to make native artifacts. The

most typical examples of this are the pieces of metal halted in bison

ribs to make knives (Lehmer 1954: 72),

In contrast to the Stanley phase, the following Snake Butte,

phase is characterized by the import of European objects which are

used without modification, possibly in a fashion similar to their

use by Europeans (Deetz 1965: 17), Although some European material

was still used to make Indian artifacts, many of the European goods

from the sites of this period are without doubt of White manufacture

(lehmer 1954: 113),

In such a situation, the altered form of all metal artifacts

during the earlier phase, definitely suggests that the Indians had not

accepted the European use of the item, and therefore not the function

or the meaning, either. During the second phase, the unaltered nature

of the items suggests that they may have been used by the Indians as

influence of the White culture on the Indian culture was more exten- .

sive than previously, and that these artifacts were becoming incor­

porated into the Indian "culture# It may be that the European function

and meaning were becoming associated with these artifacts, but this

is impossible to say from the archaeological data, at least until

more refined methods of analysis are developed.

The Arikara case is not the only one in the literature. For

example, the assemblage from Grow Village, where aecaLturating in­ fluences were apparently not strong, also had many examples of arti­

facts made in native style from European materials (Oswalt and Van

Stone 1967)0

The above discussion of the four qualities of an artifact,

coupled with the foregoing componential analysis of artifactual

change, suggest a method for assessing the nature and extent of

change at a site from the material remains. In general, it might be

expected that artifacts which fall into classes of the analysis which

are characterized by the feature "Indian Form" show less accultura­

tion to European culture than do artifacts characterized by "European

Form," Furthermore, class H probably shows less change than F or G,

which in turn show less than 1, The classes typified by "European

Form" might be similarly considered#


A hypothetical example of this method of analysis follows6

The Indian-produced artifacts from a site are found to distribute'in

the following manner among the classes of the componential analysis0

A -

3 %




B -


0 -

0 -

3% 8


Another site shows a different distribution, as follows„

A - 5# B - 13#

1 - 3# .

F - 11#

0 - i|#

0 - 0

B - 23#

H - la#

It would certainly be safe to conclude that the second site was more

extensively affected by European culture than was the first0 This

is indicated, for example, by the fairly large proportion of artifacts

from the second site made of native materials in imitation of European

forms (C and D)*

It must be noted that the componential analysis need not be

used solely in a quantitative manner<

Qualitative considerations may,

indeed, be much more significant6 For example, utilization of Euro­

pean techniques might indicate that the influence of European culture

reached deeply into the aboriginal culture* Of course, this would

need to be checked against archaeological, documentary, and ethno­

graphic data,, If this matter were properly studied, it might become

possible to make statements about the acceptance by natives of the

uses, functions, and meanings attached to artifacts by the Europeans0




When one formulates a number of ideas concerning the nature

of information that may be recovered from archaeological material,,

it is, of course, desirable to turn to the data to test the validity

does not contain the kinds of data required for this testing,, This

lack often seems attributable to one of two sources* First, the

different perspectives of various archaeologists in their approach

to excavations and theoretical problems and their different interests

produce analyses of the artifactual material that emphasize varied

factors and that are, therefore, unsuitable for comparative studies«

Second, the required data may simply be absent because of poor

archaeology or reporting« It is unfortunate that the demands of

practicality prohibit the archaeologist from excavating and reporting

in such a manner that he can satisfy the needs of all future re­ searchers,.

Each of the typologies presented in this paper involves a

particular frame of reference, as revealed by the distinctive features

used to construct them* If either of these two classificatory schemes

were consistently used in analyzing archaeological situations to

which they were applicable, a large body of comparable data might be



However, these viewpoints are not the only ones possible.

Different methods of analysis could be used if desired to emphasise

different aspects of the data. For example, it might be possible to

consider change from the perspective of how much of the culture at a

site was derived from an Indian and how much from a European back­

ground* Such a scheme might allow the arrangement of components on

a continuum from 100% Indian to 100% European, thus enabling the

archaeologist to express in quantitative terms the stage of arti­

A situation which might be particularly suitable for such an

analysis occurred at Like-a-Fishhook Village, near Fort Berthold.

North Dakota (Smith


27-3h)o This was originally a settlement

of Hidatsa, later joined by some Mandan and finally by some Arikara.

Both Port Berthold, which was a trading post of the American Fur Co.,

and Like-a-Fishhook Village, were founded in l8i<5o Over time, more

and more European material items replaced the aboriginal equipment.

The excavator states that this shrinkage of the aboriginal share of

the material culture was ’’doubtless1* accompanied by shrinkage of the

native non-material components of the culture also. If the artifacts

from this site were reported in sufficient detail and were separated

into different temporal units, the changing proportions of Indian

culture surviving European influence might be expressed quantitatively.

Another focus in the study of change could be on the nature

of the affected aboriginal groups prior to the advent of European

influence. In the study of ethnographic situations it has been found

that the same influence will affect different native cultures in dis­

similar ways. For example, the effect of the horse on the Mbaya and

Tehuelche Indians of Paraguay, was considerably different* Among the

Tehuelche, the introduction of the horse resulted in the development

of an adaptation similar to that of the horse Indians of the North

American Plains„ Their organization changed from nomadic hunting

and gathering bands to a tribal level* The Mbaya, on the other hand,

were in pre-horse times a stratified society with a hereditary and

an achieved nobility* .This stratified system was supported by the

surplus obtained from a neighboring agricultural group dominated by

the Mbaya and by the labor of slaves captured in war* The introduc­

tion of the horse allowed an increase in this dominance and an

intensification of warfare* This, however, merely strengthened the

previously stratified system, producing no drastic change in the

culture (Lowie

±9h9i 3kQ-3k9;

Steward and Faron


3%?, 1*08)e

A good archaeological example of the effect of the nature of

different aboriginal groups on the outcome of European influences

may be found in Vivian’s consideration of Gran Quivira* He hypothe­

sizes that the factor which caused the Jumano abandonment and the

subsequent loss of ethnic identity was inherent in the make-up of

the group itself* Four or five Jumano pueblos, two or three Tompiro

pueblos, and the southern Tiwa village of Quarai were all abandoned

during the period 1671-72* Vivian feels he can demonstrate that the

various disruptive pressures to which those particular villages were

subjected, such as drought, Apache raiding, and Spanish oppression.


were no greater than 'similar pressures exerted on other pueblos that

were not abandoned= The only trait shared by the peoples of the aban­

doned pueblos which were not found also in the other villages was a

background in the Jornada Mogollon Tradition*

Shortly after 1300 the Jornada Mogollon area was apparently

absorbed by the Jumano* The evidence for their influence at Gran

Quivira and at the other abandoned villages is the occurrence of a

brown plainware ceramic tradition very similar to some ceramics of

the Mogollon* Vivian “suspects" that the particular characteristic

introduced to the Jumano area which later caused the abandonment of

the several villages was lack of socio-religious cohesiveness, whose

outward manifestation was the ubiquitous kiva* This trait had been

derived by the Mogollon from the puebloan peoples of the Four Corners

area (Vivian ipSlts


= If this assumption is correct, the

abandonment of Gran.Quivira and the other villages, contrasted to the

continued occupation of other pueblos which do not show evidence of

the Mogollon strain, is an excellent example of how the natures of

dissimilar aboriginal groups influence their reactions to similar


Another feature that could be emphasized in the study of con-

tack and change is the levels of sociocultural integration of abori­

ginal cultures and any changes in those levels brought about by

European influence* Many ethnographic examples have been,discussed

by Secoy (1953)9 Service (1962), Murphy and Steward (19351 and others*

A good case is that of the Kickapoo0 The historic lickapoo were

located in the area arotmd Green Bay, and on the Fox Elver, Wisconsin,

which in the late 17th and early


th centuries was a center of the

French fur trade„ The ICickapoo and other Algonquian tribes became

increasingly subject to Iroquois and Sioux aggressions, because these

latter two groups had acquired guns through their contacts with the

French* When French promises to defend the Algonquians failed to

materialize, the Kickapoo formed a confederacy with several other

tribes for their own defense* Part of this new Kickapoo strategy,

initiated in l68h.s involved the dissolution of large villages and the

formation of small bands under war chiefs0 These bands lived in

scattered villages close enough to render mutual aid.and distant

enough to prevent mass casualties in case of attack* This resulted

in a breakdown of central tribal, authority as the various chiefs

became autonomous, and by the 19th century the Kickapoo tribe had

become a number of confederated hands (Gibson 1963s h-8)o

Such a change in organizational level may or may not be evi­

denced by the archaeological data* Certainly,' the evidence on the

Plains Indians in pre- and post.horse times shows indications of the

changes that occurred (Lehmer and Jones 1968; 77-100)* Similarly,

the archaeological material clearly indicates the decline in the level

of integration that occurred following the depopulation of the

Mississippian area (Chapman and Chapman 1961|.)o

The consideration of the differential nature of change in

male and female associated artifacts holds much promise for the study


8s report of the la: Purlslma material

is about the most useful analysis I found concerning the nature of

changes taking place in the culture* Considerable work has been done

with prehistoric female associated artifacts? for example Whallon1s

study of the New York Iroquois (1968) and McPherron1s study of the

Late Woodland period in the Upper Great Lakes ( 1967)0

Very little

work has been done with male associated artifacts, or with historic

period material» It seems to me that such analysis requires little

effort beyond that normally expanded in the simple description of

artifacts* Further, such artifactual changes might often be directly

related to changes in the culture of a group* Also, it might be

possible to develop a number of principles about the nature of the

cultural processes evidenced by male and female associated artifactual

change, substantiated by documentary evidence, that could be general­ ised to prehistoric occurrences*

The above are only a few of the orientations which might be

taken during a study of the cultural phenomena occurring during times

of contact and change* Which one is stressed by any one researcher

is necessarily influenced by the questions he wants to answer* Each

archaeologist should at least make explicit gust what his orientation

is, so that other researchers are aware of the biases that may be

operative in his reporting.



It is hoped that the typologies developed in this thesis may

in some way prove useful to the development of a body of data on

historical archaeological sitess and that they facilitate the com­ munication of those data among interested scholars*

The features used in developing the typologies presented

here suggest a number of characteristics which might be used to order

the archaeological material and to maximize the amount of information


The use of the componential analysis of artifact types would

require a much more detailed study and description of the items re­

covered from a site than is common in the present literature* An

effort would have to be made to recognize the use of European mate­

rials and techniques in the production of Indian made goodss and the

form of each item would have to be designated as either European or

aboriginal in origin# European made goods would have to be separated

from Indian made ones regardless of whether ^Manufacturer" were used

as a feature in the analysis, since the typology presented in Figure

2 assumes that all items considered are Indian made#

If experience with the classification of artifacts by this

method showed that it were possible to place each artifact with some

degree of assurance into a particular class, and that the


ethnographic and historical Information could be sought to determine

the significance of these classes and of the differences in the fre­ quency with which examples of them are found at different sites*

Hopefully5 the ethnographic and.historical data will show

that the different classes in some way reflect processes of cultural

changed For example, the use of a European, technique, especially if

it replaced an aboriginal technique rather than being simply an

addition to the native culture, might be found to indicate in a

fairly consistent manner that the influence of the European culture

was taking a firm hold on the Indian way of life* The analysis might

be found to be significant even on a more specific level, so that the

use. of a European technique and European materials to manufacture a

particular Indian form might consistently indicate either more or

less extensive change in the aboriginal culture than did the use of

a European technique and European materials to manufacture a particu­ lar European form* For example, would Indian-made clothing of Euro­

pean style, cloth, and sewing methods designate more or less change

than Indian made clothing of Indian style and European cloth and

sewing methods?

If sufficient ethnographic and historical information on

these matters were obtained, and if it were indeed found that some

of the categories were especially useful in suggesting the nature of

cultural change, it might be possible to compare the course of change

at different sites and to isolate particular processes. This kind

of knowledge might then be generalized to the study of prehistoric


The classification of artifacts and the frequency of the

classes at particular sites might then enable one to place these

sites more readily into the first typology presented in this paper,


since different categories of artifacts might prove more frequent at

one stage of change than at another,, Thus, the archaeologist could

use the sequences of artifactual change to plot, at least to some

degree, the paths of cultural change followed at any site or in any


My consideration of the literature on historic aboriginal

contact sites revealed a number of lines of research that might prove

that all of these research questions can always be answered, nor that

the answers obtained from the archaeological data can always be

validly and usefully extended to describe any cultural changes which

occurred at the sites involved* It is only hoped that these ques­ tions may sometimes be answered, and that these results will some­

times provide useful information about archaeological cultures and

the changes that occurred in them*



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* Indians and Archaeology of Missouri. University of

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1965 The Dynamics of Stylistic Change in Ankara Ceramics.

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m i m u ,



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