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66-714
JOHNSON, Alfred Edwin, 1935THE DEVELOPMENT OF WESTERN PUEBLO
CULTURE.
University of Arizona, Ph.D., 1965
Anthropology-
University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan
THE DEVELOPMENT OF WESTERN PUEBLO CULTURE
by
Alfred E . r Johnson
A Dissertation Submitted to the Faculty of the
DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY
In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
For the Degree of
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
In the Graduate College
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
19 6 5
THE UNIVERSITY OF ARIZONA
GRADUATE COLLEGE
I hereby recommend that this dissertation prepared under my
direction by
entitled
Alfred. E. Johnson
The Development of Western Pueblo Culture
be accepted as fulfilling the dissertation requirement of the
degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
'Dissertation Director
'
Dafce
/
UCU2CS
After inspection of the dissertation, the following members
of the Final Examination Committee concur in its approval and
recommend its acceptance:*
t^t-i /%) i
V/r
0' &
tr, / fcs—
*This approval and acceptance is contingent on the candidate's
adequate performance and defense of this dissertation at the
final oral examination. The inclusion of this sheet bound into
the library copy of the dissertation is evidence of satisfactory
performance at the final examination.
STATEMENT BY AUTHOR
This dissertation has been submitted in partial fulfillment of
requirements for an advanced degree at The University of Arizona and
i s deposited in the University Library to be made available to bor­
rowers under rules of the Library.
Brief quotations from this dissertation are allowable without
special permission, provided that accurate acknowledgment of source
i s made. Requests for permission for extended quotation from or r e ­
production of this manuscript in whole or in part may be granted by
the head of the major department or the Dean of the Graduate College
when in his judgment the proposed use of the material is in the inter­
ests of scholarship. In all other instances, however, permission
must be obtained from the author.
PREFACE
Substantive basis for the following study of the development of
Western Pueblo culture i s derived from an analysis of the archaeologi­
cal remains at Turkey Creek pueblo, a s well as from the literature on
Southwestern archaeology.
Turkey Creek pueblo i s a large ruin in the
Point of Pines area, which was excavated as a segment of the activity
at The University of Arizona Archaeological Field School in 1958, 1959,
and I960.
A National Science Foundation grant provided financial aid
for the excavation.
Emil W. Haury and Raymond H. Thompson served
as directors of the field school during the three summers of activity at
Turkey Creek.
A detailed descriptive report on Turkey Creek has been
prepared for eventual publication.
I wish to express my appreciation to the members of my disser­
tation committee, Edward P. Dozier, William A. Longacre, and Raymond
H. Thompson, whose critical suggestions did much to improve the
quality of the study and its presentation.
Thanks a r e also due Bruce
D. Lindsay, staff photographer at the Arizona State Museum, and the
late Robert F . Burgh, who drafted the map of Turkey Creek pueblo.
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
v
ABSTRACT
vi
INTRODUCTION
1
SUMMARIES OF SOUTHWESTERN CULTURE
Mogollon Culture
Anasazi Culture
Hohokam Culture
17
17
23
25
INFLUENCES ON MOGOLLON CULTURE PRIOR TO A. D. 1000
Mogollon 1
Mogollon 2
Mogollon 3
Mogollon 4
Summary
28
28
32
33
37
42
THE DEVELOPMENT OF WESTERN PUEBLO CULTURE . . .
Changes from A. D. 1000 to 1100
Point of Pines Area
Reserve Area
Other Areas
Summary
Changes from A. D. 1100 to 1300
Turkey Creek Pueblo
Other Areas
45
47
50
52
56
57
59
60
77
THE EXPANSION OF WESTERN PUEBLO CULTURE
79
SUMMARY
84
LITERATURE CITED
87
iv
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Figure
1.
Page
Map of the Southwest showing Mogollon, Anasazi, and
Hohokatn areas
18
2.
Comparative phase chart
29
3.
Map of Turkey Creek pueblo
4.
Examples of locally made pottery types from Turkey
Creek pueblo
65
Examples of Anasazi-derived pottery types from Turkey
Creek pueblo
67
6.
Representative small artifacts from Turkey Creek pueblo
69
7.
Representative stone artifacts from Turkey Creek pueblo
70
5.
at back
v
ABSTRAC T
Archaeological research in east-central Arizona and westcentral New Mexico has succeeded in defining a distinctive cultural
entity, the Mogollon, which came into existence about A. D. 1 and
lasted until A. D. 1000.
The 1000 years of Mogollon culture history
are characterized by the indigenous evolution of pithouse villages,
brownware pottery, and various artifact forms.
was the characteristic burial type.
Flexed inhumation
Foreign influences were relatively
insignificant, resulting in the introduction of a few architectural and
artifact forms from the Anasazi Pueblo area, and in different artifacts
and an alternative method of disposal of the dead, cremation, from the
Hohokam area.
Between A. D. 1000 and 1300, Anasazi and Hohokam influences,
for an as yet unknown reason, moved into the Mogollon area at a greatly
accelerated rate.
This intrusion of foreign features resulted in the
disappearance of Mogollon culture, and the development of a new entity,
Western Pueblo culture.
Western Pueblo culture represents a syn­
cretism of Mogollon, Anasazi, and Hohokam elements.
Diagnostic
traits of the entire Western Pueblo region include the plaza or multiplecourt type of pueblo layout, rectangular small kivas, brownware pottery,
the three-quarter grooved stone axe, and extended supine inhumation.
vi
Vll
Rectangular great kivas and the practice of cremation characterize
smaller segments of the Western Pueblo area.
The Cibola and
Kayenta portions of the Anasazi area were instrumental in the intro­
duction of Anasazi traits into the Mogollon area, during this postA. D. 1000 period, while the Gila Basin and the Safford valley areas
of Hohokam occupation were responsible for the introduction of other
features.
Slightly differing complexes of archaeological traits allow the
Western Pueblo region to be subdivided into a number of areas.
Included a r e the Reserve and Mimbres areas in New Mexico, and the
Forestdale, Point of Pines, Verde Valley, Flagstaff, and Roosevelt
Basin areas in Arizona.
Reserve and Point of Pines have been explored
more thoroughly than the other areas mentioned above, and consequently
they a r e used to exemplify the development of Western Pueblo culture.
INTRODUC TION
The modern-day Pueblo Indians of the southwestern United
States reside in the northern plateau, portions of Arizona and New
Mexico.
They are distinguished from their indigenous neighbors by
an emphasis on farming as the principal basis of subsistence and by
their residence in compact villages (Dozier 1964: 79).
Arizona Pueblo
groups are the Shoshonean-speaking Hopi and the Tanoan-speaking
(Tewa) people of Hano, who migrated to the Hopi mesas around A. D.
1700 a s a result of the Spanish re-conquest of the Rio Grande valley
(Eggan 1950: 139).
Three Pueblos are situated between the Hopi mesas
and the Rio Grande.
One i s Zuni, whose linguistic affiliations are in
dispute (Dozier 1964: 82); the other two are Acoma and Laguna, both
Keresan-speaking Pueblos (Wendorf 1954, Fig. 1).
Keresan-speaking
Pueblos in the Rio Grande valley include Santo Domingo, San Felipe,
Cochiti, Santa Ana, and Zia.
Other pueblos along the Rio Grande are
traditionally grouped on the basis of the Tanoan sub-families, Tiwa,
Tewa, and Towa.
Sandia, and Isleta.
The four Tiwa-speaking Pueblos a r e Taos, Picuris,
The five Tewa-speaking groups are San Juan,
Santa Clara, San Ildefonso, Tesuque, and Nambe.
speaking village is Jemez.
1
The single Towa-
2
Ethnological research among the Pueblos, especially in the
realm of social organization and to a certain extent in religion, has
resulted in the recognition of significant differences between the
eastern Pueblos along the Rio Grande and the other Pueblos situated to
the west.
These differences were originally noted by Parsons as early
as 1924 (333-9).
They have been examined by Strong (1927), Hawley
(1937), and more recently by Eggan (1950) and Dozier (1964).
Eggan's (1950) detailed, descriptive, and comparative, study
of Pueblo social organization resulted in the recognition of close
parallels between the Hopi villages, Hano, Zuni, Acoma, and Laguna.
As a consequence, Eggan (1950: 2) classified these groups as the
Western Pueblos, a classification that is generally accepted today
(Dozier 1964; 85).
Eggan (1950: 291) describes Western Pueblo social
structure as follows:
This type of social structure i s characterized by a kinship
system of "Crow type" organized in terms of the lineage
principle; a household organization based on the lineage and
clan and, in some cases, the phratry group; an associational
structure organized around the ceremony and its symbols,
with relationships to the lineage, clan, and household; and a
theocratic system of social control. There i s a further rela­
tionship of the social system to the world of nature through
the extension of social patterns to natural phenomena.
Eggan's studies in the Pueblo area centered in the west (1950),
although comparisons were made with the Pueblos of the Rio Grande
valley.
Eggan classified all of the Rio Grande groups as the Eastern
Pueblos, but noted that "in contrast to the relative uniformity in social
3
organization which we have seen for the western Pueblos it i s important
to note that there i s considerable variation in social structure within
the eastern Pueblos--as well as certain major differences between east
and west" (Eggan 1950: 305).
In recognition of the variations in social organization which
Eggan (1950: 305) mentions for the Eastern Pueblos, and on the basis
of recent research, Dozier (1964: 84-5) suggests that Eastern Pueblo,
as a classificatory device, should be restricted to the Tanoan-speaking
groups.
Only the Tiwa- and Tewa-speakers are included, however, as
Towa (Jemez) social organization i s more akin to that of the Rio Grande
Keresans (see below).
Eastern Pueblo or Tanoan social organization is
characterized as follows (Dozier 1964: 85-6):
-
This Eastern Pueblo type i s characterized by a kinship
system where the terms are descriptive and bilateral. The
household is either of the nuclear type or else extended to
include relatives of one or both sides of the parents. There
is no hint of a lineage principle in the organization of the terms,
the family structures, or in the behavior of its members.
Beyond the household i s a dual division of the community,
usually referred to as a moiety, whose functions are govern­
mental and ceremonial. Other related structures include
three types of sodalities or associations: (1) those with
governmental and religious functions associated with the
dual divisions; (2) medicine associations embodying curing
and exorcising practices; and (3) associations with special
functions, such a s those for war, hunting, and clowning. In
addition, Tanoan village communities have a Katcina cult or
some vestige of an organization concerned with supernatural
beings vaguely connected with ancestral spirits common among
all the other Pueblos. None of these related structures are
kinship units. Moiety membership is required of all, and
moiety affiliation is usually with father's moiety but may be
changed at marriage or for other reasons. Katcina membership
4
i s village wide for men and membership i s confirmed by initia­
tion at the time of puberty. Associations (2) and (3) a r e voluntary,
but a r e most often joined to rid oneself of an illness.
The eastern Keresan-speaking Pueblos (Santo Domingo, San
Felipe, Cochiti, Santa Ana, Zia) and the Towa-speaking Pueblo of
Jemez, according to Dozier (1964: 86), "exhibit affinity to a social
structure of the general Western Pueblo type described above.
Terms
are classificatory but the patterns of organization vary in some
Keresan villages between an old system fitted to a lineage principle
and one where usages are arranged on a 'bilateral' pattern. "
In summary, ethnologists, by means of comparative studies of
social organization, have recognized basic, and important, differences
between the Eastern and Western Pueblos.
In a classification resulting
from the recognition of these differences, the Hopi villages, Hano, Zuni,
Acoma, and Laguna are grouped together as the Western Pueblos.
The
Eastern Pueblos include all of the Tanoan-speaking groups along the
Rio Grande except Jemez.
Jemez i s placed with the Rio Grande
Keresan-speaking Pueblos which, although geographically situated in
the east, have patterns of social organization similar to those of the
Western Pueblos.
The term Western Pueblo has been used by Southwestern
archaeologists as well as by ethnologists.
Archaeological conceptions
of Western Pueblo a r e due, in the main, to a series of articles by
Reed (1942; 1946; 1948; 1949; 1950).
These articles include a
classification of cultural development in the Mogollon and Anasazi areas
which suggests that both Anasazi culture and Mogollon culture should
be grouped as variants of a Puebloan pattern (Reed 1942).
The primary
interest in the series of articles, however, i s not in definitions of
these two suggested variants.
Rather, Reed (1948) compares and con­
trasts Anasazi culture after the development of surface masonrypueblos with developments in the MogoUon area on a similar time
horizon.
According to Reed (1948) Anasazi Pueblo culture centers in the
northern Southwest, including the San Juan region, the upper Rio
Grande area, the Hopi-Zuni districts of the northern Little Colorado,
southwestern Utah, and portions of Nevada.
It is characterized by
"compact cellular masonry pueblos with circular kivas; corrugated
gray and polished black-on-white pottery; full-grooved or side-notched
stone axes; inhumation of the dead, generally in a flexed position;
cranial deformation of the lambdoid variety" (Reed 1948: 9). Other,
apparently distinctive, traits are turkey keeping (Reed 1951a: 202)
and unidirectional or front-oriented pueblo layouts (Reed 1956: 16).
The Anasazi Pueblo complex had its origins in the spatially coterminous
JBasketmaker development (Reed 1948: 10-11).
Reed (1948) has outlined a second pueblo manifestation in the
area to the south of the Little Colorado river, from the Verde Valley
and Flagstaff to the White Mountains and the upper Gila river drainage.
6
He assigns a post-A. D. 1300 date to this development and terms it
Western Pueblo.
The Western Pueblo archaeological complex includes
"pueblos with rectangular kivas if any, no round rooms; polished
brownware (including brown corrugated polished, black-smudged
interiors, polychrome redware, etc. ); the three-quarter grooved
stone axe; extended supine inhumation; vertical occipital deformation"
(Reed 1948: 9).
Turkey hunting, rather than keeping, is suggested a s
a Western Pueblo characteristic, as is the plaza or multiple-court
type of pueblo layout (Reed 1951a: 202; 1956: 16).
Western Pueblo
culture i s believed to be descended from Mogollon culture, although a
Mogollon culture extensively influenced by the introduction of Anasazi
Pueblo traits (and possibly peoples) into the Mogollon area (Reed 1948:
13).
Although it has found less acceptance, the term Mogollon-Pueblo
has also been used to refer to this complex (Gifford 1957: 346; Rinaldo
1964: 86).
Beginning about A. D. 1300, and continuing during the 14th and
15th centuries, Western Pueblo culture expanded beyond its earlier
borders.
This expansion carried Western Pueblo traits into the
Hohokam area of southern and southwestern Arizona, and also into the
Anasazi Pueblo region of the northern Southwest.
The introduction of
Western Pueblo traits into the Anasazi area i s believed to have centered
in the Hopi area, the Zuni region, and the Acoma district.
sequence, Reed (1948: 14) suggests that the Western Pueblo
As a con­
7
archaeological, complex should be broadly correlated with the Western
Pueblo ethnographic division.
Anasazi Pueblo traits, on a late time
horizon, seem to have concentrated in the Rio Grande valley, suggest­
ing a correlation of the Anasazi Pueblo complex with the Eastern
Pueblo ethnographic division (Reed 1948: 14).
Reed's views on cultural developments in the Anasazi and
Mogollon areas, some of which were published over 20 years ago,
have, for the most part, stood the test of time.
In large part, they
a r e accepted in the current examination of Western Pueblo culture,
although a few points of disagreement should be discussed.
First of
all, Reed (1942) has suggested that both Anasazi culture and Mogollon
culture should be considered variants of a Puebloan pattern.
The
cultural, temporal, and spatial distinctiveness of the Mogollon complex
was noted prior to the publication of Reed's statement (Haury 1936b:
79-130).
More to the point, however, is the fact that it has been
restated by a number of Southwestern archaeologists since (Martin
and Rinaldo 1950; Wheat 1955).
Mogollon as a culture distinct from
both Anasazi and Hohokam is accepted in the present analysis.
Whereas Reed (1948: 13) would restrict the Western Pueblo
archaeological complex to the period after A. D. 1300, in the present
study the temporal limits a r e extended some 300 years further into the
past, and a beginning date of A. D. 1000 is suggested.
This temporal
extension i s based on the fact that extensive changes occurred in the
8'
Mogollon area at about this time, changes which can be attributed to
Anasazi Pueblo and Hohokam influence (Wheat 1955).
An important
result of this influence seems to have been a cultural syncretism, with
features from the Mogollon, Anasazi, and Hohokam cultures combin­
ing to form a new and distinct cultural pattern.
Most of the traits
which Reed (1948: 13) lists as diagnostic of Western Pueblo culture
are identifiable in the new pattern.
Consequently, on the basis of the
presence of these traits and in recognition of the significant changes
which occurred at this time, it i s suggested that the temporal limits
of Western Pueblo cultural development be extended to A. D. 1000.
Reed has suggested that there a r e continuities from the
Western Pueblo archaeological complex into the modern Western
Pueblos, and that the Anasazi Pueblo archaeological complex can be
correlated with the modern Eastern Pueblos.
While in generaL this
reconstruction seems valid, there a r e some problems.
Among these
are the evidences of continuity from the Kayenta and Ghaco divisions
of Anasazi Pueblo into the modern Western Pueblo Hopi villages and
Zuni.
The Chaco division, along with the Mesa Verde area, also
seems to have participated in the development of the modern Eastern
Pueblos.
In other words, there i s not a one-to-one correlation between
Anasazi Pueblo and the Eastern Pueblos and the Western Pueblo
archaeological complex and the modern Western Pueblos.
Although
continuity undoubtedly exists, any attempt to work out the interwoven
9
patterns of influence will undoubtedly prove difficult.
Another problem in the continuity from prehistoric pueblo
developments into the modern Pueblos i s the seeming enigma of exten­
sive Anasazi influence involved in the development of Western Pueblo
culture, and yet basic differences in social organization between the
modern Eastern and Western Pueblos believed to be descended from
these archaeological patterns.
If Anasazi influence was as extensive
as suggested by the archaeological record, one might expect a change
in social organization as well as in material remains.
This was
apparently not the case, however, and although no final solution to
this problem can be advanced at this time, some alternatives can be
suggested.
First of all, Anasazi influence in the development of Western
Pueblo culture may have been restricted to the introduction of material
items such as pottery, architectural forms, and various artifacts.
If
this were the case, the modern Western Pueblo social forms might
represent a retention of an earlier Mogollon pattern, which was not
changed by Anasazi influence.
Second, as will be discussed below,
much of the Anasazi influence involved in the development of Western
Pueblo culture seems to have come from the Cibola portion of the
Anasazi area.
Nothing i s known of social organization in the prehistoric
Cibola region, so it is at least possible that the social forms of this
area were the same as in the area involved in the change to Western
10
Pueblo culture.
Finally, it is possible that the social forms which have
been used as criteria to distinguish the modern Pueblos into Eastern
and "Western groups are of modern derivation, and do not represent
prehistoric patterns.
Reed (1951a; 1951b; 1948; 1950; 1956) has provided summaries
of the spatial and temporal distributions of the various traits which he
lists a s characteristic of the Western Pueblo archaeological complex.
For the most part, the validity of these traits as diagnostic has been
supported by recent research, although one feature, vertical occipital
cranial deformation, has been challenged.
Wendorf (1954: 215) notes
that vertical occipital deformation occurs commonly in the Mesa Verde
section of the Anasazi Pueblo area, as well a s in the Western Pueblo
area.
Further doubt i s cast on the validity of vertical occipital and
lambdoidal cranial deformation as cultural indices by a recent study of
the skeletal material collected at Point of Pines.
Point of Pines i s in
the heart of the Western Pueblo area, and for this reason should be
characterized by a high incidence of vertical occipital deformation.
This type of deformation does occur, but a high incidence of lambdoidal
deformation is present as well (K. A. Bennett, personal communication).
Recent studies, then, based on large samples, suggest that vertical
occipital and lambdoidal cranial deformation occur together in both the
Anasazi Pueblo and the Western Pueblo regions.
A distinct type of
11
cranial deformation, therefore, does not characterize either of the
regions, and this trait cannot be used a s a distinguishing characteristic.
At the time Reed presented his views on Pueblo culturaL develop­
ment, rectangular kivas or no kivas seemed to be characteristic of
Western Pueblo sites, while circular kivas were restricted to the Anasazi
Pueblo region.
More recent research has demonstrated the presence
of rectangular kivas in the Anasazi Pueblo area (Lindsay, personal
communication), although circular kivas have not yet been found in the
Western Pueblo country.
It i s quite possible that the presence of
rectangular kivas in the Anasazi area can be attributed to Western
Pueblo influence, as they seem to have at least 200 years of temporal
priority in this more southerly region.
As will be discussed in more
detail below, the earliest rectangular kivas seem to occur between A. D.
900 and 1000, with the addition of ventilator-deflector-hearth complexes
to rectangular pithouses (Ferdon 1956: 79-86; Martin and Rinaldo 1947:
310; 1950; 250).
During later periods the rectangular kiva continues as
an important feature in the Western Pueblo area.
Its appearance in the
Anasazi Pueblo area is, apparently, not before about A. D. 1200
(Lindsay, personal communication).
An architectural feature which Reed (1948) has not mentioned
as a characteristic of Western Pueblo culture, but one which should be
included, is the rectangular great kiva.
Perhaps his reason for not
including this ceremonial structure is the fact that it does not occur
12
over the entire Western Pueblo area, but i s restricted to the central
portion, with its most common occurrence in the Point of Pines and
Reserve regions (Olson I960, Fig. 1).
The rectangular great kiva
first appears in the Mogollon-Western Pueblo region during Mogollon 4.
Both a northern source (Olson I960: 185) and an indigenous development
(Martin 1959: 122) have been suggested to explain the origin of this kiva
form.
Reed (1948) has emphasized the importance of the introduction
of Anasazi Pueblo traits and the continuity of Mogollon features in the
development of Western Pueblo culture.
Other than pointing out the
probable introduction of the three-quarter grooved axe from the
Hohokam area (Reed 1951b), however, Reed has not evaluated the
extent of Hohokam influence.
The present analysis indicates that
Hohokam influence was significant in the development of Western
Pueblo culture.
This is suggested by the presence of features such as
cremations, ball courts, pottery vessels, and shell ornaments in
Western Pueblo sites.
Cremation was the common method of disposal of the dead
among the Hohokam, while the practice of inhumation was typical of
both the Mogollon (Wheat 1955: 66-71) and the Anasazi (Stanislawski
1963: 308-9).
The first occurrence of cremations in the Mogollon
area was in the Mimbres section during Mogollon 3 (Haury 1936b,
Fig. 30).
This occurrence i s believed to be a result of Hohokam
influence on the Mimbres Mogollon.
That this method of disposal of the
dead did not find favor in the Mimbres area i s indicated by the fact that
only six cremations were discovered at the later Swarts Ruin a s opposed
to 1, 009 inhumations (Cosgrove and Cosgrove 1932: 23-4).
The Swarts
Ruin i s a Mimbres phase Western Pueblo site, probably occupied just
prior to the postulated population dispersal from the Mimbres area
which occurred about 1200 (Danson 1957: 110).
A Mogollon and Western Pueblo area where cremation did
assume some importance i s Point of Pines.
At Point of Pines, crema­
tions were introduced during the Western Pueblo Reserve phase, dated
from 1000 to 1100.
influence.
This introduction i s believed due to Hohokam
Through time, the practice of cremation at Point of Pines
became more important, with a climax during the late phases of the
Western Pueblo Point of Pines ruin, about 1400 (Robinson and Sprague
1965: 442-53).
Another feature indicative of Hohokam influence in the develop­
ment of Western Pueblo culture i s a ball court which occurred in the
Point of Pines region.
The court was associated with the Reserve
phase component of the Stove Canyon site, dated to the 1000 to 1100
period (Johnson 1961: 563-7).
Perhaps as interesting as the occurrence
of cremations and ball courts in Western Pueblo sites i s an inference
which can be drawn from this occurrence.
In the Hohokam area, ball
courts and the practice of cremation a r e believed to have religious
14
significance.
The introduction of these features into the Western
Pueblo area, therefore, can be suggested as indicative of the introduc­
tion of Hohokam ceremonial and religious patterns into Western Pueblo
culture.
Additional evidence of Hohokam influence in the origin of
Western Pueblo culture i s in the form of Hohokam artifacts which a r e
of common occurrence in Western Pueblo sites.
Included are palettes,
stone vessels, shell ornaments, turquoise mosaics, copper bells, and
ceramic containers.
Identifications of Hohokam artifact forms in both
Mogollon and Western Pueblo contexts are given in some detail in
following sections of this report.
The preceding pages have outlined ethnological and archaeo­
logical conceptions of Western Pueblo culture, and have discussed in
some detail modifications of and suggested additions to the list of diag­
nostic characteristics of the Western Pueblo archaeological complex
or culture.
With this information as a basis, it i s now possible to
suggest a definition of Western Pueblo culture, or more properly of
the Western Pueblo cultural tradition.
Western Pueblo culture developed in the mountainous region
of east-central Arizona and west-central New Mexico about A. D. 1000.
It represents a cultural syncretism of Mogollon features, Anasazi
Pueblo traits, and Hohokam elements.
Universal features include the
plaza or multiple court type of pueblo layout, rectangular small kivas,
15
brownware pottery, extended inhumations, the three-quarter grooved
axe, and turkey hunting rather than keeping.
Features which a r e
diagnostic of restricted portions of the Western Pueblo area include
cremations and ball courts at Point of Pines and rectangular great
kivas, especially in the Point of Pines and Reserve regions.
Spatial limits varied through time.
When first recognizable,
Western Pueblo culture extended from the Mogollon Rim on the north
to present-day Interstate 10 highway on the south, and from the
Continental Divide on the east to Cherry Creek on the west.
At about
A. D. 1300, the spread was from the Verde Valley and Flagstaff to the
White Mountains and the Upper Gila river drainage, and from the Little
Colorado river to northern Chihuahua, Mexico (Reed 1948). Slightly
later the complex spread into the Hohokam area of Southwestern Arizona
and also into the Anasazi Pueblo region, where Western Pueblo traits
are identifiable in the Hopi area, the Zuni region, and the Acorn a
district.
The movement of Western Pueblo traits, and probably peoples,
into the latter three regions may account, at least in part, for the
ethnographic distinction between the Western and the Eastern Pueblos.
The definition of Western Pueblo culture given above briefly
summarizes a possible reconstruction of one aspect of Southwestern
prehistory.
It i s offered as a hypothesis, and will be used as a guide
for the remainder of the report which will consider the origin and early
development of Western Pueblo culture.
As noted above, Western
16
PuebLo culture i s believed to represent a syncretism of Mogollon,
Anasazi, and Hohokam features.
The following section of the report
will present short summaries of these three cultural entities.
The
summaries will emphasize the distinctive elements of each of the
entities, and will serve as standards against which the validity of the
presumed cultural syncretism can be judged.
SUMMARIES O F SOUTHWESTERN CULTURES
Mogollon Culture
The archaeological complex known a s Mogollon culture had a s
i t s geographic locale the western and southwestern portions of the state
of New Mexico, the eastern and southeastern parts of Arizona, and the
northern section of Chihuahua, Mexico (Fig. 1).
Within this vast
region, Mogollon remains a r e known to extend from east of the Rio
Grande river in New Mexico to the San Pedro river in Arizona, and
from the Little Colorado river on the north to the Casas Grandes
section of Chihuahua on the south (Wheat 1955, Fig. 1).
The most
notable topographic feature of the a r e a i s i t s mountainous terrain, and
there i s a consequent adaptation of Mogollon culture to a montane and
inter-montane valley environment.
Initial human occupation of the mountainous zone of e a s t central Arizona and west-central New Mexico was apparently by a
group of people who bore a variant of the widespread Desert culture
pattern (Jennings 1957), known a s the Cochise culture (Sayles and
Antevs 1941).
Cochise economy was based on hunting and gathering
with an emphasis on the latter, a s attested by the large quantities of
milling stones commonly found in Cochise sites (Sayles and Antevs
1941).
Cultivated corn was present by about 3000 B . C . (Mangelsdorf
Figure 1 .
Map of the Southwest showing Mogollon, Anasazi, and
Hohokam a r e a s .
18
NEVAOA
UTAH
COLORADO
\
\
\
%
\
CALIFORNIA
EL PASO
Mil
GULF
SONORA
TfitrAHtnt
V
CALIFORNIA
\
%
o.
ANASAZI
f||| CIBOLA
Cy
ffi
!ii'i
AREA
REGION
MOGOLLON
AREA
19
1958: 1313-14), a s indicated by discoveries in Bat Cave, New Mexico.
Other pre-ceramic examples of the presence of corn a r e known from
the Cienega site near Point of Pines (Martin and Schoenwetter I960:
33-4), and a t Tularosa and Cordova Caves near Reserve, New Mexico
(Martin and others 1952: 464-71).
of Cochise cultural development.
Houses appear during the final stage
The house remains a r e roughly oval
pits with poorly defined f i r e a r e a s , large interior storage pits, and no
definite evidences of roof supports.
Entrances were at the side with a
wall step (Sayles 1945: 1-4).
Archaeological sites representative of the Sulphur Spring stage
of Cochise cultural development, dated from 8000 B . C . to 5000 B . C . ,
have not yet been discovered i n this mountainous section.
Whether this
absence indicates that the a r e a was actually unoccupied, or i s merely
indicative of incomplete exploration, remains to be seen.
The
Chiricahua stage (5000 B. C. to 1500 B. C. ) i s represented by sites in
the Point of Pines a r e a of Arizona (Haury 1957: 2-27) and in the Pine
Lawn Valley of New Mexico (Martin, Rinaldo, and Antevs 1949)«
From
this time on, for several thousand years, occupation seems to have
been continuous.
Cultural continuity from the Cochise complex into the Mogollon
culture has been pointed out by a number of authors (Haury 1943: 260-3;
Martin and others 1952: 484-505).
Haury (1943: 260-3) has noted a
distinctive, eastern, regional development of the most recent or San
20
Pedro stage of the Cochise culture, which i s believed to have changed
into the Mogollon tradition.
The only major difference between San
Pedro stage Cochise and Mogollon i s the presence of pottery in the
early phases of the latter.
Suggested dates for the f i r s t introduction
of pottery, and the consequent change from Cochise to Mogollon, vary
considerably.
Most of the dates cluster around A. D. 1, however, a s
indicated by the fact that Wheat (1955, Fig. 12) gives 300 B.C. and
Bullard (1962, Fig. 27) shows about A. D. 300.
Slightly differing architectural and artifact complexes allow
the Mogollon culture a r e a to be subdivided into a number of distinct
regions or a r e a s .
The three a r e a s which have been outlined for
Arizona a r e Forestdale (Haury 1940; Haury and Sayles 1947), Point of
Pines (Wheat 1954), and San Simon (Sayles 1945).
Mogollon subdivisions
i n New Mexico include the Reserve a r e a (Martin 1940), the Mimbres
region (Haury 1936), and the Jornada district (Lehmer 1948).
At least
partial, regional phase sequences have been established for all of the
areas.
Mogollon sites a r e characteristically situated on a high bluff
or mesa or on a well drained ridge above a stream valley (Wheat 1955:
34).
Within the village, the pithouses a r e scattered a t random.
Although a variety of architectural forms have been noted in the
Mogollon a r e a (Wheat 1955, Table 6), there a r e certain area-wide
trends and similarities in architecture.
One of the general trends in
21
MogoLLon architecture i s a change from early roundish houses to later
quadrangular forms (Wheat 1955: 53-5), and another i s the change from
houses which either lacked side passageways or had short side entries
to those with long lateral entryways ("Wheat 1955: 55).
Another general
trend i s the small, but constant, increase in pithouse size through time
(Wheat 1955: 55-6).
Throughout all periods of Mogollon history, e a s t ­
ward orientation of entrance passages and central-post supported or
gable roofs were common features (Bullard 1962: 181).
Many Mogollon sites include a structure, similar in form to
the dwellings, but from three to four times a s large (Wheat 1955: 61).
These structures a r e believed to have had a ceremonial function, and
a r e usually called great kivas.
Many of the structures of this type lack
domestic furniture, and some have distinctive floor grooves, which
perhaps functioned a s foot drums (Wheat 1955: 61-2).
Inhumation was the typical method of disposal of the dead
among the Mogollon (Wheat 1955: 66-71).
scattered at random about the village.
Burials were in pits
Flexure of the body was usual,
typically on the side, the back, or i n a half-sitting position in the pit.
Orientation of the body was apparently not patterned, a s considerable
variation i s exhibited.
Offerings a r e r a r e .
Wheat (1955: 72-3) has characterized Mogollon pottery in the
following way:
22
The earLiest horizon, yet known contains polished brown
and polished redwares. These wares, or variations of them,
continue a s basic wares of the ceramic complex throughout
Mogollon history. Techniques of texturing and neck-banding a r e
introduced late in this plainware horizon. . . . The f i r s t painted
wares consist essentially of plainware bowls in which crudely
executed broad-line r e d designs a r e painted. Later develop­
ments of this red-on-brown painting a r e mainly refinements
of technique and increasing complexity of design elements and
layout. The red-on-brown period i s terminated, or interrupted
by the innovation of a white slip, thus producing a red-on-white
pottery s e r i e s . In the eastern and northern parts of the a r e a ,
this i s followed by black-on-white pottery. . . .
The various types of Mogollon non-ceramic artifacts a r e p r e ­
sented in detail in Wheat's summary of Mogollon culture (1955: 110-54),
so there i s no need to repeat this information here.
It i s worth noting,
however, that direct continuities from the Cochise artifact complex a r e
evident in many of the Mogollon artifacts, and that these continuities
a r e especially obvious in the abundant ground and pecked stone artifacts
of a rough-and-ready nature (Wheat 1955: 110).
In general terms,
Mogollon non-ceramic artifacts a r e characterized by an emphasis on
utility and by a lack of elaboration.
In summary, Mogollon culture i s recognizable in eastern
Arizona, western New Mexico, and northern Chihuahua, at about A. D.
1, when pottery was introduced into the pre-existing Cochise cultural
complex.
Mogollon people lived in villages of scattered pithouses,
situated on high bluffs or on t e r r a c e s above stream valleys.
They
buried their dead in a flexed position in small pits placed throughout
the village. A majority of their pottery was plain r e d and brown,
23
although a characteristic red-on-brown decorated ware was produced.
Artifacts other than pottery were of a simple and utilitarian type,
characterized by a lack of elaboration.
Ground and pecked stone
artifacts predominate, with the three-quarter grooved axe a s a charac­
teristic.
Subsistence was based on agriculture, supplemented by hunt­
ing and gathering.
Anasazi Culture
The following summary of the Anasazi cultural tradition i s
drawn primarily from Rouse (1962) and Wormington (1951).
Anasazi
culture occupied the northern, plateau portion of the Southwest, roughly
£rgm the Rio Grande to eastern Nevada, and from the San Juan river to
the Little Colorado (Fig. 1).
The ultimate origin of Anasazi culture i s
unknown, although i t apparently developed out of a regional variant of
the Desert Culture, a s in the case of the Mogollon complex outlined
above.
This variant has been labeled Basketmaker II.
Although the
similarity i s somewhat obscured by the wealth of perishable material
from dry caves in the Anasazi area, there a r e significant resemblances
between Basketmaker II remains and the San Pedro Cochise complex,
which has been suggested a s the antecedent of Mogollon.
Included a r e
an economy based on hunting and gathering, supplemented by limited
corn agriculture. Other similarities a r e pithouse dwellings and general
artifact resemblances.
The Basketmaker II variant of the Desert culture
i s dated from A. D. 1 to 600.
24
Anasazi sites were typically situated on r i s e s above nearby
water courses, or in caves and rockshelters.
were shallow, circular pithouses.
The earliest domiciles
Later the pithouses became deeper,
and an alternative type of dwelling, the surface masonry pueblo appeared.
Ceremonial architecture included small, circular kivas and great kivas,
also typically circular.
In contrast to Mogollon villages, Anasazi
communities exhibit a greater degree of formal patterning, often taking
the form of the unidirectional or front-oriented type of pueblo layout.
Disposal of the dead was by inhumation throughout the entirety
of Anasazi development, with flexure of the body usual.
Bodies were
placed in oval pits, often dug into trash deposits near the dwellings.
The earliest Anasazi period i s without pottery, a trait which appears
about A. D. 600.
It i s probable that the origin of pottery in the Anasazi
a r e a can be attributed to Mogollon influence, a s pottery f i r s t occurs in
the more southerly a r e a some 600 years e a r l i e r .
The plain gray,
black-on-gray, and neck banded types which a r e earliest in the Anasazi
a r e a foreshadow the later typical Anasazi gray corrugated and black-onwhite types.
Non-ceramic artifacts include a variety of forms manu­
factured from stone, bone, shell, and various portions of plants.
For
the most part, they a r e unelaborate, designed apparently for their
function, not their beauty.
stone axe.
A characteristic type i s the full-grooved
Regional, variants of Anasazi culture have been deliniated,
primarily on the basis of stylistic differences in pottery combined
with variations in architecture and non-ceramic artifact f o r m s .
Well
known variants a r e the Kayenta a r e a of north-central Arizona, the
Mesa Yerde region of southwestern Colorado, the Cibola section of
northeast Arizona and northwest New Mexico, and the Rio Grande
district in north-central New Mexico.
Hohokam Culture
Hohokam culture has two major divisions, known a s River
Hohokam and Desert Hohokam (Haury 1950, Fig. 2).
The River
Hohokam division centers in the Gila Basin of southern Arizona, an
a r e a along the Gila river from approximately Florence, Arizona to
Gila Bend (Arizona State Museum archaeological survey files).
The
Desert Hohokam a r e a i s the southwestern portion of Arizona and the
northern section of Sonora, Mexico (Haury 1950: 3-21; Johnson 1963:
174-86).
The origins of Hohokam culture a r e in debate, and both a
development out of a western variant of the San Pedro Cochise complex
(Haury 1943: 260-3) and a migration (DiPeso 1956: 562-4) have been
suggested a s possibilities. A date of A. D. 1 i s currently accepted for
the beginning of Hohokam culture (Haury 1962, Fig. 2), and i t s develop­
ment can be traced to about 1450.
26
In the following summary of Hohokam characteristics, only
the River variant will be considered, a s i t alone was significant i n the
development of Western Pueblo culture.
Although nine phases of River
Hohokam cultural development have been recognized, for the purposes
of this survey, Hohokam culture i s viewed a s a tradition.
The emphasis
i s on significant features which s e r v e to distinguish Hohokam culture
from Mogollon and Anasazi developments, rather than on the t r a i t s
which distinguish the various phases of Hohokam development.
Typically, Hohokam sites a r e situated on the f i r s t t e r r a c e above
the Gila r i v e r , and often at some distance from the river (Wasley and
Johnson 1965: 79-81).
Villages consist of a number of randomly placed
pithouses, outside ramada a r e a s , t r a s h mounds, often a ball court
(Gladwin and others 1937), occasionally a pyramidal structure for
ceremonial purposes (Wasley I960: 244-62), and distinct cemetery
a r e a s for disposal of the dead (Gladwin and others 1937: 91-100).
JLarge, rectangular pithouses were present in the early phases, and
although large houses continue throughout the sequence, smaller
examples were a late alternative (Gladwin and others 1937: 59-90).
Until quite late in their history, when the practice of inhuma­
tion was introduced (Gladwin and others 1937: 96), the typical method
of disposal of the dead was cremation (Gladwin and others (1937: 91100).
Cremations were of the secondary type where fragments of
calcined human bone were gathered at the crematorium for burial
27
elsewhere.
Early cremations were simple pits, later the calcined
bones and offerings were placed in pottery vessels (Gladwin and others
1937: 91-100).
Hohokam culture was based on an agricultural economy,
supported by an elaborate system of canal irrigation (Gladwin and
others 1937: 50-8).
Corn, beans, and squash were primary crops,
and this f a r e was supplemented by hunting, fishing, and gathering.
Characteristic of Hohokam artifacts, in contrast to those of the
Mogollon and Anasazi a r e a s , i s an elaboration of ornamentation.
Artifacts were not only made to be used, they were also produced to
be handsome.
Excellent work was done in chipping and grinding stone,
and in carving bone and shell.
The Hohokam were the great shell
workers of the Southwest, and i t i s to this source that can be attributed
most of the shell ornaments found s o widely distributed (Gladwin and
others 1937: 101-67).
The earliest Hohokam pottery i s plain r e d and
gray in color; later red-on-gray painting was introduced, to be followed
by the typical red-on-buff (Gladwin and others 1937: 168-229).
A
modeled-clay human figurine complex i s characteristic, especially
of the earlier phases (Gladwin and others 1937: 233-45).
INFLUENCES ON MOGOLLON CULTURE
PRIOR TO A. D.
1000
The syncretism of Mogollon, Anasazi, and Hohokam features
represented in Western Pueblo culture i s believed to have taken place
during the period between A. D. 1000 and 1100 in east-central Arizona
and west-central New Mexico.
The syncretism resulted in the sub­
mergence of Mogollon culture in the new cultural entity.
It i s worth
noting, however, that prior to this submergence, Mogollon was not a
culture in isolation, but was subjected to varying intensities of influenc
from Anasazi and Hohokam groups.
As a contrast to the type of contact and change which occurred
after A. D. 1000, the following section summarizes pre-1000 influences
and changes.
It i s organized on the basis of the four periods of
Mogollon cultural development defined by Wheat (1955: 7-12), and in
t e r m s of the Mogollon a r e a s which seem to have figured significantly
in the development of Western Pueblo culture.
Included a r e the F o r e s t
dale, Point of Pines, Reserve, and Mimbres a r e a s (Fig. 2).
Mogollon 1
In the a r e a s under consideration, the Mogollon 1 period i s
moderately well known, a s indicated by the fact that excavations have
28
Figure 2.
Comparative phase chart.
Phase and period names in
parentheses not discussed in text.
have not been published.
Underlined phase names
CIBOLA
ANASAZI
AREA
PERIODS
HOHOKAM
SOUTHERN
PHASES
SINAGUA
(CIVANO)
(TUZIGOOT)
NORTHE
SINAGl
?
(PUEBLO
IV)
(PUEBLO
IV)
1300
CLEAR
1200
PUEBLO
III
PUEBLO
III
SOHO
CR
HONANKI
ELDEN
1100
PADRE'WIN
WINGATE
1000
PUEBLO
SACATON
II
RED
CAMP
VERDE
RIO
DE
1
MESA
900
CLOVERLEAF
KIATUTHLANNA
600
PUEBLO
SANTA
1
SUNSET
CRUZ
WHITE
HACKBERRY
MOUND
700
600
BASKETMAKER
III
GILA
LA
CINDEK P
BUTTE
PLATA
500
SNAKETOWN
400
SQUAW
SWEETWATER
300
BASKETMAKER
II
200
?
BASKETMAKER
II
ESTRELLA
100
VAHKI
A.D. 1
PEAK
29
'THERN
FORESTDALE
^AGUA
AREA
POINT
OF
RESERVE
MIMBRES
AREA
AREA
PINES
MOGOLLON
PERIODS
?
(CANYON
R
CREEK)
(PINEDALE)
1300
CREEK
PINEDALE
TULAROSA
LDEN
WESTERN
PUEBLO
TULAROSA
1200
LINOEN
MIMBRES
1100
E-WINONA
CARRIZO
RESERVE
RESERVE
MANGAS
1000
DE
FLAG
DRY
VALLEY
NANTACK
THREE
CIRCLE
THREE
CIRCLE
4
900
CORDUROY
SAN
SAN
FRANCISCO
FRANCISCO
NSET
FORESTDALE
STOVE
CANYON
3
800
700
SAN
GEORGETOWN
LORENZO
ER PARK
600
2
COTTONWOOD
LATE CIRCLE
PRAIRIE
500
400
GEORGETOWN
PINE
LAWN
300
?
HILLTOP
EARLY
CIRCLE
PRAIRIE
1
200
•
100
PINE
LAWN
, A D" '
been made in nine sites or components of sites pertaining to this
period (Fig. 2).
In the north, the HiLLtop phase component of the Bluff
site of the Forestdale a r e a (Haury and Sayles 1947) has been assigned
to the Mogollon 1 period (Wheat 1955, Table 1).
The early Circle
P r a i r i e phase component of Crooked Ridge Village (Wheat 1954) i s the
only Mogollon 1 period component which has been excavated in the
Point of Pines a r e a (Wheat 1955, Table 1).
In the Reserve area, Mogollon 1 components have been identi­
fied at the SU site (Martin 1940; 1943; Martin and Rinaldo 1947), at the
Promontory site (Martin, Rinaldo, and Antevs 1949), at Starkweather
Ruin (Nesbitt 1938), at LA 2948 (Wendorf 1956), and a t Tularosa Cave
(Martin and others 1952).
Mogollon Village (Haury 1936) and the Harris
site (Haury 1936) in the Mimbres region have Mogollon 1 components.
To date, Anasazi artifacts have not been identified in the
various Mogollon 1 period sites and components listed above.
Bullard
(1962: 187) has suggested that the presence of a number of architectural
features in Mogollon 1 pithouses can be attributed to Anasazi influence.
Included a r e wide, clay, fireplace copings, partition ridges, ante­
chambers, heating pits, possibly ventilators, and benches.
Bullard
(1962: 99-190) has shown that all of these features a r e more common
and more elaborately developed in the Anasazi region than they a r e in
the Mogollon a r e a .
On this basis, and on the basis of a revision of
Southwestern chronological relationships (1962, Fig. 27), he suggests
31
that the architectural features were introduced into the Mogollon area,
during the Mogollon 1 period, from Basketmaker III groups resident to
the north (Bullard 1962: 187).
The present study favors the traditional sequence of develop­
ment and chronological relationships for the Southwest, and a s a con­
sequence doubts that the architectural features listed by Bullard (1962:
187) were introduced from the Anasazi region into the Mogollon a r e a .
According to this traditional view, Mogollon 1 has temporal priority
over Basketmaker III (Wheat 1955, Fig. 12).
The various architectural
features noted by Bullard (1962: 187) a r e believed to have been intro­
duced into the Anasazi a r e a from the Mogollon, rather than the other
way around.
Wheat (1955: 210-11) has previously discussed the north­
ward spread of one of the traits, antechambers, in some detail.
Although Anasazi features a r e not positively identifiable in
Mogollon 1 contexts, an occasional item, which can be attributed to
trade with the Hohokam, does occur.
In the Hilltop phase component
of the Bluff site, sherds from Gila Plain vessels, a sherd from a r e d on-buff vessel, unidentifiable a s to type, and pottery human figurines
which a r e stylistically similar to figurines from the Hohokam a r e a were
found.
Other possible Hohokam trade items include a Vermetus bead
from a Georgetown phase level in Tularosa Cave (Martin and others
1952: 184) and several Glycymeris bracelets and a few Olivella beads
from Pine Lawn phase contexts a t the SU site (Martin 1940: 143).
32
Mogolloti 2
Mogoilon 2 i s the least known of the five periods of MogoLLon
cultural development (Fig. 2).
Data on the Mogoilon 2 period come from
the Cottonwood phase component of the Bluff site in the Forestdale a r e a
(Haury and Sayles 1947) and from the late Circle P r a i r i e phase com­
ponent at Crooked Ridge Village in the Point of Pines region (Wheat
1954).
Although a Mogoilon 2, San Lorenzo phase, has appeared on
comparative phase charts (Haury and Sayles 1947, Fig. 34) for the
Mimbres a r e a , it i s poorly known.
As pointed out by Bullard (1962:
71) the phase seems only to be manifested in a pottery type, San
Lorenzo Red-on-brown.
Whereas Anasazi t r a i t s were not recognizable in Mogoilon 1
components, there i s an indication of, at least, a minor amount of con­
tact between the Mogoilon and the Anasazi during the Mogoilon 2 period.
The evidence for this contact comes from the Cottonwood phase compo­
nent of the Bluff site in the Forestdale valley (Haury and Sayles 1947:
43-4, 56).
Three of the Cottonwood phase houses were subrectangular
in outline and slab lined, suggesting Basketmaker influence.
Sherds of
the Anasazi pottery type, Lino Gray, were also present in Cottonwood
phase associations.
Hohokam trade apparently continued, a s a Gila
Plain sherd was found (Haury and Sayles 1947: 56).
Although Anasazi features could not be identified in the late
Circle P r a i r i e phase component of Crooked Ridge village, Hohokam
t r a i t s were present i n some quantity.
Included a r e Sweetwater Red-on-
gray, Snaketown Red-on-buff, Gila Plain, and Vahki Plain sherds
(Wheat 1954, Fig. 62), and an Olivella shell bead (Wheat 1954: 162).
Several other Hohokam items, such a s a circular stone bowl, a t h r e e quarter grooved axe with r a i s e d ridges, and a "medicine stone" (Wheat
1954: 138) were found in Circle P r a i r i e phase contexts, but could not
be assigned to the early and late subdivisions of the phase.
Mogollon 3
Mogollon 3 (Fig. 2) in the Forestdale a r e a i s represented by
the Forestdale phase, which was defined by excavations a t the Bear
Ruin (Haury 1940).
Bear Ruin i s believed to be a "local and marginal
aspect of the Mogollon culture, i t s individuality having been intensified
by hybridization with the Anasazi" (Haury 1940: 126).
Anasazi elements
at the Bear Ruin include architectural features, such a s benches, central
hearths, ventilating ducts, deflectors, floor pits, and bins, in the pithouses.
A certain amount of trade for Anasazi pottery was c a r r i e d on,
a s indicated by the presence of Lino Gray, Lino Black-on-gray, White
Mound Black-on-white, and Lino Smudged sherds (Haury 1940: 84-6).
Trade with the Hohokam continued, during the Mogollon 3
period in the Forestdale area, a s a number of Hohokam items were
discovered a t the Bear Ruin.
Included a r e sherds from Gila Butte
Red-on-buff and Gila Plain vessels, Olivella beads, Glycymeris
34
bracelets, a Haliotis whole-sheLl container, and a long-bladed, serrated,
projectile point (Haury 1940: 84-6, 112, 117).
Although the publication of the r e s u l t s of recent excavations
will do much to clarify the situation, at the present time the Mogollon
3 period i s poorly known in the Point of Pines region.
Mogollon 3, in
the Point of Pines area, i s represented by a single pithouse, which was
tentatively placed in the San Francisco phase (Wheat 1954, Fig. 62).
Anasazi t r a i t s were not found in association with this house, but sherds,
from Hohokam Gila Butte Red-on-buff and possibly Vahki Plain vessels,
did occur.
Although the data a r e meager, i t i s apparent that Hohokam
trade with the Point of Pines a r e a , which began during the preceding
Mogollon 2 period, continued during Mogollon 3.
The San Francisco phase component of the Turkey Foot Ridge
site (Martin and Rinaldo 1950) in the Reserve, New Mexico region, has
been assigned to the Mogollon 3 period (Wheat 1955, Table 1).
Despite
the fact that Hohokam pottery was not found a t the Turkey Foot Ridge
site, there i s some evidence of Hohokam contact in the form of a threequarter grooved axe and a Glycymeris bracelet (Martin and Rinaldo
1950; 334, 348).
Although a few sherds of Red Mesa and Puerco Black-
on-white pottery were found in the fills of the Mogollon 3 pithouses a t
the Turkey Foot Ridge site (Martin and Rinaldo 1950: 367-70), there
were no Anasazi t r a i t s definitely in association with the Mogollon 3
features.
35
Additional information on the Mogollon 3 period in the Reserve,
New Mexico region comes from Tularosa Cave.
A number of Anasazi
pottery types occurred in the San Francisco phase levels of the cave.
Included a r e La Plata Black-on-gray, Reserve Black-on-white, Tula­
r o s a Black-on-white, Lino Gray, Puerco Black-on-red, and St. Johns
Polychrome (Martin and others 1952, Table 1).
With the exception of
the Lino Gray and the Lino Black-on-gray sherds, the intrusive types
date to periods later than Mogollon 3 and probably a r e a result of the
mixture of deposits.
Hohokam t r a i t s were not present in unmixed San
Francisco phase deposits, although Olivella beads and Glycymeris
bracelets were present in levels which contained San Francisco, Reserve,
and Tularosa phase materials {Martin and others 1952: 184).
The final site with a Mogollon 3 component, in the Reserve
region, i s Starkweather Ruin (Nesbitt 1938).
The only suggestion of
Anasazi influence, during Mogollon 3 a t Starkweather Ruin, i s the
presence of a partial masonry lining in Pithouse B, a ceremonial s t r u c ­
ture (Nesbitt 1938: 30-1).
Wheat (1955: 60) has noted that, if Pithouse
B i s assigned to the c o r r e c t phase, this i s the f i r s t major use of stone
masonry by the Mogollon.
It will be remembered that slab-linings
were found in several Mogollon 2 houses in the Forestdale a r e a (Haury
and Sayles 1947), but this use of stone i s quite distinct from the masonry
construction observed in Pithouse B at Starkweather.
There i s , how­
ever, some question about the phase assignment of Pithouse B, and i t
36
may pertain to the succeeding Mogollon 4 component of the Starkweather
occupation.
A few objects of shell, including Glycymeris bracelets and
Qlivella beads a r e indicative of trade between the Mogollon 3 occupants
of Starkweather and the Hohokam (Nesbitt 1938: 108-10).
In the Mimbres area, Mogollon 3 (San Francisco phase) com­
ponents were present at both Mogollon Village and the Harris site
(Haury 1936b).
Trade between the Mimbres a r e a Mogollon and the
Anasazi i s indicated by the presence of White Mound Black-on-white,
Kiatuthlanna Black-on-white, Lino Gray, and Kana-a Gray sherds from
the fills of pithouses (Haury 1936b: 26, 66).
The knowledge of Anasazi
Black-on-white pottery apparently exerted an influence on local Mogollon
potters who produced, for the f i r s t time during this period, a whiteslipped type known a s Three Circle Red-on-white.
Three Circle Red-
on-white represents a blend of Mogollon and Anasazi ceramic features.
It has a brownware paste and decoration i n r e d paint, both of which can
be attributed to Mogollon conceptions of pottery manufacture.
A chalky-
white slip also occurs; a feature that apparently resulted from Anasazi
influence.
Evidence of Hohokam trade and influence, during the Mogollon
3 period a t Mogollon Village and the Harris site, includes burial features
and artifacts.
The burial features a r e pit cremations and intentionally
broken pottery vessels, found with some of the inhumations (Haury
1936b, Fig. 30).
Artifacts, which probably represent trade from the
37
Hohokam, include Olivella beads, Vermetus beads, Glycymeris brace­
lets, and saucer-shaped shell beads (Haury 1936b, Fig. 30).
Mogollon 4
With the exception of a single house at the Bluff site, the
Mogollon 4 (Corduroy phase) period in the Forestdale a r e a has not
been described.
The subrectangular Bluff site house had been cut
into bedrock, and the lower portions of the walls were of this material.
Upper portions of the walls were of slabs and rubble, representing the
continued use of stone in wall construction, which f i r s t appeared in this
a r e a during Mogollon 2, perhaps a s a result of Basketmaker influence
(Haury and Sayles 1947: 44).
Lino Gray pottery was present in this
Mogollon 4 house at the Bluff site (Haury and Sayles 1947: 39),
apparently a product of trade with Anasazi groups to the north.
In the Point of Pines region, a single pithouse at Crooked
Ridge Village was tentatively assigned to the Mogollon 4 period (Wheat
1954, Fig. 62).
Kiatuthlanna Black-on-white pottery was found in
association with this pithouse, indicating trade with northern Anasazi
groups.
Mogollon 4, in the Point of Pines area, i s better known from
excavations at Nantack Village (Breternitz 1959).
Anasazi artifacts
found at Nantack include Reserve Black-on-white, Kiatuthlanna Blackon-white, Red Mesa Black-on-white, and Puerco Black-on-white
pottery (Breternitz 1959, Table 5) and full-grooved axes (Breternitz
38
1959: 53). Architectural features, perhaps reflecting Anasazi influence,
were discovered in four of the Nantack houses.
All of the houses had
peripherally-placed rocks, probably for the basal support of jacal walls.
This use of stone in wall construction may represent the beginning of
the transition from semi-subterranean pithouses to surface masonry,
a change believed due to Anasazi influence (Breternitz 1959: 22).
Hohokam contact in the Point of Pines a r e a also continued
during Mogollon 4.
Hohokam artifacts discovered at Nantack Village
were palettes, three-quarter grooved axes, Glycymeris bracelets,
shell rings, shell disc beads, and pottery.
Hohokam pottery types
included Sacaton Red-on-buff and Gila Plain from the Gila Basin.
The Mogollon 4 period (Three Circle phase) in the Reserve,
New Mexico a r e a i s known from excavations at several s i t e s .
One of
the more important i s the village at Turkey Foot Ridge (Martin,
Rinaldo, and Antevs 1949; Martin and Rinaldo 1950).
Contact between
the Mogollon 4 occupants of Turkey Foot Ridge and Anasazi groups to
the north i s indicated by the presence of Red Mesa Black-on-white,
Puerco Black-on-white, and Reserve Black-on-white pottery (Martin,
Rinaldo, and Antevs 1949: 190; Martin and Rinaldo 1950: 367-70).
Architectural features at Turkey Foot Ridge, that a r e indicative of
Anasazi influence, occurred in Pithouse C.
Pithouse C was constructed
during the late Mogollon 3 period, and apparently modified during
Mogollon 4.
Certain of the modifications a r e suggestive of Anasazi
influence.
Included a r e the conversion of the Lateral entrance passage
into a ventilator and the addition of sections of rubble masonry (Martin
and Rinaldo 1950: 250). A single Glycymeris bracelet i s the only indi­
cation of trade with the Hohokam (Martin and Rinaldo 1950: 348).
A second Reserve a r e a village, occupied during Mogollon 4,
i s the Twin Bridges site (Martin, Rinaldo, and Antevs 1949).
Although
a sherd of the Anasazi pottery type, Abajo Red-on-orange, was found
at the Twin Bridges site, i t came from the fill of one of the pithouses,
and may or may not be associated with the Mogollon 4 occupation.
The
only other evidence of foreign contact a t this site i s a Glycymeris
bracelet (Martin, Rinaldo, and Antevs 1949: 176, 191).
Additional information on the Mogollon 4 period, in the Reserve,
New Mexico region, i s derived from the SU site, where a few of the
houses were occupied during this time period.
Hohokam traits were
not recognizable in the trait complexes associated with these houses,
but an indication of Anasazi influence was in evidence.
This indication
includes the presence of Red Mesa Black-on-white pottery (Martin and
Rinaldo 1947: 306-8), and certain architectural features.
The architec­
tural features, restricted to a single pit structure (Y), consisted of a
ventilator, possible deflector, and firepLace arrangement, similar to
that in Anasazi kivas.
This complex of architectural features suggested
the possibility that House Y was, in fact, a ceremonial structure
(Martin and Rinaldo 1947: 310).
40
Few foreign t r a i t s were recognizable in the several Mogollon
4 (Three Circle phase) pithouses, present a t Starkweather Ruin (Nesbitt
1938; Wheat 1955, Table 5).
The only Anasazi trade items a r e full-
grooved axes (Nesbitt 1938: 103).
Hohokam trade pieces could not be
identified in the Mogollon 4 houses a t Starkweather Ruin.
Another Mogollon 4 site, with indications of foreign influence
in the Reserve area, i s LA 2947.
This site, known from a single pit-
house, was excavated during the course of a highway salvage project.
Although there were no Hohokam or Anasazi artifacts in the pithouse at
LA 2947, certain architectural features suggest Anasazi influence.
These features include a ventilator, a deflector, and a hearth, arranged
a s they often a r e in Anasazi kivas (Ferdon 1956: 79-86).
The hearth
had a clay curb, extending above the level of the floor, a trait which i s
more characteristic of the Anasazi than of the Mogollon (Bullard 1962:
157-8).
Anasazi influences were also recognizable in the Mogollon 4
component a t the Switchback site, another highway salvage operation
(Peckham 1957).
Included a r e Kana-a Gray, Kiatuthlanna Black-on-
white, and Red Mesa Black-on-white pottery.
Mogollon 4 in the Mimbres a r e a i s known from excavations at
the Harris site (Haury 1936b), at the Cameron Creek site (Bradfield
1929), and a t a ruin situated near Glenwood, New Mexico (Wendorf
1957).
Hohokam t r a i t s a t the Harris site include pit cremations, slate
41
palettes, bi-lobed beads, and numerous shell artifacts of various types
(Haury 1936b, Fig. 30).
Anasazi influence i s also in evidence during
the Mogollon 4 period at the Harris site, and i s manifested in the p r e s ­
ence of several pottery types.
The Anasazi pottery types a r e Lino
Black-on-gray, Red Mesa Black-on-white, and Reserve Black-onwhite (Haury 1936b: 66).
Eight of the Mogollon 4 pithouses at the Harris
site had, at least some, stone masonry included in their construction
(Haury 1936b, Fig. 25).
This new t r a i t in the Mimbres region i s
probably an introduction from the Anasazi a r e a .
Anasazi features a r e
not mentioned for the Mogollon 4 houses a t Cameron Creek village
(Bradfield 1929), but a number of Hohokam trade items can be recog­
nized.
Included a r e stone palettes, Olivella beads, shell disc beads,
Glycymeris bracelets, figure-8 beads, and carved sheLl pendants
(Bradfield 1929: 120-4).
A Mogollon 4 pithouse, discovered beneath a
Mimbres phase pueblo near Glenwood, New Mexico during the course
of a highway salvage excavation, produced Anasazi pottery which was
classified a s Kiatuthlanna-Red Mesa Black-on-white (Wendorf 1957).
The blend of Mogollon and Anasazi ceramic features, which
f i r s t occurred in the Mimbres a r e a during Mogollon 3, continued during
Mogollon 4.
Three Circle Red-on-white, produced in small quantities
during Mogollon 4, was gradually replaced by Mangas Black-on-white
(formerly known a s Mimbres Boldface Black-on-white).
Mangas Black-
on-white has a brownware paste and certain design features that represent
42
a carry-over from earlier Mogollon ideas.
Anasazi-derived elements
include the white slip, the black paint, and design elements (Haury
1936a: 22-7).
Mimbres Black-on-white, apparently derived from
Mangas Black-on-white and more common during the succeeding
Mimbres phase, also represents a combination of Mogollon and Anasazi
ceramic features (Haury 1936a: 22-7).
In addition to the Anasazi
features identifiable in Mangas and Mimbres Black-on-white pottery,
Hohokam elements a r e also detectable (Haury 1936a: 24-5).
Included
a r e the scroll and life-form designs.
Summary
The preceding survey of the evidence for foreign influences in
the Mogollon a r e a prior to A. D. 1000 indicates that these influences
were present during the earliest Mogollon period and that they increased
through time.
By Mogollon 4, a number of foreign features had a
significant place in Mogollon culture, foreshadowing the marked changes
which were to occur after A. D. 1000.
Anasazi elements were domi­
nant among the foreign t r a i t s which had been adopted into Mogollon cul­
ture by or during Mogollon 4.
Included a r e architectural features such
a s the use of stone for wall construction, the ventilator-deflector
fireplace arrangement reminiscent of Anasazi kivas, and possibly, hearths
with clay curbs.
Trade in Anasazi black-on-white pottery occurred,
a s did trade in stone artifacts, represented most definitely by
43
the full-grooved axe.
The Mimbres Mogollon had begun to adopt
Anasazi conceptions of pottery decoration.
Less common a r e Hohokam features, represented primarily
by trade items such a s stone palettes, shell ornaments, and pottery.
Pit cremations a r e also present, undoubtedly borrowed from the
Hohokam, and perhaps representing the beginning of the introduction
of more complex cultural patterns from the Hohokam.
Hohokam traits which occur in the Mogollon a r e a cannot be
associated with a specific portion of the Hohokam region.
A suggestion
at least, a s to the specific a r e a of origin of the Anasazi features can
be made, however.
A majority of the Anasazi pottery types which occur a s intrusives in the Mogollon a r e a prior to A. D. 1000 a r e Cibola Whiteware
types.
Included a r e La Plata Black-on-gray, White Mound Black-on-
white, Kiatuthlanna Black-on-white, Red Mesa Black-on-white, Puerco
Black-on-white, and Reserve Black-on-white.
The other four types,
Lino Gray, Lino Smudged, Lino Black-on-gray, and Kana-a Gray,
were apparently manufactured over a large part of the Anasazi region
including at least portions of the Cibola a r e a (Colton and Hargrave
1937).
Ceramic evidence, then, suggests the Cibola a r e a a s the
region from which Anasazi t r a i t s were diffused into the Mogollon a r e a
prior to A. D. 1000.
44
Anasazi architectural features which appear in the Mogollon
a r e a prior to A. D. 1000 occur over much of the Anasazi region
(Bullard 1962: 99-190), and a s a consequence they a r e of little help in
outlining a specific a r e a from which Anasazi traits moved into the
Mogollon region.
Despite this difficulty, i t i s worth noting that all of
the architectural t r a i t s which occur in the Mogollon region, in the
pre-A. D. 1000 period, a r e present i n the Cibola portion of the Anasazi
area.
In other words, a t least none of the Anasazi architectural t r a i t s
found in the Mogollon a r e a argue against the suggestion that the Cibola
a r e a was the point of origin of Anasazi t r a i t s which occur in the
Mogollon a r e a .
Ceramic evidence, then, with some slight support from
architectural data, indicates that the Cibola section of the Anasazi
a r e a was the point of origin for the Anasazi t r a i t s which diffused into
the Mogollon region prior to A. D. 1000.
Carlson (1961: 8) has recently
suggested that the boundaries of the Cibola a r e a should be from
Tohatchi, New Mexico on the north to Carrizo wash on the south, and
from the continental divide on the east to Petrified F o r e s t National
Monument on the west (Fig. 1).
THE DEVELOPMENT O F WESTERN PUEBLO CULTURE
The preceding section of this study suggests that the influences
which were to have such a marked effect on Mogollon culture during the
post-A. D. 1000 period were already present in the pre-1000 period.
During the pre-1000 period, Anasazi and Hohokam influences seem to
have been relatively insignificant, however, resulting in the introduc­
tion of only a few architectural ideas, a small quantity of trade goods,
and an alternative burial pattern, cremation.
These t r a i t s filtered
into the Mogollon a r e a over a long period of time, perhaps by means
of infrequent trade contacts which also resulted in the exchange of ideas.
By way of contrast, after A. D. 1000, Anasazi particularly,
and to a certain extent Hohokam, influences moved into the Mogollon
region a t a greatly accelerated r a t e .
This influx of non-Mogollon
features resulted in a cultural syncretism, with Mogollon, Anasazi,
and Hohokam elements all apparent in the result.
This syncretism,
defined herein a s Western Pueblo culture, forms the subject of discus­
sion for the remainder of this paper.
As the present study i s centered
on the development of Western Pueblo culture, occurrences after A. D.
1300 will not be considered in detail.
A general discussion of the
extension of Western Pueblo culture on a post-A. D. 1300 level will be
found below.
45
46
On the basis of differing complexes of archaeological traits,
the Western Pueblo region of east-central Arizona and west-central
New Mexico can be subdivided into a number of a r e a s (Fig. 2).
Four
of these a r e a s , Reserve, Point of Pines, Forestdale, and Mimbres,
a r e identical with the Mogollon a r e a s discussed above.
Additions to
this list, which a r e necessary to account for the greater spatial extent
of the early Western Pueblo development, a r e a l l in Arizona.
Included
a r e the Northern Sinagua a r e a about Flagstaff (Stanislawski 1964: 1),
the Southern Sinagua a r e a in the Verde Valley (Breternitz I960: 25),
and the Salado a r e a encompassing the Roosevelt Basin and adjacent
territory to the north (Haury 1945: 205-6).
One additional area, which might have been included in this
discussion, has been omitted until an ongoing program of field work
succeeds in explaining i t s somewhat enigmatic position.
This i s the
Vernon a r e a of Arizona, a section of the Little Colorado river drainage,
currently being studied by field parties from the Chicago Natural
History Museum (Martin and others 1964).
A tentative phase sequence
has been proposed for the Vernon a r e a (Longacre 1964b: 201-15), which
indicates that periods after the introduction of pottery represent a blend
of Anasazi and Mogollon t r a i t s (Martin and others 1964: 221).
The
Vernon a r e a i s situated near the northern limit of Mogollon development
and the southern limit of the Anasazi complex, both in terms of
geography and environmental zones.
Although this recognition of the
47
transitional nature of the Vernon a r e a helps to explain the blend of
Mogollon and Anasazi elements, i t i s of little assistance in the assign­
ment of the Vernon a r e a to either the Anasazi or the Western Pueblo
groupings.
The complexes of archaeological traits which s e r v e to define
the Anasazi Pueblo a r e a to the north and the Western Pueblo a r e a to
the south (see above) a r e not clear-cut in the Vernon a r e a , so i t i s not
easily grouped with either Western or Anasazi Pueblo.
A possible
solution seems forthcoming, however, a s a reconstruction of social
f o r m s for the Carter Ranch site (Longacre 1964a: 155-70) suggests that
the modern Western Pueblo pattern was in existence in the Vernon a r e a
a s early a s A. D. 1200.
This evidence of continuity into the modern
Western Pueblos i s supported by artifact and architectural similarities
between Vernon a r e a sites and the modern Western Pueblos (Martin and
others 1964).
As will be discussed below, there i s a good deal of evi­
dence which suggests that the Western Pueblo archaeological complex
was ancestral to the modern Western Pueblos.
If this i s indeed the
case, the Vernon a r e a should be admitted to the Western Pueblo com­
plex.
At any rate, future work by Chicago Natural History Museum
field parties should do much to provide answers to these questions.
Changes from A. D. 1000 to 1100
The period between 1000 and 1300 in the Reserve and Point of
Pines a r e a s has been subdivided into two units (Fig. 2).
The earlier of
48
the two, termed the Reserve phase, extends from 1000 to 1100, while
the sequent TuLarosa phase occupies the span from 1100 to roughly
1300.
It will be remembered that both the Reserve and the Point of
Pines areas were occupied, until about A. D. 1000, by groups of
Mogollon people who lived in pithouses, produced plain red, brown,
and red-on-brown pottery, and buried their dead in a flexed position,
to name only a few of the more obvious characteristics.
During the
Reserve phase, or between A. D. 1000 and 1100, changes occurred
which brought into existence a new and distinct cultural entity known
a s Western Pueblo culture.
The following summary of Reserve phase
characteristics i s offered to emphasize the extent of the changes which
occurred on a post-1000 level.
According to Olson (1959: 478), the Reserve phase centered
in the mountainous country along the Arizona-New Mexico border from
Reserve to Point of Pines and from Springerville on the north to the
headwaters of the Blue river on the south.
Within this a r e a , Reserve
phase sites a r e usually situated on tributaries of the major s t r e a m s or
on r i s e s above the major river valleys.
with from one to 30 rooms.
Typical sites a r e small pueblos
Ceremonial architecture consists of
rectangular rooms with ventilator-deflector-hearth arrangements,
which probably functioned a s small kivas, and rectangular great kivas.
Non-ceramic artifacts, for the most part, show continuity
from the antecedent Mogollon culture, although, a s will be noted below,
49
Hohokam trade items a r e more in evidence.
A majority of the pottery
has a brown ware paste, and vesseLs a r e characterized by an elaborately
manipulated exterior surface, with the technique of corrugation especially
prominent.
Bowls with smudged interiors a r e common.
painted pottery i s black-on-white.
Most of the
At the present time, it i s not known
whether or not black-on-white pottery was manufactured in the mountain­
ous country of east-central Arizona and west-central New Mexico
(Danson 1957: 90).
Until this problem i s solved, and more definite
points of origin can be deliniated, it seems better to refer to the blackon-white pottery which occurs in Reserve, and sequent Tularosa phase,
sites a s Anasazi-derived.
Whether the presence of this pottery i s a
result of trade or of local manufacture i s unknown, and for the purpose
of the present study, unimportant.
What i s important i s the fact that a
majority of this pottery had i t s inspiration i n the Cibola portion of the
Anasazi Pueblo a r e a (Anonymous 1958; Danson 1957: 90), and i s indica­
tive of significant influence from this region.
To a large extent, the changes which distinguish the Reserve
phase from the Mogollon 4 period can be attributed to Anasazi Pueblo
and Hohokam influences.
It i s instructive, therefore, to attempt an
identification of Anasazi and Hohokam t r a i t s in Reserve phase sites a s
an indication of the extent of these changes.
This i s attempted in the
following section which summarizes all of the Anasazi and
50
Hohokam-derived traits in excavated Reserve phase sites in the Point
of Pines and Reserve a r e a s .
Point of Pines Area
The Reserve phase in the Point of Pines a r e a i s known from
excavations in four sites, Arizona W:10:56 (Olson 1959: 280-373),
Arizona W:10:57 (OLson 1959: 373-98), the Dry Prong site (Olson I960:
185-204), and the Stove Canyon site (Johnson 1961: 563-7).
At Arizona W:10:56, 24
surface masonry rooms and six
subterranean rooms were excavated.
The artifact complexes from
the various units indicate contemporaneity or near-contemporaneity.
One of the pithouses had interior walls of masonry (Olson 1959: 297-8).
Anasazi derived pottery types at Arizona W:10:56 include Red Mesa
Black-on-white, Puerco Black-on-white, Snowflake Black-on-white,
Reserve Black-on-white, Wingate Black-on-red, and unidentified
black-on-whites with carbon paint which seem to have affinities with
the Flagstaff a r e a (Olson 1959, Fig. 62).
The only other artifacts
indicating Anasazi affiliations a r e full-grooved axes (OLson 1959: 337).
Hohokam trade at Arizona W:10:56 i s indicated by the p r e s ­
ence of Gila Plain and Sacaton Red-on-buff pottery from the Gila Basin
and Sacaton Red-on-buff, Safford variety pottery from the Safford
valley (Olson 1959, Fig. 62).
Other Hohokam items found at Arizona
W:10:56 a r e a Conus ring, a Cardium, carved shell, pendant,
51
Glycymeris bracelets, an Olivella bead, and shell disc beads (Olson
1959: 352-3).
In addition to trade, Hohokam influence of a different
type i s in evidence at Arizona W: 10:56.
With the exception of an early,
pre-ceramic occurrence of cremation at the Cienega site (Haury 1957:
2-27), the only burial practice in the Point of Pines a r e a prior to the
Reserve phase was inhumation (Robinson and Sprague 1965, Table 3).
Inhumation was still the common practice during the Reserve phase,
but cremation also occurred.
Twenty-five inhumations and a single
cremation were found at Arizona W:10:56 (Olson 1959: 359-60).
The
introduction of the practice of cremation into the Point of Pines a r e a
during the Reserve phase i s believed due to Hohokam influence
(Robinson and Sprague 1965: 449-50).
The single structure excavated at Arizona W:10:57 was a
rectangular, semi-subterranean, partially masonry-lined, room,
identified a s a kiva.
A ventilator-deflector-hearth arrangement,
comparable to similar arrangements in Anasazi kivas was encountered,
a s was a deep pit which may have functioned a s a foot drum (Olson 1959:
373-80).
The semi-subterranean kiva was associated with a small,
surface masonry, pueblo (Olson 1959: 380-1).
Pottery types with Anasazi
affiliations a t Arizona W:10:57 include Reserve Black-on-white, Snowflake Black-on-white, and Wingate Black-on-red.
Hohokam trade i s
manifested in the presence of Sacaton Red-on-buff, Safford variety
pottery and Glycymeris bracelets (Olson 1959: 397, Fig. 74).
52
The Dry Prong site consisted of a 14 room pueblo, several
one and two room, surface masonry, houses, and a great kiva with
attached masonry rooms (Olson I960, Fig. 2).
The single Anasazi-
derived pottery type at the Dry Prong site was Reserve Black-on-white
(Olson I960: 195).
Hohokam t r a i t s include Sacaton Red-on-buff, Safford
variety pottery and Glycymeris bracelets (Olson I960: 195, 198).
Reserve phase architectural features at the Stove Canyon site
include a small masonry pueblo and a ball court (Johnson 1961: 563-7).
The pueblo owes i t s inspiration to Anasazi influences, while the ball
court i s apparently derived from the Hohokam a r e a which i s the center
of Southwestern ball court development.
After about A. D. 900, ball
courts a r e found in a number of non-Hohokam a r e a s such a s the Flag­
staff (Schroeder 1949: 30) and the San Simon regions (Sayles 1945: 32;
Wheat 1955, Fig. 12).
It has been suggested that the expansion of the
ball court into non-Hohokam a r e a s i s a manifestation of the spread of
Hohokam religious concepts (Johnson 1961: 566-7), a possibility that
i s strengthened in the Point of Pines a r e a by the introduction of the
practice of cremation a t this same time (Robinson and Sprague 1965:
449-50).
Reserve Area
The Reserve phase in the a r e a about Reserve, New Mexico i s
known from excavations in seven sites (Arnold 1941: 256; Martin,
53
Rinaldo, and Antevs 1949; Martin and Rinaldo 1950; Bluhm 1957;
Peckham 1957).
One of the excavated ruins, known a s Site 27, consisted of two
contiguous rooms, constructed of crude masonry of unworked stones.
Artifacts were scarce, and neither Anasazi nor Hohokam items were
identifiable in the collection (Arnold 1941: 256).
Oak Springs Pueblo
was a seven room, L-shaped structure of stone masonry.
No Hohokam
artifacts were found, but Anasazi, manufactured or inspired, pottery of
a type known a s Reserve Black-on-white occurred (Martin, Rinaldo,
and Antevs 1949, Fig. 71).
Wet Leggett Pueblo had six, irregularly placed, contiguous
rooms of masonry, constructed of unshaped boulders held together with
mud m o r t a r . Artifacts of Anasazi derivation included Lino Gray,
Reserve Black-on-white, and Wingate Black-on-red pottery (Martin
and Rinaldo 1950, Table 14), and full-grooved axes (Martin and Rinaldo
1950: 480).
Hohokam items a t Wet Leggett Pueblo were Glycymeris
bracelets (Martin and Rinaldo 1950: 492).
Three Pines Pueblo con­
sisted of two architectural units of two masonry rooms each.
A
rectangular jacal structure was discovered below one of the masonry
units, apparently dating to a period just prior to the construction of the
masonry houses (Martin and Rinaldo 1950: 432).
Anasazi artifacts a t
Three Pines Pueblo were Lino Gray and Reserve Black-on-white pottery
vessels (Martin and Rinaldo 1950, Table 14).
54
South Leggett Pueblo included four, contiguous, masonry rooms
and a fifth masonry room unconnected to the other four (Martin and
Rinaldo 1950: 440).
Hohokam items were not in association, but
Anasazi derived pottery types, Reserve Black-on-white, Wingate
Black-on-red, and Lino Gray, were found in the rooms (Martin and
Rinaldo 1950, Table 14).
The Sawmill site (Bluhm 1957) was an L -
shaped pueblo of eight to ten, contiguous, surface masonry rooms and
an associated, but not contiguous, semi-subterranean great .kiva.
The
original walls of the great kiva were apparently jacal, although the
structure was later remodeled and masonry added (Bluhm 1957: 15-19)«
Anasazi pottery types at the Sawmill site included Lino Gray, White
Mound Black-on-white, Kiatuthlanna Black-on-white, Red Mesa Blackon-white, Puerco Black-on-white, Reserve Black-on-white, and Wingate
Black-on-red (Bluhm 1957: 30).
Hohokam trade at the Sawmill site i s
represented by Figure-8 shell beads, shell disc beads, and Glycymeris
bracelets (Bluhm 1957: 64-5).
Excavations at the Switchback site (Peckham 1957) disclosed
the presence of a Reserve phase, surface masonry, pueblo underlain
by pit structures dating to the Three Circle phase, the Three CircleReserve phase transition, and to the Reserve phase.
The combination
of Anasazi and Mogollon architectural features observed at the Switch­
back site indicates that i t was occupied at the time when the change
from pithouses to surface structures was occurring.
The transitional
55
nature of the site i s especially apparent in Rooms 2 and 3, which have
pithouse features, but also share a common, masonry wall (Peckham
1957: 36).
In addition to the Anasazi architectural features which
occur at the Switchback site, Anasazi pottery i s also present.
The
various types a r e Kana-a Black-on-white, Kiatuthlanna Black-on-white,
Red Mesa Black-on-white, Socorro Black-on-white, Wingate Black-onred, Reserve Black-on-white, and Tularosa Black-on-white (Peckham
1957, Fig. 8).
The Tularosa Black-on-white sherds a r e believed to
represent drift from neighboring Tularosa phase ruins (Peckham 1957:
26).
The preceding summary of identifiable Anasazi Pueblo and
Hohokam t r a i t s in Reserve phase sites in the Reserve and Point of
Pines a r e a s serves to emphasize the changes which occurred during
this period.
Small pueblos of masonry construction a r e now a signifi­
cant part of the architectural complex, although pithouses still continue
in use.
Anasazi-derived black-on-white and black-on-red pottery has,
for the most part, replaced the earlier Mogollon red-on-brown types.
Burial customs during the Reserve phase a r e in a state of flux, a s the
Mogollon pattern of flexure of the body i s replaced by extension.
At
Point of Pines, the alternative of cremation accompanies extended inhuma­
tion a s a new feature during the Reserve phase.
Changes in agricultural
practices also seem to occur during the Reserve phase, a s Woodbury
(1961: 37) suggests that t e r r a c e s and field borders f i r s t appear
56
in the Point of Pines region at this time.
As was the case during the Mogollon 4 period, most of the
foreign influence during the Reserve phase in the Point of Pines and
Reserve a r e a s seems to have come from the Cibola portion of the
Anasazi Pueblo a r e a (Fig. 1).
This inference i s based on the high
incidence of Cibola whiteware pottery types which occur in the Point
of Pines and Reserve a r e a s .
Hohokam influence during the Reserve
phase came from both the Gila Basin and the Safford valley regions of
Hohokam occupation.
Other Areas
Comparable occurrences a r e identifiable in a number of the
other Western Pueblo a r e a s during the A. D. 1000 to 1100 period (Fig.
2).
For the Mimbres area, Danson (1957: 17) has outlined a Mangas
phase, which, in part, corresponds to the Reserve phase known to the
north.
The Mangas phase has been assigned dates of A. D. 1000 to
1050.
Mangas phase characteristics attributable to Anasazi Pueblo
influences a r e one to 15 room pueblos with masonry walls, small,
rectangular, ceremonial rooms with ventilator-deflector-fireplace
arrangements typical of Anasazi kivas, black-on-white pottery, and
full-grooved axes. Although Anasazi t r a d e pottery remains to be
identified in Mangas phase contexts, the locally made black-on-white
types reflect Anasazi influence.
Hohokam features, identifiable in
57
Mangas phase contexts, a r e cremation (Danson 1957: 17) and potterydesigns (Haury 1936a: 22-7).
Marked changes occurred in the Forestdale portion of the
Western Pueblo area at this time, changes which a r e in large part
attributable to Anasazi Pueblo influence (Haury 1965, personal
communication).
In the Flagstaff a r e a , the Northern Sinagua complex,
which may represent the fusion of a local Mogollon variant (Colton
1939: 33-44; 1943; Mc.Gregor 1961: 23-7; Reed 1950) with Hohokam
features and traits from the Kayenta portion of the Anasazi Pueblo
a r e a (Stanislawski 1964: 1-9), had i t s origin during this period.
The
Southern Sinagua began to move south from the Flagstaff a r e a to occupy
the Verde Valley at this time (Breternitz I960: 27).
Earlier the Verde
Valley had been occupied by the Hohokam (Breternitz I960: 26-8).
The
only Western Pueblo a r e a not affected at this time was the Roosevelt
Basin.
Apparently the Salado complex, which was to develop in this area,
did not appear until about 1200.
It i s probable, however, that the ante­
cedents of the Salado complex had their origin in this 1000 to 1100
period, in the, a s yet little known, a r e a to the north of the Roosevelt
Basin.
Summary
In summary, the period between A. D. 1000 and 1100 in e a s t central Arizona and west-central New Mexico i s one of marked changes.
58
During this period, the indigenous MogoLLon culture changed from a
pattern which included pithouse villages, red-on-brown pottery, and
flexed inhumation to a pattern characterized by surface masonry
pueblos, black-on-white pottery, and extended inhumation.
These
changes, and others summarized above, a r e believed due to Anasazi
Pueblo and Hohokam influences.
In recognition of the significant changes
which occurred at this time and of the presence of many of the t r a i t s
which Reed (1948; 1951; 1956) lists a s diagnostic of the Western Pueblo
archaeological complex, i t i s suggested that the temporal limits of the
Western Pueblo complex be extended to include the 1000 to 1100 period.
It i s probable that no single explanation will account for the
increase in Anasazi and Hohokam influences between A. D. 1000 and
1100, which resulted in the cultural syncretism represented in Western
Pueblo culture.
Possible explanations a r e a change in attitude on the
part of the Mogollon towards a more ready acceptance of foreign ideas,
more intimate trade relations after 1000 between the Mogollon, Hohokam,
and Anasazi, or perhaps migrations of foreign groups into the Mogollon
a r e a after A. D. 1000.
In support of the latter suggestion, i t has been noticed that the
abandonment of the Anasazi Pueblo portion of the Southwest began even
before A. D. 1000 (Jett 1964: 281), and that there seems to be a popula­
tion increase during the 1000 to 1100 period, at least in the Point of
Pines (Woodbury 1961: 42) and Reserve portions (Bluhm I960: 543-4)
59
of the Western Pueblo a r e a .
The increased Hohokam influence observ­
able during the 1000 to 1100 period may be due to an expansion of
Hohokam culture which began a s much a s 200 years earlier and con­
tinued during this period (Arizona State Museum archaeological survey
files).
This expansion c a r r i e d Hohokam groups into the Western Pueblo
area, such a s at Flagstaff (Stani slaw ski 1964: 3) and along the Gila River
in the Safford Valley region (Arizona State Museum archaeological s u r ­
vey files).
Changes from A. D. 1100 to 1300
The previous brief outline and Olson's (1959: 464-92) detailed
summary of the Reserve phase indicate a good deal of variety in
architectural patterns, burial customs, and artifact forms during this
phase.
The large amount of variability suggests a period of transition
from the earlier Mogollon pattern to that of the Western Pueblo, and a
period before Western Pueblo characteristics had become crystallized.
By way of contrast, Olson's (1959: 464-506) summary of the sequent
Tularosa phase (A. D. 1100-1300) suggests that by Tularosa times the
cultural syncretism represented in the Western Pueblo complex had
been finalized, and that characteristic Western Pueblo patterns had
been established.
Consequently, a Tularosa phase site has been chosen
to exemplify developments in the Western Pueblo a r e a between A. D.
1100 and 1300.
60
The site chosen a s an example i s Turkey Creek pueblo (Arizona
W:10:78) situated three miles northwest of Point of Pines on the San
Carlos Indian Reservation of east-central Arizona.
Turkey Creek
Pueblo, occupied between 1100 and 1200, was excavated in 1958, 1959,
and I960 a s a segment of the activity a t the University of Arizona
Archaeological Field School.
The excavation was supported by a
National Science Foundation grant.
A technical report has been p r e ­
pared for publication.
Turkey Creek Pueblo
The major architectural complex at the Turkey Creek site was
a large, single-story, pueblo, which included approximately 325 con­
tiguous rooms, two plazas, a great kiva, and two small kivas (Fig. 3).
These features covered an a r e a some 80 m . in length on a north-south
axis by 75 m. in width on an east-west axis.
A shallow swale separated
this large complex from a contemporaneously occupied annex situated
on a low knoll to the south.
About 95% of the large complex was
excavated, including all of the ceremonial structures, 314 domiciliary
and storage rooms, and one of the plazas.
The other plaza was not
completely dug, but was outlined with trenches.
and a plaza were cleared in the south annex.
Portions of five rooms
Turkey Creek pueblo
corresponds to Reed's (1956: 16) plaza or multiple-court type of layout.
61
Pueblo rooms could be divided into 168 domiciliary and 146
storage structures on the basis of differences in size and the presence
or absence of hearths.
and all had hearths.
Domiciles were larger than storage rooms,
Storage rooms, conversely, were smaller than
domiciles and lacked hearths.
The most common type of wall construc­
tion at Turkey Creek, occurring in 97% of the c a s e s , consisted of
horizontal courses of tuff blocks held together with mud mortar and
chinked with spalLs of tuff.
Floors in the pueblo rooms consisted of a
layer of mud plaster, which varied from 2 or 3 cm. in thickness to 5
or 6 cm., and was blended into the plaster that coated the walls.
Main
supports for roofs were large beams, usually of pinon or juniper,
which were placed on the tops of the stone walls.
Additional support
for the beams was occasionally provided by posts set within the room
walls.
Smaller limbs were placed at right angles to the main beams,
and then sticks or reeds at right angles to the limbs.
Finally, the
entire wooden support was covered with a layer of clay, averaging 15
to 20 cm. in thickness.
An opening in the center of the roof served a s
a hatchway entrance and also a s a vent for the f i r e , which was
immediately below the opening.
Floor features included rectangular and circular hearths,
occasional metate bins, storage pits, and storage chambers.
A few
of the rooms were connected by interior doorways, rectangular rather
than T-shaped in outline.
More common connections between interior
62
rooms were small, square or circuLar, openings near the floor, which
apparently served a s vents to increase air circulation.
The Turkey Creek great kiva was a large rectangular structure,
measuring 12 m . on an east-west axis and 16 m . on a north-south axis,
situated near the center of the pueblo (Fig. 3).
The single entrance to
the great kiva was marked by a break i n the east wall.
opened into one of the plazas.
The entrance
Floor features in the great kiva included
a circular, basin-shaped, fireplace situated immediately in front of the
entrance.
A second, irregularly shaped, hearth was present in the
north-central portion of the kiva.
A narrow trench arrangement,
measuring 50 cm. in width and depth, was discovered in the central
portion of the kiva.
Although the trench was in two sections, one
re­
shaped and the other straight, the placement of the two formed a large
U, opening towards the entrance.
This trench arrangement i s believed
to have been covered with wooden boards and to have functioned a s a
foot drum.
The two small kivas were rectangular rooms, identical in
size and shape to the domiciles.
They were distinguished from the
domiciles by the presence of excavations into native soil which formed
benches.
Both of the small kivas had vents and hearths, but these
features were also present in domiciles and, consequently, did not
serve to set the small kivas apart from the normal living quarters.
The plazas were large, unroofed areas surrounded by pueblo rooms.
63
No special features were found in either of the plazas.
One of the
plazas was entered by a gate between two rooms on the east side of the
pueblo.
The other plaza was joined to the f i r s t by means of a long,
narrow hallway along the north side of the great kiva.
Two types of disposal of the dead were practiced by the
inhabitants of Turkey Creek pueblo, inhumation and cremation.
The
former method was, by far, the most common, a s will be noted from
the fact that 242 inhumations were excavated a s opposed to only 25
cremations.
The favored places for burial were eight t r a s h mounds
that ringed the pueblo, although 50 inhumations were discovered
beneath the floors of rooms in the pueblo (Fig. 3).
A majority of the
below-floor inhumations were either fetuses or infants, while older
individuals were usually buried in the t r a s h mounds.
This burial
pattern suggests status differences, based on an age-grading system,
which i s undoubtedly related to the type of social structure at Turkey
Creek pueblo.
Inhumation graves were unelaborate, consisting of
oval pits of a size just large enough to accommodate a fully extended
body.
Of the 183 inhumations for which type of burial could be d e t e r ­
mined, 167 or 91% were fully extended. Only four of the extended
burials rested on their sides; the others were supine.
A majority of
the inhumations were accompanied by offerings, which were usually
pottery vessels or sherds.
were secondary.
All of the cremations from Turkey Creek
Usually, the calcined fragments of bone from the
64
crematorium were placed in pottery vessels, although a few pit c r e m a ­
tions were encountered.
By f a r , a majority of the pottery from the Turkey Creek site
i s believed to have been locally made by potters who resided at the
pueblo (Fig. 4).
Most of i t has a brownware paste, probably a result
of the utilization of the red-orange, native soil which underlies the
site a s a major source of materials.
All of the locally made pottery
was apparently constructed by the coil method.
forms a r e most usual.
Simple bowl and jar
Exterior surfaces of j a r s and both interior and
exterior surfaces of bowls have been modified in various ways by the
use of a number of techniques.
The most common of these techniques
a r e indented corrugation, plain corrugation, incising, punching
(punctating), smoothing, polishing, slipping, smudging, and painting.
The use of these techniques, both individually and in combination,
resulted in the production of the distinct types listed below.
Reserve Plain Corrugated
McDonald Painted Corrugated
Reserve Indented Corrugated
McDonald Patterned Corrugated
Reserve Incised Corrugated
Tularosa White-on-red
Reserve Punched Corrugated
Tularosa Fillet Rim
Tularosa Patterned Corrugated
Tularosa Fillet Rim, White-on-red
Three Circle Neck Corrugated
Point of Pines Punctate
Pine Flat Neck Corrugated
Plainware
Obliterated Corrugated
Redware
Figure 4.
Examples of locally made pottery types from Turkey Creek
pueblo,
a , Reserve Plain Corrugated jar; b-e, Reserve
Indented Corrugated bowls; f-g, Reserve Indented Corrugated
jars; h, Reserve Indented Corrugated seed jar; i , Tularosa
Patterned Corrugated j a r .
Height of i, 18.6 c m .
65
66
In addition to the locally made types which formed the bulk of
the pottery at the site, trade pottery was found in some abundance (Fig.
5).
Most common among the trade wares were Reserve, Tularosa,
and Snowflake Black-on-whites, all types which owe their ultimate
derivation to the Cibola portion of the Anasazi region.
Many of the
other intrusive types also point to an ultimate origin in this area, sug­
gesting that the Cibola a r e a was instrumental in the change from
Mogollon to Western Pueblo.
All of the intrusive types which occurred
at Turkey Creek pueblo a r e listed below.
Reserve Black-on-white
Holbrook Black-on-white
Tularosa Black-on-white
Sosi Black-on-white
Snowflake Black-on-white
Walnut Black-on-white
Puerco Black-on-red
Flagstaff Black-on-white
Wingate Black-on-red
Mimbres Black-on-white
North Plains Black-on-red
Starkweather Smudged Decorated
Wingate Polychrome
Gila Plain
St. Johns Polychrome
Encinas Red-on-brown
Showlow Black-on-red
San Carlos Red-on-brown
Escavada Black-on-white
Sacaton Red-on-buff, Safford Variety
Gallup Black-on-white
Casa Grande Red-on-buff, Safford
Variety
Ceramic artifacts from Turkey Creek include modeled objects
and objects manufactured from sherds.
Modeled objects a r e human
Figure 5.
Examples of Ana sazi-derived pottery types from Turkey
Creek pueblo,
a - c . Reserve Black-on-white; d-e, Reserve-
Tularosa Black-on-white; jg-i, Tularosa Black-on-white.
Diameter of i, 22. 7 cm.
67
68
and animal figures, spindle whorls, arrowshaft smoothers, miscellane­
ous smoothers, and a pulley-shaped object, perhaps an ear plug.
Sherd
artifacts include discs (Fig. 6a), dishes, pendants, and s c r a p e r s .
Most of the Turkey Creek projectile points a r e small triangular
forms with concave bases (Fig. 6i ).
varieties occur.
Unnotched and side notched
A few, triangular, bifacially chipped blades, and a
large number of flake knives (Fig. 6g) were used a s cutting tools.
Drills of stone have expanded bases and thin, tapering stems (Fig. 6k).
The category s c r a p e r s includes a variety of forms, with larger
examples identifiable as planes (Fig, 7g).
Hand choppers were used,
a s were cutting tools formed from thin plates of stone.
The latter
objects a r e often identified a s hoes.
Full-trough and basin metates were both used by the inhabitants
of Turkey Creek.
Metates were ground on with two-hand, unifacial and
bifacial manos, and with handstones or one-hand manos.
Another type
of food grinding implement from Turkey Creek i s the stone mortar,
used either with a conical or cylindrical stone pestle.
Small grinding
tools include palettes (Fig. 7a) and stone vessels (Fig. 7e).
Common
stone artifacts, which may have been used a s pestles with the palettes
and stone vessels, a r e stone cylinders (Fig. 7f) and cones.
Various
miscellaneous grinding tools a r e present a s well a s polishing stones.
Axes, of the three-quarter grooved variety (Fig. 7c), a r e the
most common type at Turkey Creek.
Many a r e manufactured from a
Figure 6.
Representative small artifacts from Turkey Creek pueblo,
a , perforated sherd disc; b, carved shell pendant; c ,
Turitella pendant; d, Glycyraeris bracelet; e, clay figurine;
f, flake knife; g, bone ring; h, stone effigy; i, projectile
point; j, expanded-base drill; k, antler flaker; I, bone awl.
Length of I, 18. 3 cm.
Figure 7. Representative stone artifacts from Turkey Creek pueblo.
a, palette; b, polishing stone; c , three-quarter grooved axe;
d, shaft smoother; e, stone vessel; f, cylinder; g, s c r a p e r .
Length of f, 10. 8 cm.
71
dense, fine-grained, green or black-colored stone.
a r e present, but in small quantities.
ing in their pointed blades.
Full grooved axes
Picks a r e similar to axes, differ­
Mauls were probably multi-purpose tools
for use in many chores where a heavy hammer or crusher was neces­
sary.
Small, flat plates of sandstone, with one or both edges sharpened
a r e identified a s r a s p s .
Stones about the size of the palm of the hand,
with one or multiple grooves probably functioned a s arrowshaft
smoothers (Fig. 7d).
F i r e hearths a r e small, rectangular blocks of
pumice with conical holes near the edges, apparently to hold the tip of
a wooden f i r e drill.
Anvil stones a r e large, water-washed, oval rocks with traces
of pecking on the faces.
ends.
Digging tools a r e elongate stones with battered
Stone pipes have conical shapes.
stone artifacts cannot be inferred.
discs, crescents, and troughs.
The function of a number of
Included a r e stone rings, balls,
Both large and small anthropomorphic
and zoomorphic effigies were made from stone (Fig. 6i ).
Stone pendants
include animal forms, rectangular shapes, conical shapes, and drilled
fossils.
Other stone ornaments a r e nose plugs and disc beads.
Small
rectangular pieces of worked turquoise a r e from mosaics.
Artifacts were manufactured from bone and antler a s well a s
from pottery and stone.
Bone artifacts a r e awls (Fig. 6m), awl-
spatulas, end scrapers, weaving tools, flakers, beamers, rings (Fig.
6h), tubes, whistles, rasps, and pendants.
Antler tools a r e flakers
72
(Fig. 6 1 ) , rubbers, and arrowshaft wrenches.
SheLL artifacts from the Turkey Creek site a r e , with the
exception of a few awls and needLes, of an ornamental nature.
Orna­
ment types represented in the collection a r e bracelets (Fig. 6d),
rings, pendants (Fig. 6b, c), beads, and tinklers.
They a r e believed
to represent trade from the River Hohokam of southern Arizona, who
were the great shell workers and t r a d e r s of the prehistoric Southwest
(Gladwin and others 1937: 135-53).
The only artifacts of metal from the Turkey Creek site a r e
eight, small, copper bells.
Copper bells a r e well known objects from
Southwestern archaeological sites, a s over 450 have been recovered
from some 62 ruins.
Their ultimate origin was undoubtedly Mexico,
where they were produced by the lost wax method of casting (Sprague
and Signori 1963: 1).
To reach the Point of Pines area, the bells may
have come through the Hohokam region where they occur more
frequently.
Obvious in the Turkey Creek complex a r e the features listed
in the introduction a s diagnostics of Western Pueblo culture.
Turkey
Creek pueblo has the typical Western Pueblo plaza or multiple-court
type of layout; rectangular small kivas; a majority of the pottery has a
brownware paste; three-quarter grooved axes a r e common; extended
supine inhumation predominates.
The two features noted a s character­
istics of portions of the Western Pueblo a r e a , rectangular great kivas
73
and cremations, a r e both present.
Although there was no direct evi­
dence for either turkey hunting or keeping in the archaeological record,
the practice of hunting can be inferred from the presence of turkey
bones and the absence of turkey pens or other t r a c e s of their captivity.
On the basis of the occurrence of these diagnostic traits, then,
Turkey Creek can be identified a s a Western Pueblo site.
If "Western
Pueblo culture truly represents a syncretism of Mogollon, Anasazi,
and Hohokam traits, i t should be possible to identify features which
originated in each of these a r e a s in the Turkey Creek complex.
This
i s , indeed, the case.
Anasazi features identifiable in the Turkey Creek complex
include pueblo architecture and black-on-white, black-on-red, and poly­
chrome pottery types.
The ultimate derivation of most of these types,
and certainly of the ones which occur in greatest quantity, i s the Cibola
portion of the Anasazi Pueblo a r e a .
This suggests that the contacts
made by the Point of Pines Mogollon during the pre-1000 period and con­
tinued during the Reserve phase, were also maintained for the 1100 to
1300 period.
Another Anasazi-derived trait at the Turkey Creek site
i s the full-grooved stone axe.
Three-quarter grooved axes a r e charac­
teristic of the Mogollon and Hohokam a r e a s , while the full-grooved axe
i s typical of the Anasazi Pueblo region.
The presence of a few full-
grooved axes at Turkey Creek, then, probably represents trade with
Anasazi groups to the north.
74
The Hohokam contribution to Western PuebLo cultural develop­
ment, a s exemplified by the Turkey Creek site, i s most obvious in the
wide variety of Hohokam artifacts which occur in the collection from the
site.
All of the items a r e small, easily transportable, and probably
represent trade goods.
Included a r e objects of clay such a s human
figurines, modeled spindle whorls, and a sherd pendant in the form of
a stylized bird.
The stylized bird i s a type that commonly appears in
Hohokam pottery designs.
Stone artifacts which had their origin in the
Hohokam a r e a a r e palettes, and small pieces of turquoise from t u r ­
quoise mosaics.
The three-quarter grooved axe, which may owe its
presence in Western Pueblo sites to an inheritance from the Mogollon,
apparently had i t s ultimate origin in the Hohokam region.
Shell artifacts traded from the Hohokam a r e of particularly
common occurrence at Turkey Creek.
Included a r e Glycymeris awls,
needles, and bracelets; Conus rings; whole and carved shell pendants;
whole, disc, andfigure-8 beads; and Conus tinklers.
Copper bells,
with an ultimate origin in Mexico, may have filtered through the
Hohokam a r e a into the Western Pueblo Turkey Creek site.
Hohokam
influence, other than trade for material items, i s suggested by the
presence of 25 cremations at Turkey Creek.
As noted above, the
practice of cremation, which f i r s t occurred in the Point of Pines a r e a
during the Reserve phase, i s perhaps indicative of the introduction of
Hohokam religious concepts.
75
On the basis of the types of Hohokam pottery which occur at
Turkey Creek and on certain other lines of evidence, a suggestion, a t
least, can be made a s to the specific sections of the Hohokam region
from which these t r a i t s were introduced.
One of these types i s Gila
Plain, the common Hohokam utility type which occurs over most of the
Gila Basin region.
The presence of this type suggests trade with
Hohokam groups dwelling along the Gila r i v e r from Florence to Gila
Bend.
Other Hohokam t r a i t s seem to have come from settlements
situated along the Gila river between the present towns of Bylas and
Safford, Arizona.
This portion of the Gila river was apparently not
occupied by the Hohokam until about A. D. 1000.
By the period between
1100 and 1200 intimate contact between the Point of Pines Western
Pueblo settlements and the Bylas-Safford region i s indicated.
Evi­
dence for this contact comes from recently acquired knowledge of
archaeological sites in this region (Arizona State Museum files), which
seem to represent a southward extension of the Point of Pines complex.
In addition, the Safford varieties of Sacaton and Casa Grande Red-onbuff pottery both occur in the Point of Pines region, pointing to trade
with the settlements to the south.
Both varieties a r e present in the
ceramic complex from Turkey Creek pueblo.
The Western Pueblo debt to Mogollon culture includes most of
the remaining traits in the above summary of features at Turkey Creek
pueblo.
Especially notable a r e the wide variety of ceramic and
non-ceramic artifactual forms.
Although Anasazi, Mogollon, and
Hohokam features a r e all identifiable i n Western Pueblo culture, i t
should be recognized that something more than Mogollon culture with
an overlay of Anasazi and Hohokam traits i s represented.
Western
Pueblo culture i s a new and distinct entity.
One of the types of ceremonial architecture which occurred
at Turkey Creek pueblo can be cited a s an example of the combination
of pre-existing traits to form new and distinctive features.
The
rectangular small kiva i s one of the features which Reed (1948: 9) lists
a s diagnostic of Western Pueblo culture.
Two, small, rectangular
kivas were present at Turkey Creek pueblo. As noted above, in the
discussion of the pre-A. D. 1000 foreign influences on Mogollon culture,
this form of ceremonial architecture seems to have i t s origin in the
combination of Mogollon 4 rectangular pithouses and the Anasazi
ventilator-deflector-fireplace complex.
The common occurrence of
this type of structure during Mogollon 4 suggests a domiciliary function,
although ceremonial associations a r e also possible.
During the period between A. D. 1000 and 1100, similar s t r u c ­
tures, now partially above ground, occur in combination with other
rooms which a r e identifiable a s domiciles and storage chambers (Olson
1959: 43-69).
These occurrences and the fact that rectangular small
kivas never occur in quantity at a site, suggest that a new function,
perhaps ceremonial, has been assigned.
Support for this interpretation
77
comes from ethnographic analogy, a s rectangular small kivas a r e
known from the Hopi Pueblos and from Zuni (Rinaldo 1964: 93-4).
The rectangular small kiva, then, i s believed to be a combination of
a Mogollon trait, the rectangular pithouse, with an Anasazi trait, the
ventilator-deflector-fireplace complex, to form a distinctive Western
Pueblo feature.
Other Areas
Turkey Creek pueblo, a Tularosa phase site in the Point of
Pines a r e a , has been offered a s an example of developments in the
Western Pueblo region between A. D. 1100 and 1300.
Discussions of
comparable occurrences in other portions of the Western Pueblo region
would involve a great deal of repetition, and consequently these
occurrences will only be noted in passing.
Although not yet described
in print, the Forestdale situation was apparently quite similar to that
a t Point of Pines (Haury 1965, personal communication), a s was the
development in the Reserve a r e a (Olson 1959: 464-506).
The Reserve
a r e a was apparently abandoned about 1250 (Bluhm I960: 541) and did
not participate in later developments in the Western Pueblo a r e a .
In the Mimbres area, the Mangas phase was followed by the
Mimbres phase, characterized by large pueblos with multiple court
layouts, rectangular small kivas, black-on-white pottery, and a nonceramic artifact complex inherited from Mogollon antecedents with
78
numerous Hohokam additions.
During the Mimbres phase, the Mimbres
a r e a differed from other Western Pueblo a r e a s in retaining the earlier
flexed inhumation pattern.
Occasional cremations also occur.
The
characteristic Mimbres Black-on-white pottery was not manufactured
much after A. D. 1200, a fact which has suggested that the Mimbres
a r e a was abandoned a t this time (Danson 1957: 17-18).
Later pottery
types have been reported (Arizona State Museum archaeological survey
files), however, indicating that occupation may have lasted until a
later date.
Developments in the Northern and Southern Sinagua a r e a s
(Breternitz I960; Stanislawski 1964) were generally similar, and the
Western Pueblo Salado complex had begun to attain a distinction in the
Roosevelt Basin (Pomeroy 1962: 70).
THE EXPANSION OF WESTERN PUEBLO CULTURE
Although somewhat beyond the problem orientation of the p r e s ­
ent study, some mention should be made of the expansion of Western
Pueblo culture after A. D. 1300, and of the evidence for continuity from
the Western Pueblo archaeological complex into the modern Western
Pueblos.
Reed (1950) has previously noted the post-A. D. 1300 expan­
sion of Western Pueblo culture, and has called attention to the significant
r o l e it played in the later history of the Southwest.
He notes an expan­
sion into southern Arizona, into the Rio Grande a r e a , and into the
Anasazi Pueblo region of the northern Southwest.
The post-A. D. 1300 expansion of Western Pueblo culture into
southern Arizona i s the story of the spread of Salado t r a i t s and peoples
into this region.
Significant influence in the Hohokam a r e a has been
noted (Haury 1945: 204-13), a s well a s in southeastern Arizona (Johnson
and Thompson 1963: 465-81), and northern Chihuahua, Mexico (Sayles
1936, Table 1).
Reed (1950: 132) has suggested that a complex of traits,
including glaze-paint redware pottery, square kivas, and fine-polished
axes, which occur in the Rio Grande a r e a after A. D. 1300 may be a
result of the expansion of Western Pueblo culture.
As noted above,
the modern Keresan-speaking pueblos of the Rio Grande have a type
of social organization which r e l a t e s them to such Western Pueblos a s
79
80
the Hopi villages, Zuni, and Acoma.
If Reed i s c o r r e c t in relating the
presence of the above t r a i t s in the Rio Grande to the Western Pueblo
expansion, i t can be suggested, at least, that the Keresan social pattern
also had its origin in this expansion.
Be that a s i t may, there i s ample evidence o£ the influence of
the Western Pueblo archaeological complex in the Anasazi Pueblo area,
and in such modern Western Pueblos a s the Hopi villages, Zuni, and
Acoma.
No attempt will be made to provide an exhaustive catalog of
the evidence for continuity from the Western Pueblo archaeological
complex into the modern Western Pueblos.
Rather, a number of the
t r a i t s which Reed (1948: 1951a; 1956) lists a s diagnostic of the Western
Pueblo archaeological complex will be used a s examples.
It should be
noted, however, that continuity between the Western Pueblo archaeo­
logical complex and the modern Western Pueblos i s in evidence in many
other cultural features than a r e listed herein (Rinaldo 1964: 86-98).
An important study which remains to be accomplished i s an exhaustive
examination of the evidence for continuity.
Unfortunately, this will be
difficult until additional information i s available on the material items
of the Western Pueblos, especially for the period immediately preced­
ing the Spanish entrada.
Architectural evidence for continuity between the prehistoric
Western Pueblo archaeological complex and the modern Western
Pueblos, other than general features such a s contiguous rooms and
81
masonry construction, includes the presence of rectangular small
kivas in both.
The origin and distribution of the rectangular small
kiva in Western Pueblo archaeological complexes was noted above.
Its
presence in the Hopi villages and at Acoma has been noted by Stubbs
(1950: 101-20, Fig. 20), and a t Zuni by Cushing (1896: 364).
Reed (1956: 16) has noted that typical Western Pueblo archaeo­
logical sites have plaza or multiple-court layouts, in which the rooms
face systematically i n t o one or more centers.
While this feature i s
not identifiable in the modern Western Pueblos, probably a s a result
of Spanish influence (Reed 1956: 16), i t i s identifiable in Western Pueblo
sites occupied just prior to the coming of the Spanish (Reed 1956: 16).
This suggests, then, that the plaza or multiple court layout i s a feature
which would link the prehistoric Western Pueblo complex with the
modern Western Pueblos, had Spanish influence not resulted in the
imposition of a different type of layout.
Continuities in burial practices, from the Western Pueblo
archaeological complex into the modern Western Pueblos, a r e
especially interesting at Zuni.
Early sites in the Zuni a r e a ar e typical
of the Anasazi Pueblo region a s a whole in their high incedence of
flexed inhumation (Stanislawski 1963: 308).
During the period between
1300 and 1670 when the historic Zuni pueblo of Hawikuh was abandoned
(Hodge 1922: 1), extended inhumations predominate.
Extended inhuma­
tion i s one of the diagnostics which Reed (1948: 9) lists for the Western
82
Pueblo archaeological complex.
An alternative pattern which occurred
a t Hawikuh (Hodge 1922: 8) was that of cremation.
Cremation was
prominent in only one portion of the Western Pueblo archaeological
region, Point of Pines (Robinson and Sprague 1965: 449-50).
The
presence of cremation a t Hawikuh and at Point of Pines suggests an
intimate connection, and perhaps even migration.
Ceramic continuities between the Western Pueblo archaeological
complex and the modern Western Pueblos a r e somewhat l e s s clear than
in the case of architectural features or burials.
Much of the ceramic
history of the Western Pueblo a r e a was dominated by the White Mountain
redware tradition (Carlson 1961), which, unfortunately a s far a s the case
for continuity i s concerned, was submerged by a brown-on-buff pottery
tradition about A. D. 1500.
The record for this late period i s far from
complete, and additional work will be necessary to work out the com­
plete picture.
Despite these difficulties, it should be noted that charac­
teristic features of White Mountain redware types do occur on types of
the brown-on-buff tradition.
In addition to design elements, a charac­
teristic White Mountain redware technique of outlining i s present.
This
technique consists of f i r s t applying the outline and then filling in the
motif (Carlson 1961: 282-4).
One other t r a i t which Reed (1948: 9) lists a s a diagnostic of
the Western Pueblo archaeological complex and which occurs in
historically occupied Western Pueblo sites i s the three-quarter grooved
83
stone axe.
This axe form has been noted at Awatovi (Woodbury 1954,
Table 19) where i t appears f i r s t during Pueblo IV to be used alongside
the typical Anasazi Pueblo full-grooved axe.
Three-quarter grooved
axes a r e also reported for Hawikuh (Reed 1950: 135).
In summary, several of the t r a i t s which Reed (1948; 1951;
1956) lists a s diagnostic of the Western Pueblo archaeological com­
plex occur also in the modern Western Pueblos indicating continuity
from one into the other.
Despite the evidence for continuity, i t should
be noted that the modern Western Pueblo development cannot be
explained a s a simple inheritance of t r a i t s from the archaeological
Western Pueblo complex, but that many other factors have to be taken
into consideration.
Included a r e the influences of the Anasazi Pueblo
archaeological complex, the Hohokam archaeological complex, Mesoamerican introductions (Stanislawski 1964: 538), and environmental
factors, to mention only a few of the influences which have helped shape
the present pattern of Western Pueblo culture.
SUMMARY
ArchaeoLogicaL r e s e a r c h in east-central Arizona and westcentral New Mexico has succeeded in defining a distinctive cultural
entity, the Mogollon, which came into existence about A. D. 1 and lasted
until A. D. 1000.
The 1000 years of Mogollon culture history a r e c h a r ­
acterized by the indigenous evolution of pithouse villages, brownware
pottery, and various artifact forms.
acteristic burial type.
Flexed inhumation was the c h a r ­
Foreign influences were relatively insignificant,
resulting in the introduction of a few architectural and artifact forms
from the Anasazi Pueblo a r e a , and in different artifacts and an alterna­
tive method of disposal of the dead, cremation, from the Hohokam a r e a .
After A, D. 1000, Anasazi and Hohokam influences, for an a s
yet unknown reason, moved into the Mogollon a r e a at a greatly acceler­
ated r a t e .
This intrusion of foreign features resulted in the disappear­
ance of Mogollon culture, and the development of a new entity, Western
Pueblo culture.
Western Pueblo culture represents a syncretism of
Mogollon, Anasazi, and Hohokam elements.
Diagnostic t r a i t s of the
entire Western Pueblo region include the plaza or multiple-court type
of pueblo layout, rectangular small kivas, brownware pottery, the
three-quarter grooved stone axe, and extended supine inhumation.
Rectangular great kivas and the practice of cremation characterize
84
85
smaller segments of the Western Pueblo area.
The Cibola and Kayenta
portions of the Anasazi area were instrumental in the introduction of
Anasazi traits into the Mogollon area, during this post-A. D. 1000
period, while the Gila Basin and the Safford Valley areas of Hohokam
occupation were responsible for the introduction of other features.
Slightly differing complexes of archaeological traits allow the
Western Pueblo region to be subdivided into a number of areas.
Included are the Reserve and Mimbres areas in New Mexico, and the
Forestdale, Point of Pines, Verde Valley, Flagstaff, and Roosevelt
Basin areas in Arizona.
Reserve and Point of Pines have been explored
more thoroughly than the other areas mentioned above, and consequently
they are used to exemplify the development of Western Pueblo culture.
Temporal limits for the origin and early development of Western
Pueblo culture are from A. D. 1000 to 1300.
In the Reserve and Point of Pines areas, the period between
A. D. 1000 and 1300 is subdivided into two units.
The first of these,
from 1000 to 1100, is the Reserve phase, which is characterized by
small masonry pueblos, black-on-white painted pottery, brownware
utility pottery, alternative burial patterns, and a non-ceramic artifact
complex inherited from the antecedent Mogollon culture.
The Reserve
phase is the initial taxonomic unit of the Western Pueblo culture in the
Reserve and Point of Pines areas.
Archaeological trait variability,
observable in Reserve phase sites, suggests a period of transition
86
before Western Pueblo patterns were firmly established.
The sequent Tularosa phase (A. D. 1100-1300) is characterized
by a greater degree of internal consistency, indicating that by this
time Western Pueblo patterns had become established.
As a con­
sequence, a typical Tularosa-phase site was selected to exemplify
this segment of the development of the Western Pueblo cultural tradi­
tion.
The site selected is Turkey Creek pueblo, a large ruin, occupied
between A. D. 1100 and 1200, in the Point of Pines area.
All of the
diagnostic Western Pueblo traits are observable in the Turkey Creek
complex, which represents a syncretism of Mogollon, Hohokam, and
Anasazi features.
Although they are not known in such detail, comparable
developments were taking place in other Western Pueblo areas at this
time.
After A. D. 1300, and the end of the Tularosa phase, Western
Pueblo culture expanded beyond its earlier limits.
This expansion
carried Western Pueblo traits, and probably peoples, into southern
Arizona, northern Chihuahua, Mexico, and into the Anasazi Pueblo
region of the northern Southwest.
It is believed that this influence can
still be detected today in the modern Western Pueblos such as Hopi,
Zuni, and Acoma.
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